S'./O  .  2./ 


Purchased  by  the  Mary  Cheves  Dulles  Fund. 


Division  -^ 


Section 


:p37 


Prcl)i0toric  America. 


The  Mound  Builders. 

Animal  Effigies. 
The  Cliff   Dwellers. 

Ruined  Cities. 
Myths  and  Symbols. 

I  i 


MYTHS  AND  SYMBOLS 


OR 


Aboriginal   Religions 


IN 


America 


BY 


STEPHEN  D.  PEET,  Ph.  D. 

Member  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society ;  New  England  Historical 

and  Genealogical  Society ;  Corresponding  Member  of  the  American 

Oriental  Society;   Numismatic   Society,  New  York;    Victoria 

Institute;   Society  of  Biblical  Archeology  ;  also.  Editor 

American    Antiquarian    and    Oriental   fournaL 


ILLUSTRATED. 


CHICAGO: 

OFFICE   OF    THE   AMERICAN   ANTIQUARIAN. 
190  5. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I N  preparing-  a  book  on  the  Aborig-inal  Religions  of  America, 
the  author  has  been  impressed  with  the  thought  that  very 
few  have  ever  beeu  written  or  published  upon  the  subject. 
It  is  true  that  there  are  many  books  upon  American  Myth- 
thology,  but  there  is  a  difference  between  mythology  and 
religion,  for  mythology  is  occupied  mostly  with  the  fanci- 
ful tales  of  the  people,  and  belongs  mainly  to  the  depart- 
ment of  literature  ;  while  the  aboriginal  religions  relate  to 
the  Divinities  about  which  the  myths  are  concerned.  They 
are  very  comprehensive,  and  include  not  only  the  cere- 
monies, sacred  dramas,  and  religious  exercises,  but  also  the 
symbols  and  external  signs  and  objects  of  worship,  thus 
making  a  double  title  necessary. 

It  is  true  that  the  mythology  of  the  American  Aborigines 
is  closely  connected  with  religious  ceremonies  which  are  ex- 
planatory of  them,  and  in  this  respect  resemble  the  cere- 
monies which  were  common  among  the  Egyptians  and 
Greeks,  especiall}^  the  Eleusinian  mysteries.  These  mys- 
teries were  so  secret  that  their  significance  was  unknown, 
except  to  the  initiated,  and  yet  the  probability  is  that  the 
great  tragedies  of  nature,  which  consist  in  the  return  of  the 
seasons  and  the  war  of  the  elements,  and  the  relation  of  the 
activities  of  the  earth  to  the  power  of  the  heavenly  bodies, 
were  in  reality  quite  similar  to  these  sacred  dramas  practised 
by  the  natives  of  this  continent. 

The  Scandinavian  mythology,  which  has  become  familiar 
to  us  through  the  volumes  of  the  younger  Edda,  also  illus- 
trates this  point.  It  had  to  do  with  the  powers  of  nature 
and  the  remarkable  scenery  of  the  Norseland,  but  was 
mingled  with  traditions  and  myths  which  came  from  the 
far  East.  It  represented  the  earliest  system  of  religion 
which  prevailed  in  Europe  and  in  farther  Asia,  and  yet 
there  was  a  remarkable  difference  between  that  mythology 
and   the  religion  of  the  Norsemen,  for  the   mythology  is 


vi.  INTRODUCTION. 

purely  literary,  as  is  well  known;  but  their  religious  rites 
and  ceremonies  came  from  paganism. 

This  illustrates  the  difference  between  the  present  work 
<ind  those  various  volumes  which  have  been  prepared  on 
the  native  mythologies  of  America,  for  the  object  of  the 
author  has  been  to  get  at  the  actual  religious  beliefs  from 
which  the  mythology  sprang,  and  make  these  the  chief 
objects  of  study. 

It  should  be  said  that  great  activity  has  appeared 
among  the  specialists  in  the  work  of  collecting  the  myths, 
and  witnessing  and  describing  the  religious  ceremonies,  and 
many  volumes  have  been  published  by  the  various  museums 
and  societies,  but  these  are  so  purely  local  in  their  char- 
acter, that  they  do  not  really  assist  us  in  comprehending 
the  entire  system  as  it  prevailed  on  this  continent,  though 
they  have  served  to  perpetuate  the  myths  and  ceremonies 
which  are  fast  disappearing,  and  are  likely  soon  to  pass 
away  altogether. 

The  author  would  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to  these 
various  reports,  and  refer  the  readers  to  them  for  further 
information  upon  the  subject  which  is  at  hand.  It  will  be 
remembered,  however,  that  there  were  many  tribes  and 
nations  in  Mexico,  Central  America  and  Peru  who  gave  up 
their  religious  customs  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  Our 
acquaintance  with  the  Aboriginal  Religions  of  this  region 
is  dependent  upon  the  study  of  the  symbols  which  have 
been  preserved,  and  the  sacred  books  or  codices  which 
are  still  ia  existence. 

The  method  of  studying  the  religious  systems  has  been 
to  take  the  native  tribes  as  they  are  actually  situated  geo- 
graphically, and  trace  the  relation  between  the  myths  and 
the  divinities,  which  were  worshiped  in  the  locality,  to  their 
surroundings,  without  undertaking  to  trace  their  historical 
development,  or  even  to  show  their  resemblance  to  those 
found  on  other  continents.  There  was  a  great  variety  of 
religious  systems  on  this  continent,  each  of  which  seems  to 
have  arisen  in  the  very  locality  where  they  prevailed  at  the 
time  of  the  Discovery,  and  some  of  them  are  prevailing  at  the 
present  time.  There  is  one  peculiarity  of  all  these  systems: 
viz.,  there  were  no  such  religious  founders,  as  have  marked 
the  systems  which  prevailed  in  the  lands  of  the  East;  but 


INTRODUCTION.  vii. 

.all  owed  their  existence  to  natural  causes,  with  the  slight 
mixture  of  traditions  which  had  reached  them  from  some 
distant  lands. 

The  most  remarkable  fact  which  is  brought  out  by  this 
study,  is  that  the  aboriginal  religions  of  America  corre- 
spond to  the  earliest  forms  of  religions  which  prevailed  in 
the  lands  of  the  East.  But  the  grades  of  progress  which 
are  manifest  in  them  follow  the  geographical,  instead  of 
chronological  lines.  The  lowest  form,  such  as  Demonism, 
found  in  the  far  North  among  the  Eskimos,  resembled  that 
which  was  the  earliest  in  the  far  East.  Next  to  this  was 
Totemism,  which  resembled  that  which  prevailed  among 
the  wild  and  wandering  tribes  of  Arabia.  There  was  also 
a  system  of  Star- Worship  and  Sky-Worship  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  mountain  tribes  of  the  Interior,  which 
resembled  that  existing  in  Central  Asia  during  prehistoric 
times.  The  system  of  Sun-Worship  which  prevailed  among 
the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  Gulf  States,  closely  resembl- 
ing that  which  existed  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia  at  the 
opening  of  history,  and  many  of  the  same  customs  were 
observed 

There  was  a  system  prevailing  among  the  partially  civil- 
ized tribes  of  the  Southwest,  very  siinilar  to  that  which 
existed  among  the  Greeks,  It  consisted  in  the  worship  of 
Culture  Heroes  and  Humanized  Divinities,  some  of  whom 
so  resembled  human  beings,  as  to  be  taken  for  historical 
personages,  or  visitors  from  some  foreign  land. 

Hiawatha  and  Quetzalcoatl  (the  Fair  God  of  Mexico) 
correspond  to  Buddha,  the  chief  divinity  of  the  Hindoos ; 
at  the  same  time  Tezcatlipoca,  the  War  God  of  the  Aztecs, 
corresponds  in  character  to  Loki  of  the  Scandinavians. 
There  were  rulers  among  the  Peruvians  who  were  worshijD- 
ped  as  Children  of  the  Sun,  and  had  great  power  over  the 
entire  nation  because  of  this  superstition.  In  this  resjiect 
they  resembled  the  early  kings  of  Egypt,  Babylonia,  and 
Greece.  The  dawn  of  civilization  brought  out  their  shadowy 
character,  so  that  they  were  regarded  as  super-human  be- 
ings. 

The  same  analogies  may  be  recognized  in  the  symbols 
•and  myths  which  prevailed  on  the  two  hemispheres.  There 
"were  monsters  of  the  deep  which  filled  the  imaginations  of 


viii.  INTRODUCTION. 

the  Eskimos,  just  as  there  were  dragons  which  haunted  the 
houses  and  temiDJes  of  the  Chinese,  There  were  also,  Bird 
Divinities  which  were  regarded  by  the  j^eople  of  the  North- 
west Coast  as  their  protectors,  ]ust  as  there  were  among 
the  tribes  of  Southern  Africa.  The  same  analogies  can  be 
traced  also  in  the  animal  divinities,  for  there  were  many 
animal  forms  which  can  be  recognized  among  the  art 
products  of  America,  which  resemble  those  found  among 
the  palaces  of  Babylon.  They  were  wild  animals,  and  yet 
they  were  regarded  as  protectors  and  were  worshipped  as 
sincerelyas  were  the  Winged  Lions  and  Human  Headed  Bulls 
which  stood  in  the  palaces  of  Nineveh. 

The  most  striking  analogy  between  the  religious  systems 
of  America  and^hose  which  existed  in  the  far  East,  consists 
in  the  fact  that  there  was  a  constant  progress,  and  the  con- 
ception of  Divinity  grew  higher  as  civilization  advanced, 
and,  yet,  strange  to  say,  no  such  character  ever  appeared 
on  the  continent  of  America,  as  that  which  was  embodied 
in  the  person  of  Jesus  Christ.  In  fact,  it  does  not  seem 
possible  that  the  ordinary  progress  of  society  could  have 
developed  such  a  character,  or  even  brought  the  conception 
to  the  human  mind,  except  by  the  process  of  divine  inspira- 
tion. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    I.  \kob. 

Races  and  Religions  in  America i 

CHAPTER  H. 

TOTEMISM    AND    MYTHOLOGY 17 

CHAPTER  HI. 
The  Serpent   Symbol  in  America 53 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Serpent  Symbol  in  America — Continued 8i 

CHAPTER   V. 
Animal  Worship  and  Sun  Worship   Compared 113 

CHAPTER  VI. 

American  Astrology  or  Sky  Worship 145 

CHAPTER  Vil. 
The    Pyramid  in   America 1 59 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
The  Cross  in  America  185 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Phallic  Worship  and   Fire  Worship  in  America 209 

CHAPTER  X. 
The  Water  Cult  and  the   Deluge    Myth 227 

CHAPTER  XI. 
Human  Images  and  Winged  Figures 249 

CHAPTER  XII. 
The  Worship  of  the   Rain  God 281 


X.  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

PAGB. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Ethnographic  Religions  and  Ancestor  Worship 297 

CHAPTER  XIII.— Continued. 
Anthropomorphic  and  Mountain  Divinities 315 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Commemorative  Columns  and  Ancestor  Worship 333 

CHAPTER  XV. 
Personal  Divinities  and  Culture  Heroes 362 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Culture  Heroes  and  Deified    Kings 389 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Personal  Divinities  and  Nature  Powers  in  America.  .   421 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


CHAPTER   I.  Page 

Tigure    i— Pictographs 4 

2 — Pictographs 5 

3 — Pictographs 5 

4 — The  Deer 8 

5 — The  Crane 8 

6— The  Turtle 9 

7 — The  Bear 9 

8— The  Craue lo 

9 — Dreams lo 

10 — Winged  Serpent 13 

II — Ornamented  Wall  of  Buried  City  ill  Honduras 14 

Ii2 — Fresco  Figure  fiom  Mexico 15 

13 — Idols  in  Honduras 16 

CHAPTER  II. 

S^igure    i — Clan  Totems  Inscribed  on  Rocks 18 

;           2  — Mythologic  Totem  from  Arizona 27 

3 — Mythologic  Symbols  of  the  Cliff-Dweliers 29 

4 — Clan  Totems  in  the  Effigies 31 

5— Totems  of  the  Village  Chief " 32 

14 — Totem  Posts  from  the  Northwest  Coast 39 

15 — The  Thunder  Bird 40 

16 — House  Post 4' 

17 — Totem  Post   41 

18— Totem  Board 42 

19 — Totem  Post 42 

20 — Feathered  Doll 42 

21 — The  Indian  Medicine  Man 44 

22 — Knife-Feathered   Monster 50 

CHAPTER   III. 

rigure  23 — Great  Serpent  in  Adams  County,  Ohio 57 

24— Great  Serpent  in  Adams  County,  Ohio 61 

25 — Serpent  Effigy,  Chillicothe,  Ohio 63 

26 — Works  on  the  Miami  River,  Ohio 64 

27 — Work  in  Colerain,  Ohio 65 

31 — Serpent  in  Scotland 71 

32— Bird  Effigy 72 

33 — Bald  Friar's  Rock 74 

34 — Serpent  Heads  from  the  Codices   75 

35 — Serpent  Tablet  from  Clark's  Works,  Ohio 76 

36 — Serpent  Pipe  from  New  Mexico 77 

yj — Serpent  and  Mound-Builder 78 

38 — Plumed  Serpent,  Nicaragua 79 


xii.  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

CHAPTER     IV.  Paie- 

Figure  46 — Serpent  Effigies  near  Ripon,  Wis 83 

47 — Enclosure  in  Shape  of  Serpent 84 

48 — Rock  in  Shape  of  Serpent go 

4g — Serpent  in  Rock  Inscriptions q6 

50 — Serpent  on  an  Inscribed  Rock  in  Colorado q6 

51 — Human  Figures  Enveloped  with  the  Serpent  Symbol ....  97 

52 — Vase  with  Serpent  Ornament 98 

53 — Water  Trough  with  Serpent  Ornament 99 

54 — Aztec  Calendar  Stone 100 

55 — Serpent  Ornament  on  Facade  at  Palenque loi 

56 — Serpent  Ring  at  Chichen- Itza 102 

57— The  Calendar  Stone 105 

CHAPTER  V, 

Figure    i— Thunder  Btrd  of  the  Thiinkits 118 

2 — The  Shield  of  the  Priesthood  of  the  Bow i j8 

3 — Circle  with  Symbols  of  Days 121 

4 — Sun  Circle,  with  Symbols  of  Months 122 

5 — Tree  and  Cross  as  Symbols  of  the  Sun 123 

6 — The  Water  Spider,  Avith  Symbols  of  the  Sun  on  its  Back.  127 

7 — Double  Throne  and  Phallic  Symbol 136 

8 — Winged  Circle  from  Palenque 138 

9— Figure  of  Death 17,9 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Figure     i— A  Sun-Worshiper 141 

2 — Ornament  Representing  the  Skv 142 

3 — Mound  Builders'  Map  of  the  Sky 147 

4— Serpent  of  the   Horizon 148 

5 — Arched  Heavens  Personifield 149 

6 — Symbol  of  the  Sun— Spiral  Path,  Embossed  Figure  on  the 

Ground 151 

7 — Mound  with  Circle  and  Ditch,  Symbols  of  the  Sum 151 

8— Place  of  Sacrifice  and  Map  of  the  Sky 152 

9 — Stonehenge  Restored 153 

10 — Circle,  Crescents  and   Square   at   Hopeton,  shown  g   tie 

Symbolism  of  the  Region 155 

II — Sky  Divinities  of  the  Zunis 156 

CHAPTER  VIi; 

Figure     i— Pyramidal  Mounds  in  Mississippi 160 

2 — Pyramid  of  Cholula 161 

3 — Governor's  House  at  Uxmal . .  .^ 162 

4 — Pyramid  at  Palenque 166 

5— Pyramid  of  Teotihuacan 167 

6 — Truncated  Mound  from  the  Ohio  Valley 169 

7 — Mound  at  Cahokia 170 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.  xiii. 

CHAPTER   VII.— Continued  Page 

Figure  ;8 — Platforms  and  Pyramids  at  Copan 171 

9 — Mound  at  St.  Louis 172 

10 — Palace  and  Pyramid  at   PaUr.cj    r         176 

1 1 — The  Pyramid  of  Quemada 177 

12 — Temple  of  the  Cross 182 

13 — Temple  of  the  Tablets 183 

CHAPTKR  VIII. 

Figures  i,  2,  3,  4,  5  and  6 — Symbols  of  the  Cios  186 

Figure    7 — Zuni  Head  Dress 187 

8 — Rock  Inscriptions  in  Illinois 188 

9 — Rock  Inscriptions  in  Missouri 188 

10 — Cross  in  Pickaway  County,  Ohio   igi 

1 1 — Bird  Gorget iq2 

12 — Spider  Gorget ig4 

13 — Spider  with  Cross 195 

14 — Spider  Gorget 195 

15 — Serpent  Gorget 196 

16 — Cross  on  Shell  Gorget 197 

17 — ^Cross  on  Copper  Disk 197 

18 — Suastika  on  Shell 198 

19 — Cross  on  Shell 198 

20 — Shape  of  the  Crosses  Found  in  Amf  r  c  .11  1  )r'  am   niation.  199 

21  and  22 — Symbol  of  the  Cross  in  Hou  e  and  Slir  ne- 202 

23 — Symbol  for  the  Day 203 

24 — Symbol  for  the  Year 203 

25 — Symbol  for  the  Temple  or  Shrine.         203 

26 — Cross  of  Teotlhuacan 204 

27 — Idol    Pillar 206 

28 — Cross  of  the  Tablet 207 

29 — Symbolic   Cross 208 

CHAPTER    IX. 

Figure     i — Cup  Stone  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio 218 

2 — Fire  Dancers 219 

3 — Navajo  Sand  Painting 221 

4 — Map  Showing  the  Distribution  of  the  Sua&tika 223 

CHAPTER    X. 

Figure     i — Water  Snake  of  the  Zunis 229 

2 — Horse  Shoe  Enclosures  at  Portsmouth 236 

3 — Effigy  on  the  Scioto 237 

4 — Sun   Circles 238 

5 — ^Terraced  Mound  Opposite  Portsmouth 239 

6 — Corral  for  Prisoners 240 

7 — Enclosure  and  Spring  near  Worthington,  Ohio 241 

8 — Legendary  Rock 242 

9 — Aztec  Migration  Legend 243 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


CHAPTER    XL  Pager 

Figure    i — Man  Eagle 350- 

2 — The  Maya  Gods  of  Death,  Life  and  Growth 252- 

3 — The  Tree  of  Life  Transformed 254 

4 — The  Tree  of  Life  Transformed 255 

5 — Serpent  and  Human  Face 258 

6~Pottery  Idol 259 

7 — Idol  from  the  West  Indies  260- 

8 — Haida  Carving 261 

9 — Figures  in  a  Cave  in  West  Virginia 265 

10 — Fighting  Figures  from  the  Mounds  ..  268 

1 1 — Wasco  and  Yetl 269 

12 — Bird,  Sun  and  Human  Figure 271 

13 — Human  Tree  at  Palenque 273 

14 — Idol  and  Manitou  Face  at  Uxmal 274 

15 — Cortesian  Codex  and  Symbols  of  Cardinal  Points 275 

16 — Idol  with  Symbols  of  the  Sky  and  Clouds 276 

17 — Image  with  Cloud  Symbol 277 

18— Tlaloc,  Rain  God 278 

19 — Tlaloc ,  the  Aztec  Neptu;ie 279 

20 — Quetzalcoatl,  Air  God  of  the  Mayas 279 

CHAPTER   XII 

Figure     i — Medicine  Bowl  with  Rain  Symbol 282 

2 — Rain  and  Sky  Symbol 283 

3 — Zuni  Rain  and  Cloud  Symbol 283 

4 — Zuni  Prayer-meal  Bowl 284 

5— Butterfly,  Dragonfly  and  Bird  Symbols 286 

6 — Snake  Kilt 293. 

7 — Antelope  Priest 295 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Figure     i — Bear  Idol  from  the  Mounds 303. 

2 — Bear  Idol  from  the  Mounds — Front  View 304 

3— Carved  Images  from  the  West  Indies 306 

4 — Idol  from  Gautemala 308 

5 — Idol  from  Gautemala 309. 

6 — Chart  of  the  "  Mide  Wigan,"  or  Saci  ed  Lodge 320 

7 — Hastjelti,  the  Mountain  Divinity 328 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Figure     i — Circle  of  Standing  Stones  at  Avebury 335 

2 — Haida  Houses  and  Totem  Posts 340- 

3 — Haida  Houses 341 

4 — Silver  Bracelet 342 

5 — Silver  Bracelet 343 

6 — Silver  Bracelets 344 

7 — Carved  Slate  Disk 348 

8 — Haida  Totem  Posts  at  the  World's  Fair,  Chicago 350 

9 — Ctdar  Box 354 

10 — Slate  Box 355. 

1 1 — Lid  of  the  Box 356- 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS.  xv. 

CHAPTER   XV.  Pag*. 

Figure  -i— The  Whale  Killer 364 

2 — Image  on  a  Rock,  Easter  Islands 367 

3 — Serpent  Pipe ■ 376 

4  and  5 — Serpent  Tree  and  Face 377 

,     6 — Thunder  Bird 383 

7 — Heyoka  as  a  Hunter 383  . 

8 — Lightning  God ...  384 

9 — Human  Tree 384 

ID  and  1 1 — Oonkiaghe 385 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

Figure     I— Gigantic  Head 403 

2 — Statue  of  TIaloc 405 

3 — Seated  Figure  at  Palenque,  representing  the  God  of  War.  407 

4 — Pontiff  King  at  Copan 408 

5 — The  Tiroc  Stone 411 

6 — Cacique  and  Kneeling  Figure 413 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

Figure    i — Different  Culture  Heroes 423 

1 — Cuculan,  Chief  God  of  the  Mayas 429 

3 — The  Cloud  Boat  of  the  Mayas 433 


■   FULL   PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Page 

Frontispiece — Transformation  Ceremony  and  Dancers  Dressed  as 

Wolves. 

Totem  Tattoos,  Northwest  Coast. — Portrait  Figure  from  Guatemala.  i 
The  Dakota  Indians  Imitating  the  Attitudes  of  the  Buffaloes  in  Their 

Dance j8 

Mythologic  and  Animal  Totems 19 

The  Eagle  Man — A  Mythologic  Totem 30 

Copper  Eagle  from  the  Etowah  Mound   31 

Facsimile  of  Pictures  on  the  Dresden  Codex 38 

Carved  Pipes  from  the  Mounds 45 

Zuni  Water  Vases.  Ornamented  with  Animal  Figures 47 

Zuni   Fetiches ...  49 

Serpent  Gorgets  from  Tennessee 68 

Shell  Gorgets  from  Tennessee 69 

Standing  Stones  in  Dakota 87 

Serpent  Effigy,  Holmes'  Survey 89 

Offerings  to  Serpents 106 

Mexican  Goddess  of  Death 108 

Idol  Pillar  with  Serpent  Symbols no 

Shell  Gorgets  containing  Sun  Symbols 117 

Carved  Animal  Symbols .'  119. 


xvi.  LIST  or  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Page 

The  God  Tlaloc 125 

Adoratorio  with  Winged  Globe 133 

Nature  Power  Personified 136 

Moon  Worship  Symbolized 137 

The  Initiation  of  Warriors  Among  the  Manda.is 143 

Dramatization  of    the  Deluge   Myth  and  the  Sky  Divinities   by  the 

Mandans 144 

Prayer  to  the  Rising  Sun 208 

Atotarho,  Culture  Hero  of  the  Iroquois 2oq 

Totemic  Door  Posts  of  the  Stone  Houses,  Ocongo,  Easter  Inlands. . .  301 

Chart  of  the  Mide  Song — Schoolcraft 324 

Mountain  Divinities  and  Sand-Paintings  of  the  Navajos 325 

Village  and  Cemetery  on  Prince  of  Wales  Island 346 

Plumed  Serpent  Carved  on  Temple  of  Zochicalco 364 

Altars  and  Images  from  Copan 365 

Sugar  Loaf  Rock  on  Mackinac  Island 373 

Portrait  Idols  on  Easter  Islands 388 

Female  Statue  from  Copan 391 

Back  of  Female  Statue 392 

Bearded  King  at  Copan 397 

Buried  Statue  at  Copan 3y8 

Turbaned  King  at  Copan 409 

Dwarf  Statue  from  Copan 410 

Air  God  Dressed  as  a  King 414 

Rain  God  Dressed  as  a  Priest 415 

The  Inner  Tablet  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun . .  417 


MYTHS  AND  SYMBOLS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

•  RACES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA. 

The  subject  of  comparative  religion  has  been  under  discus- 
sion for  many  years,  and  some  of  the  strongest  and  best  thinkers 
have  written  upon  it  well  and  forcibly.  The  field  which  has 
received  the  most  attention  and  occupied  the  most  important 
position  has  been  the  continent  of  Asia,  though  Arabia,  Africa, 
and  the  northern  part  of  Europe  have  also  been  studied. 

There  is,  however,  a  field  on  the  continent  of  America 
which  has  not  been  studied  as  closely  as  it  deserves,  for  it  car- 
ries us  back  to  a  stage  of  religious  development  which  is  more 
primitive  than  can  be  found  elsewhere,  and  at  the  same  time 
presents  a  series  of  stages  which  are  quite  as  interesting  as 
those  found  \n  Eastern  countries. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  author  to  describe  the  different  sys- 
tems as  they  are  found  on  this  continent,  especially  in  regard 
to  their  geographical  situation,  and  to  compare  them  with  those 
which  existed  in  Oriental  countries  in  the  earliest  time,  and  to 
point  out"  the  resemblances.  The  thought  which  is  to  be  held 
in  mind,  is  that  in  America  we  have  a  field  in  which  religion 
passed  through  those  stages  which  are  known  to  have  been  the 
lowest,  and  at  the  same  time  had  reached  a  stage  which  was 
nearly  or  quite  as  high  as  any  that  has  been  found  in  the  pagan 
or  heathen  nations  of  the  Old  World.'  This  makes  this  conti- 
nent a  remarkable  field  for  the  investigation  into  the  subject  of 
comparative  religion,  and  especially  among  the  lower  races. 

I.  The  first  point  to  which  we  shall  call  attention,  is  that 
the  races  and  tribes  which  formerly  had  dwelt  here,  were  not 
only  isolated  from  other  continents,  but  in  a  large  degree 
from  one  another,  but  developed  their  religious  systems  in 
parallel  lines.  It  is  not  claimed  that  there  were  any 
mountain  barriers  which  separated  the  races  according  to  belts 
of  latitude  and  made  them  subject  to  such  differences  of 
climate,  for  the  mountain  chains  all  run  in  a  north  and  south 
direction,  while  in  the  Eastern  hemisphere  they  run  in  an  east 
and  west  direction.  Still  it  will  be  found  that  the  races  were 
so  separated  from  one  another  that  they  deve  oped  different 
phases  of  society,  different  modes  of  government,  different 
forms  of  religion,  and  to  a  great  degree  different  languages. 
There  were  several  causes  of  separation.    In  the  first  place,  there 


2  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

were  wide  belts  in  which  the  climate  and  soil  kept  certain  tribes 
hugging  the  sea  coast,  and  others  the  forest  belts  and  regions 
in  the  interior. 

The  chain  of  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  rivers  ran  east 
and  west,  and  formed  lines  along  which  certain  races  clus^.ei  ed; 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Southern  sea  drawing  other  tribes. 
To  the  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  there  were  rivers  and  long 
valleys  in  which  separate  tribes  were  settled,  each  having  its 
own  mode  of  life,  its  own  social  system  and,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, its  own  religious  customs;  while  in  the  midst  of  the  moun- 
tains and  on  the  great  plateau  of  the  Interior  there  were  other 
tribes  and  races,  which  adopted  religious  practices  peculiar  to 
themselves.  The  effect  was  that  a  great  variety  of  religious 
systems  aroseon  this  continent;  systems  which  were  largely  the 
product  of  the  region,  and  greatly  influenced  by  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  natural  surroundings. 

1.  To  illustrate:  the  Esquimaux  were  scattered  along  the 
shores  of  the  Arctic  Sea,  and  were  confined  to  the  ice  fields 
and  to  a  region  where  the  year  was  divided  into  a  long  winter 
of  darkness  and  a  short  summer  of  daylight.  The  natural  con- 
sequence of  this  was  that.they  developed  a  form  of  religion,  or 
superstition,  entirely  different  from  any  which  existed  else- 
where. The  people  here  were  fishermen  and  their  religion 
consisted  in  the  superstition  which  peopled  the  sea  with  strange 
creatures,  which  they  imagined  to  have  supernatural  powers 
and  at  the  same  time  had  the  human  form.  To  the  south  of 
this  was  the  second  district,  which  extended  from  the  Arctic 
Sea  to  the  chain  of  the  Great  Lakes  and  as  far  south  as  the 
Ohio  River.  It  was  occupied  by  a  people  mainly  hunters, 
who  lived  on  the  creatures  found  in  the  forests  and  rivers  and 
lakes.  It  was  natural  that  they  should  have  developed  a  form  of 
religion  which  had  regard  to  the  wild  animals  which  prevailed 
in  the  forest,  and  that  their  mythology  should  have  abounded 
with  descriptions  of  strange  creatures  which  dwelt  in  the  water. 
Stories  were  told  about  fish  and  serpents  which  were  natural- 
istic and  at  the  same  time  fraught  with  supernatural  powers. 

2.  There  were  tribes  living  on  the  prairies  as  far  west  as  the 
Rocky  Mountains  and  as  far  north  as  Lake  Winnipeg,  who 
might  be  called  nomads  and  were  constantly  moving  about  in 
pursuit  of  game,  spending  a  part  of  the  time  in  villages  scat- 
tered along  trie  streams,  and  a  part  of  the  time  in  mountains. 
All  of  these  tribes  were  totemistic  in  their  beliefs,  and  yet  their 
totems  varied,  for  the  people  who  dwelt  in  the  forest  took  the 
wild  animals  which  abounded  about  them,  and  made  them  their 
totems,  while  those  who  dwelt  on  the  prairie  lands  took  the 
buffalo  and  other  animals  which  roamed  on  the  prairies  as  their 
totems.  The  mythology  of  the  two  classes  varied  almost  as 
much  as  did  the  animals  themselves.  Even  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment varied — in  one  case  it  was  matriarchy;  in  the  other,  it 
was  patriarchy. 


RACES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA.  8 

3.  Another  region  is  worthy  of  notice  because  of  the  diversity 
of  population  and  the  peculiar  form  of  religion  which  pre- 
vailed. It  is  the  region  in  which  so  many  mounds  were  situa- 
ted— mounds  which  contained  a  great  variety  of  relics,  on 
which  the  greatest  number  of  symbols  have  been  discovered. 
These  symbols  are  speechless,  but  they  tell  the  story  about 
the  religious  system  which  prevailed,  and  have  great  in- 
terest for  the  archaeologist.  It  appears  that  there  was  a 
great  variety  ill  these  symbols,  and  the  conclusion  is  that  there 
was  a  great  diversity  in  the  religious  beliefs  of  the  people  who 
dwelt  here.  They  were  symbols  which  abounded  with  crosses 
and  circles,  crescents  and  squares,  animal  figures,  spiders,  birds, 
and  serpents;  all  of  which  had  a  latent  significance.  In  fact, 
the  symbols  all  indicate  that  sun  worship  was  the  chief  system 
which  prevailed  here,  though  it  was  modified  by  the  lunar  cult, 
and  by  a  regard  for  certain  animals  and  insects,  which  were 
connected  with  Nature  worship.  This  is  the  region  where  ser- 
pent symbols  are  very  numerous,  but  the  pyramid  is  also  found 
here;  the  two  indicating  that  there  was  a  greater  variety  of 
religious  systems  than  prevailed  farther  north. 

4.  The  arid  region  will  be  considered  next.  This  was  separated 
from  the  region  just  described,  by  a  wide  range  of  mountains, 
but  was,  and  still  is,  occupied  by  a  people  who  have  a  form  of 
religion,  as  well  as  a  mode  of  life,  distinct  from  either  of  those 
which  have  been  described.  Here  we  find  mountaineers  who 
are  at  present  shepherds,  but  were  formerly  hunters.  The 
Navajos  are  the  best  representatives  of  them.  But  in  the 
midst  of  the  mountains  the  Great  Plateau  arises,  which  has 
been  called  the  "air  continent."  It  is  an  arid  region,  yet  it  is 
occupied,  and  has  been  tor  an  unknown  period,  by  the  Pueblo 
tribes,  who  have  developed  a  communistic  state  of  society  and 
are  practicing  a  form  of  religion  which  differs  from  any  other 
on  the  continent. 

5.  There  was  a  district  in  the  Vallev  of  Mexico,  but  which 
stretched  far  to  the  south  into  the  region  of  Central  America. 
Here  society  had  developed  beyond  the  hunter  stage,  even  be- 
yond the  ordinary  agricultural  stage,  into  a  stage  in  which 
there  were  many  different  employments,  but  all  under  the  con- 
trol of  kings  and  priests.  It  was  a  region  into  which  the 
Spaniards  entered,  and  where  they  found  many  things  which 
surprised  them.  The  form  of  religion  which  existed  here  was 
a  matter  of  greater  surprise  to  the  Spaniards,  than  the  social 
development.  The  symbolism  which  prevailed  here  is  very 
elaborate  and  worthy  of  study.  There  was  here  a  system  of 
writing,  which  differed  from  all  others  in  the  world,  a  system 
which  consisted  of  hieroglyphics,  but  so  mingled  with  picto- 
graphs  that  it  was  difficult  to  decipher.  The  system  which 
existed  here  may  be  regarded  as  a  solar  cult,  modified  by  the 
worship  of  the  elements  and  a  regard  for  personal  divinities, 
who  seem  to  be  the  personification  of  the  heavenly  bodies  and 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


# 


the  Nature  powers.  This  is  a  form  of  religion  which 
we  shall  need  to  study,  for  it  differs  from  any  found 
elsewhere.  We  may  say,  however,  that  it  so  re- 
sembles that  which  prevailed  in  Central  America, 
Peru,  and  other  parts  of  South  America,  that  it 
should  be  classed  under  the  same  head.  A  term 
has  been  devised  by  Major  J.  W.  Powell,  which  re- 
represents  the  chief  peculiarity;  the  term  is  "Heno- 
theism."  It  consisted  in  the  worship  of  the  Nature 
powers  as  personified,  but  making  some  one  of  these 
powers  the  chief  object  of  worship  and  ascribing 
to  it  a  personal  character,  but  also  personifying 
other  Nature  powers  and  making  them  subordinate. 
Thus  the  religious  system  corresponded  to  the  state 
of  society,  of  which  there  were  different  grades  and 
different  offices,  and  at  the  same  time  it  corre- 
sponded with  the  works  of  nature  and  peculiarities 
of  climate,  the  correlation  between  the  religion  and 
the  geographical  surroundings  being  ve'y  close. 

Now,  this  is  a  mere  summary,  but  it  shows  that 
there  were  many  different  forms  of  religion  and  dif- 
ferent systems  of  mythology,  on  the  continent  of 
North  America,  and  that  they  all  corresponded  to 
the  geographical  surroundings.  The  origin  of  these 
religions  and  the  different  stages  through  which  they 
have  passed,  is  another  point,  but  so  far  as  they  have 
been  studied,  the  systems  all  were  closely  con- 
formed to  the  geographical  situation.  We  are  not 
able  to  trace  any  of  these  systems  back  to  a  very 
early  period;  certainly  no  such  early  period  as  existed 
in  the  lands  of  the  far  East,  but  we  do  find  an  adapta- 
tion to  the  surroundings,  which  are  quite  as  striking 
as  any  that  can  be  traced  in  other  lands. 

It  will  be  acknowledged  that  in  the  continent  of 
Europe  there  were  different  systems  of  religion,  and 
that  they  corresponded  v\ith  the  physical  surround- 
ings. The  mytholog)-  always  abounds  with  stories 
which  bring  the  natural  scenery  into  view  and  give 
the  picture  a  background,  which  is  not  only  natural 
but  interesting.  Such  is  the  case  with  the  Scandi- 
navian and  Teutonic  mythology.  But  much  of  the 
mythology  of  America  is  equally  beautiful  and  in- 
teresting, and  at  the  same  time  it  pictures  the  Ameri- 
can scenery  as  it  was  before  the  white  man  appeared, 
and  is  all  the  more  interesting  on  that  account.  It  is 
true  that  each  tribe  or  group  of  tribes  was  confined 
to  a  particular  locality,  and  developed  its  own  myth- 
ology and  religious  system,  but  this  gives  great 
variety  and  furnishes  an  unbounded  field  for  research 
and  for  speculation. 


r^^ 


ILs 


RA  CES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA . 

The  continent  of  America,  in  fact,  fur- 
nishes more  systems  of  religion  and  of  my- 
thology than  any  other  continent  upon  the 
face  of  the  earth,  but  they  are  all  systems 
which  seem  to  have  grown  up  in  the  same 
region  where  they  are  now  found,  and  they 
are  full  of  allusions  to  the  physical  char- 
acter and  topographical  features  of  the 
region  where  they  are  preserved. 

II.  This  brings  up  the  point  which  is  of 
great  interest  to  the  scholars  who  have 
studied  tliC  subject  of  comparative  religions. 
One  of  the  first  questions  is:  What  is  the 
lowest  form  of  religion,  and  through  what 
stages  did  it  pass?  We,  who  live  in  Christ- 
ian lands,  know  what  the  highest  form  is, 
but  the  question  is  as  to  the  lowest. 

On  this  question  there  are  great  differ- 
ences of  opmion,  and  no  two  are  really  in 
agreement.  The  study  of  the  problem  in 
connection  with  the  races  which  were  found 
on  this  continent,  may  be  of  service  to  u«, 
especially  when  we  consider  the  correspond- 
ence of  their  religion  to  their  social  state, 
their  domestic  life,  and  their  peculiar  habits 
and  ways. 

We  begin  with  the  Hyperboreans,  who 
dwelt  on  the  shores  of  the  Arctic  Sea,  the 
most  degraded  of  all  the  races  upon  the  face 
of  the  earth.  There  never  was  a  people 
more  stupid  in  their  religious  ideas  than 
these  people  at  the  far  North,  and  none 
more  degraded  in  their  personal  character. 
The  dark  night,  which  continued  so  long 
and  presented  such  a  strange  contrast  to  the 
ghostly  icebergs  and  cold  ice  fields,  un- 
doubtedly had  the  effect  to  keep  alive 
the  superstitions  which  prevailed.  It  is 
not  strange  that  with  the  muttering  ice- 
bergs and  swashing  of  the  waves  under- 
neath 'the  icy  shores,  that  there  should 
have  arisen  a  superstition  that  a  super- 
natural being  dwelt  under  the  water,  and 
could    be    seen    at    times    amid    the  waves. 

NoTF.  —  Ihe  cuts  show  the  power  of  the  Shamans  among  the 
K^quimaux  and  their  belief  in  the  presence  of  demons.  In  one  we 
seethe  boat  r,  sting  on  posts,  the  winter  habitation,  store  houses, 
trees  in  the  middle,  the  Shaman  and  the  hunters.  In  another, 
the  Shaman  stands  upon  his  lodge,  and  drives  back  the  g  me,  the 
deer  ar*^  seen  swimming  in  the  water.  In  the  third,  we  see  the 
hunter  shooting  the  garne  which  has  be«n  driven  up  to  him  by  ihe 
demon  and  his  assis'ant*.  The  control  of  the  Shamaa  over  the 
demon  is  the  essential  part  of  the  pictngraph 


G  AATIl'E  AMERICAN   SYMBOLISM. 

The  story,  as  told  by  the  Esquimaux,  is  that  Sedna  was  a 
female  who  accompanied  her  husband,  or  liege  lord,  in  a  canoe 
voyage  over  the  northern  sea,  but  while  they  were  in  the  midst 
of  the  waters,  there  arose  a  fierce  storm  and  both  were  likely 
to  be  overwhelmed.  The  canoe  was  overthrown,  both  fell  into 
the  water,  but  the  man  was  able  to  climb  into  the  canoe  again, 
while  the  woman  was  only  able  to  cling  to  the  sides.  While  in 
this  attitude,  the  storm  blew  upon  them  and  the  waves  threat- 
ened to  engulf  them,  and  death  seemed  near,  but  the  man, 
taking  his  stone  knife  or  axe,  cut  off  the  fingers  of  the  woman 
and  thrust  her  away,  so  that  she  sank  beneath  the  waves.  The 
superstition  of  the  natives  is  that  this  Sedna,  who  became  a 
monster  and  yet  retained  her  character  as  a  woman,  still  lives 
under  the  sea,  and  whenever  a  fierce  storm  arises  and  the  waves 
toss  high  amid  the  blasts,  and  the  wind's  shriek,  they  can  not 
only  hear  the  voice  of  this  first  of  all  created  beings,  but  they 
can  see  her  face  dimly  looking  out  from  beneath  the  sea,  the 
water  and  the  face  mingling  together  to  arouse  their  fears. 
Sedna  is  the  chief  divinity  of  the  Arctic  regions.  She  maybe 
regarded  as  the  personifications  of  the  sea  and  the  storm,  for 
she  is  supposed  to  be  as  cruel  as  either,  and  as  ready  to  seize 
upon  all  who  come  within  her  reach  and  draw  them  down  into 
the  dark  depths. 

There  is  another  system  which  p-evails  in  the  same  region. 
It  consists,  in  the  belief  that  there  is  not  only  one  living  per- 
son who  can  be  regarded  as  a  demon  or  a  ghost,  but  that 
there  are  many  such,  and  they  continue  to  inhabit  the  rocks 
and  the  earth,  and  even  the  air,  and  are  constantly  present  to 
deprive  the  people  of  their  food,  by  driving  away  the  deer 
from  their  habitations,  keeping  them  from  success  in  fishing, 
and  bringing  upon  them  disease  and  death.  This  is  another 
form  of  demonism,  but  the  demon  now  becomes  visible  and  in- 
habits the  land  as  well  as  the  sea,  There  is  no  ordinary  person 
who  can  overcome  the  demons  or  banish  them  from  the  sky  or 
earth,  except  the  Shaman,  and  it  is  his  chief  mission  to  pro- 
tect the  people  from  the  evil  influence,  and  counteract  it  by 
his  own  charms.  Illustrations  of  this  fact  may  'be  found  in 
what  may  be  called  the  pictographs  or  bone  cuttings,  speci- 
mens of  which  are  given  in  the  cuts.  These  carved  bones  are, 
perhaps,  the  rudest  of  all  the  specimens  of  art  which  have 
been  found  on  this  continent,  but  are  suggestive  of  the  system 
of  religion  which  prevailed.  Some  have  compared  the  bone 
carvings  to  those  which  are  found  in  the  caves  of  Europe,  and 
have  drawn  the  inference  from  the  resemblance  and  other  cir- 
cumstances, that  the  Esquimaux  were  the  descendants  of  the 
old  cave  dwellers  of  Europe;  but  we  know  nothing  about  the 
religion  of  the  cave  dwellers  and,  therefore,  can  trace  no 
resemblance  between  the  two  systems. 

We  learn  from  the  pictographs  and  carved  bones  that  the 
people   believed   implicitly  in  the  power  of  the  presence   of 


RACES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA.  7 

demons,  and  therefore  were  led  to  rely  upon  the  power  of  the 
Shnmans,  or  pricbts,  to  dispel  or  drive  away  the  demons,  and 
to  bring  in  the  game.  We  see  this  illustrated  by  the  cuts,  in 
all  of  which  we  see  the  reindeer,  and  even  the  fish  and  other 
creatures  subject  to  the  Shaman,  while  the  people  were  subject 
to  his  power  for  their  very  subsistence.  This  may  be  corn- 
pared  to  that  form  of  religion  which  prevailed  in  the  far  East 
in  early  historic  times,  which  consisted  in  the  belief  in  demons, 
and  depended  upon  the  power  of  the  priest  to  exorcise  them, 
survivals  of  which  were  recognized  late  in  history,  even  among 
the  Babylonians.  Demonism  similar  to  that  which  still  pre- 
vails in  the  ice  fields  of  the  North,  prevailed  in  archaic  times  in 
the  regions  of  the  far  East,  especially  in  Babylonia.  This  has 
been  made  known  by  the  recent  discoveries.  It  is  supposed, 
also,  that  the  various  animal  figures  which  are  stiil  common 
here,  and  have  been  discovered  among  the  ruins  in  the  midst 
of  the  mounds  of  Babylonia,  are  really  the  survival  of  the 
totemism  which  prevailed  there. 

Similar  to  this  belief  in  demons  and  growing  out  of  it,  was 
the  habit  of  cutting  the  shapes  of  the  human  face  upon  the 
surface  of  the  rocks,  and  placing  within  them  great  glaring 
eyes,  which  seemed  to  resemble  demons  looking  out  from  the 
depth  of  the  earth,  suggesting  the  thought  that  Srdna,  the 
great  demon  of  the  sea,  had  changed  her  abode  from  the  sea 
to  the  rock,  and  though  silent  and  speechless,  yet  was  haunt- 
ing the  eaith.  Some  have  interpreted  this  as  an  evidence  that 
animi^m  was  the  earliest  form  of  religion,  and  that  it  pre- 
vailed here,  along  with  demonism.  This  may,  indeed,  be  a 
true  interpretation,  for  it  is  one  characteristic  of  the  supersti- 
tion that  there  is  a  hidden  soul  or  spirit  in  almost  every  object 
in  creation.  It  is  not  often  that  the  soul  has  lineaments  which 
can  be  seen,  as  in  this  case  of  the  face  in  the  rocks,  but  it  is 
rather  a  shadowy  ghost  and  is  oftener  heard  of  than  seen. 
Such  is  the  belief  of  the  degraded  Africans  and  many  other 
races,  who  dwell  far  away  from  the  seats  of  civilization. 

The  system  of  animism  is  associated  with  demonism,  and 
awakens  fear  in  the  mind  of  the  savage,  just  as  the  shadow  and 
a  ghost  would  awaken  a  fear  in  the  minds  of  the  partially 
civilized.  The  three  systems  which  are  to  be  found  in  the  far 
North  of  this  continent  may  well  be  compared  to  those  which 
are  called  the  rudest  and  lowest,  i.  e.,  fetishism,  animism  ?.nd 
totemism. 

III.  The  system  of  totemism  comes  up  next  for  considera- 
tion. This  has  been  often  described,  and  yet  it  is  poorly  under- 
stood. It  consists  in  the  belief  that  animals  were  the  first 
ancestors,  and  are  at  present  the  chief  divinities.  The  names 
of  the  animals  are  given  to  the  clans,  with  the  idea  that  there 
is  a  charm  in  the  name  itself.  To  make  this,  however,  more 
forcible,  the  people  place  the  figure  of  the  animal  on  the  tents 
or  in  front  of  the  houses,  on  their  graves,  and  in  every  place 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


which  they  occupied.  Some  of  the  tribes  cut  the  hair,  so  as  to 
represent  the  animal  whose  totem  they  worshiped.  There  are 
individual  totems  which  are  in  reality  dream  gods,  for  they  are 
seen  only  after  long  fasting  and  in  connection  with  their  visions 
or  day  dreams.  This  form  of  religion  is  quite  widespread,  but 
prevailed  mainly  among  the  hunter  tribes,  but  varies  according 
to  locality.  The  totemism  which  existed  among  the  Algon- 
quins  differed  from  that  found  among  the  Iroquois,  and  this 
again  from  that  found  among  the  Dakotas,  the  variations  ap- 
pearing even  among  the  separate  tribes.  The  study  of  sym- 
bolism will  bring  us  into  contact  with  this  totemism,  and  it  is 
important  that  we  should  realize  how  deeply-seated  it  was  in 
the  mind  of  the  people  before  we  undertake  to  interpret  the 
symbols. 

It  would  seem  as  if  all  nature  was  haunted  by  supernatural 
beings,  who  were  regarded  by  the  people  as  tribal  totems  and 


Fig.  4. —  The  Dser. 


Fig.  5  —  The  Crane. 


as  personal  divinities.  These  fabulous  animals  dwell  under  the 
waterfalls,  in  lakes,  in  caves,  in  trees,  hills,  and  people  the 
landscape  everywhere,  so  that  it  seems  almost  impossible  to 
escape  from  their  presence  and  power.  Reminders  of  the 
totems  are  found  upon  the  tents  and  houses,  the  garments, 
personal  decorations  and  ornaments,  and  fill  even  the  amuse- 
ments with  strange  associations  and  thoughts.  The  most 
singular  feature  about  totemism  is  that  every  individual,  as 
well  as  every  clan  and  tribe,  is  under  the  special  care  and 
guardianship  of  some  animal.  The  figure  of  the  same  animal 
is  often  placed  upon  the  wooden  tablets  which  are  placed  over 


IMAGES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA. 


the  grave  of  the  individual.  These  grave  posts  recount  the 
exploits  of  the  individual,  as  well  as  the  religious  beliefs,  and 
in  this  respect  resemble  the  grave  stones  and  monuments  on 
which  the  virtues  of  the  deceased  are  mentioned. 

The  cuts  represent  the  grave  boards  which  are  still  com- 
mon among  the  Ojibwas.  One  of  these  (Fig.  4)  represents 
the  totem  which  is  the  deer,  it  is  placed  upside  down,  to  denote 
the  death  of  the  person.  Along  with  it  are  marks  showing  the 
battles  which  the  person  had  fought,  and  below  are  personal 
decorations  and  signs  of  honor  as  well  as  the  religious  beliefs. 
Another  one  (Fig.  5)  represents  the  crane,  which  was  a  com- 
mon and  prominent  totem  in  the  region.  Figures  6  and  7  re- 
present the  turtle  and  the  bear,  which  were  also  prominent 
totems.     Figures  8   and  9  represent  the  grave  boards  of  the 


Fig  6. —  The  Ttotle. 


Fig.  7. —  The  Bear. 


Ojibwas,  which  give  the  private  records  as  well  as  the  totems 
of  the  individual. 

It  is  acknowledged  by  all  students  of  comparative  religion 
that  there  is  a  complete  series,  which  can  be  traced  out  by  the 
study  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  the  East;  but  that  there 
was  any  such  series  to  be  found  upon  this  continent,  is  some- 
what novel,  and  yet  the  fact  that  we  have  the  same  social  con- 
ditions here  which  correspond  with  those  which  were  common 
in  the  East  at  various  dates,  makes  the  continent  a  very  favor- 
able field  for  the  study  of  the  subject.  The  prevalence  of 
totemism  in  Old  Testament  times  is  shown  by  the  dying  words 
of  Jacob,  for  in  them  he  described  the  animal  figures  which 
were  shown  on  the  escutcheon  of  each  tribe.  The  lion,  on  the 
escutcheon  of  Judah;  the  serpent,  on  that  of  Dan;  the  wild 


10 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


ass,  on  that  of  Issachar;  and  the  hind  on  that  of  Naphtali. 
Totemism  prevails  among  the  tribes  of  Arabia  to  this  day. 
It  also  existed  in  Scandinavia  and  may  be  recognized  in  their 
mythology,  as  well  as  in  the  ornaments  and  symbols,  especially 
the  symbol  of  the  dragon  seen  upon  their  boats. 

A  modified  form  of  totemism  is  found  in  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  especially  on  the  Ohio  River  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
Here  we  see  amid  the  stone  graves  and  in  the  mounds,  a  great 
variety  of  pottery  vases,  shell  tablets,  and  other  relics,  on  which 
are  inscribed  circles  and  squares  and  spiral  lines,  crescents, 
sun  symbols,  winged  figures,  and  human  images.  These  sug- 
gest a  thought  that  sun  worship  was  mingled  with  animal  wor- 


Fi)^.  8. — The  Crane. 


Fig.  g. — Dreams 


ship  and  that  religion  had  grown  out  of  totemism  into  sun 
worship  and  assumed  a  new  form. 

IV.  There  was  a  system  of  religion  which  prevailed  among 
the  tribes  of  the  Northwest  coast.  It  consisted  in  the  worship 
of  supernatural  beings  in  the  form  of  birds,  animals,  fishes,  and 
double-headed  serpents;  the  four  elements — air,  earth,  water 
and  fire — each  being  represented  by  a  special  divinity.  The 
bird,  which  is  supreme  upon  the  land,  is  the  raven,  called  Yehl. 
It  dwells  in  the  forest,  but  reigns  supreme  over  the  creatures 
in  the  air.  The  bear  is  the  animal  which  is  regarded  as  the 
ruler  of  the  earth.  His  supernatural  character  is  shown  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  is  pictured,  for  there  always  is  a  great 


RACFS  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA.  11 

glaring  eye  looking  out  from  every  part  of  tlie  body  of  the 
bear;  his  paws,  his  different  limbs,  his  head,  and  his  ears  have 
eyes.  In  fact,  he  seems  to  be  all  eyes.  This  is,  perhaps,  a 
modification  of  the  previous  system  in  which  the  eyes  were 
looking  out  from  the  solid  rock,  but  in  this  case  the  bear  seems 
to  be  alive, and  )et  possessed  by  a  hidden  spirit.  The  myths  are 
very  different  from  those  which  prevailed  among  the  tribes  of 
the  Interior,  for  they  relate  to  the  adventures  of  sea  monsters, 
who  had  the  power  of  transforming  themselves  into  human  be- 
ings, and  again  into  animals.  This  was  the  case  with  the  totems 
of  the  hunter  tribes,  for  transformation  was  very  common  and 
many  stories  are  told  of  the  tricks  played  by  means  of  this 
transformation.  There  was  such  a  correspondence  between  the 
animal  totems  and  the  Nature  powers,  that  the  animals  were 
supposed  to  dwell  at  the  different  points  of  the  compass  and 
send  the  winds  and  the  rains.  These  were  not  strictly  totems, 
at  least  not  personal  or  individual  totems,  but  the  mingling  of 
the  totems  with  the  Nature  powers  personified,  formed  the 
basis  of  a  great  variety  of  myths,  which  are  very  interesting. 

The  sea  is  supposed  to  hide  another  divinity  called  the 
whale  killer.  This  is  a  fabulous  creature,  and  is  capable  of 
changing  its  shape,  for  there  are  many  stories  in  which  the 
creature  appears  as  a  great  canoe,  but  is  transformed  into  a 
sea  animal.  There  are  figures  upon  the  fronts  of  the  houseS, 
which  represent  this  whale  killer  as  held  in  the  claws  of  the 
raven,  thus  indicating  that  the  sea  gods  and  gods  of  the  sky 
have  been  drawn  close  together.  In  this  figure  the  eye  is  very 
conspicuous,  but  the  winged  feathers  and  the  vertebrae  of  the 
bird  and  of  the  whale  are  also  clearly  seen.  The  double- 
headed  serpent  is  generally  carried  in  the  hand,  and  is  a  sym- 
bol which  served  an  important  part  in  the  dances.  It  is  called 
the  sisul  and  is  generally  worn  in  front  of  the  stomach.  The 
human  face  and  eyes  may  be  seen  at  the  center,  the  animal 
head  and  eye  at  either  end,  with  the  serpent  body  and  scales 
between  the  heads.  This  illustrates  the  habit  of  bringing  to- 
gether their  divinities  into  one  object. 

The  stories  are  numerous  which  celebrate  the  exploits  of 
these  various  creatures,  but  they  all  convey  the  idea  that  they 
are  supernatural  beings  and  to  be  worshiped  as  well  as  feared. 
There  are  many  dances  and  religious  ceremonies  in  which  the 
natives  cover  themselves  with  blankets  and  put  upon  their 
heads  great  masks  representing  the  head  and  jaws  of  the  wolf, 
This  suggests  the  idea  that  human  beings  are  sometimes  trans- 
formed into  animals,  and  reminds  us  of  the  transformation 
which  is  so  common  in  all  parts  of  the  continent,  for  there 
were  no  hard  and  fast  lines  between  the  different  animals,  or 
between  animals  and  men.  The  supposition  formerly  was  that 
they  were  designed  as  the  totems  of  the  tribes,  but  the  opinion 
now  is  that  thev  embodied  the  mvthologies  and  represent  the 
villages,  as  each  village  was  founded  by  a  supernatural   being. 


12  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

who  gave  power  and  authority  to  the  chief,  or  human  founder, 
to  represent  him;  the  result  was  that  the  different  crests  were 
carved  into  the  poles,  some  of  them  representing  the  super- 
natural being,  the  bird  or  fish,  or  some  other  animal;  also  the 
crest  of  the  village  chief,  and  the  crest  of  the  different  de- 
scendants of  the  first  chief.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  human- 
izing tendency  was  very  strong,  so  that  all  the  birds  and  ani- 
mals and  creatures  of  the  sea  were  spoken  of  as  having  human 
attributes;  the  eye,  the  symbol  of  humanity,  being  placed  in 
all  parts  of  the  bodies,  whether  beasts  or  birds. 

Mr.  Hill-Tout  says:  "The  sculptures  and  paintings  were 
ancestral  and  not  totemistic  in  character."  The  son  inherited 
his  father's  rank  and  property,  with  all  his  carvings  and  crests 
and  emblems,  which  were  largely  conimtmorative  in  character. 
There  was  a  tendency  among  all  these  people  to  humanize 
everything.  The  raven,  the  wolf  and  the  bear,  and  all  other 
animals  were  humanized,  and  stories  were  told  about  them,  as 
if  they  were  human  beings.  Conversation  is  held  between 
men  and  women  and  the  animals,  and  even  between  the 
heavenly  bodies — the  sun,  moon,  and  the  stars.  There  were 
no  lines  which  separated  the  material  from  the  animal,  the 
animal  from  the  human,  the  human  from  the  divine  or  super- 
natural being.  An  immense  amount  of  mythology  has  accu- 
mulated in  this  way,  for  everything  on  the  earth,  in  the  air,  in 
the  sea  or  sky,  whether  animal,  men  and  women,  or  heavenly 
bodies,  are  mingled  together,  intermarry  and  converse,  and  their 
adventures  are  very  numerous. 

V.  There  is  a  form  of  religion  still  existing  in  the  interior 
of  the  continent,  which  well  deserves  our  attention,  and  we 
hope  to  describe  it  more  at  length  in  the  future.  It  is  found 
among  the  Navajoes,  who  dwelt  among  the  mountains  of  Utah 
and  Colorado.  This  religion  consists  in  the  worship  of  the 
elements,  such  as  the  clouds,  the  sky,  the  rainbow,  the  moun- 
tains, lakes,  hills,  and  also  animals,  birds,  and  other  creatures, 
which  inhabited  them.  The  mythology  is  very  beautiful  and 
picturesque,  and  shows  that  the  love  of  nature  abounded  with 
all  this  people.  There  is  no  mythology  that  is  more  beautiful 
than  that  which  comes  to  us  from  the  tribes  who  dwelt  in  the 
deep  interior  of  the  continent.  Their  mythology  was  founded 
upon  their  religion,  and  their  religion  sprang  from  the  love  of 
nature.  We  may  call  it  superstition,  yet  it  was  a  superstition 
that  peopled  everything  with  harmless  divinities.  Even  the 
serpent,  which  was  generally  supposed  to  be  treacherous  and 
hostile  and  dangerous  is  represented  as  a  benefactor,  and 
always  bestowing  gifts  upon  the  people;  in  fact,  the  serpent  is 
a  symbol  of  the  rain-cloud,  which  is  always  a  welcome  visitor. 
The  people  watch  the  sky  closely,  for  their  very  existence  de- 
pends upon  having  rain. 

There  is  a  distinction  between  the  religion  of  the  Navajoes, 
who  were  formerly  hunters  but  now   are  sheperds,  and   the 


RACES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA. 


13 


Pueblos.  The  Navajoes  were  mountaineers, 
yet  they  retain  the  same  religion  they  had 
when  in  their  wild  state.  Their  myth- 
ology is  very  beautiful  and  abounds  with 
allusions  to  all  the  beautiful  things  of  na- 
ture— clouds,  sunbeams,  sparkling  waters, 
crystals,  rocks  of  the  mountains,  mosses, 
twigs  of  trees,  animals  which  inhabit  the 
caves  and  rocks,  birds  among  the  trees, 
supernatural  beings  that  are  in  the  clouds, 
divinities  that  dwell  on  the  mountain  tops; 
all  are  mingled  together,  and  the  strangest 
fancies  are  indulged  in,  in  describing  them. 
There  seems  to  have  been,  also,  a  deeper 
apprehension  of  the  meaning  of  nature 
than  most  people  have,  certainly  much 
deeper  and  more  varied  than  anything 
found  among  the  white  population  of  that 
region  or  any  other.  Everything  was 
shadowy  and  filled  with  supernatural 
creatures. 

VI.  There  was  a  form  of  religion  which 
prevails  d  among  the  tribes  of  the  Interior, 
which  consisted  in  the  worship  of  the  Na- 
ture powers,  under  the  figureof  theserpent. 

There  are  occasional  figures  upon  the 
pottery  found  in  the  mounds,  and  upon 
the  shields  and  other  ornaments  found 
among  the  Pueblos,  which  represent 
winged  figures.  These  can  hardly  be 
called  totems,  for  they  are  more  like 
mythological  creatures.  They  may  be  re- 
garded as  connecting  links  between  totems 
and  a  higher  form  of  symbolism.  In  will 
be  seen  in  the  figure  that  the  serpents 
have  feathered  heads  and  large  wings;  the 
body  is  open,  so  as  to  show  the  heart. 
The  sun  symbol  is  connected  with  each 
winged  serpent.  The  figures  on  the 
shields  have  wings,  but  they  also  have  the 
serpent  below  the  feet. 

These  serpents  were  also  regarded  as 
divinities  which  ruled  over  the  different 
parts  of  creation.  There  was,  however, 
the  same  superstition  that  prevailed  else- 
where on  the  continent,  that  there  were 
supernatural  beings  everywhere  present, 
in  the  sky  above,  in  the  depths  of  the  earth 
below,  in  different  directions  upon  the 
-earth;  and  that  all  the  elements, — the  air, 


Winged  Serpent. 


14 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM, 


the  earth,  fire,  and  water,  were  haunted  or  possessed  by 
unseen  creatures.  The  main  difference  between  this  system 
and  that  which  prevailed  farther  north,  was  that  the  ser- 
pent took  its  place  in  the  sky,  instead  of  a  raven,  as  it  was 
the  personification  of  the  cloud  and  was  supposed  to  bring 
the  rains.  This  furnislies  an  explanation  for  the  celebrated 
snake  dance.  The  people,  it  appears,  were  not  satisfied 
with  offering  their  prayers  to  the  cloud  divinities,  or  making 
symbols  of  the  rain  clouds,  when  they  performed  their 
ceremonies,  but  they  must  have  some  live  object  which  they 
could  hold  in  their  hands  and  mouth,  and  realize  that  they  had 
brought  it  under  their  power.  This  was,  perhaps,  not  thought 
out  deliberately,  but  came  to  them  from  their  habit  of  putting 
ail  their  prayers  into  sacred  dramas  and  religious  ceremonies, 
and  making  everything  as  concrete  as  possible. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  here  that  no  prayer  was  effective  unless 
it   was   symbolized   and   made  substantial  by  something  that 


Fig.  II . — Ornametiled  Wall  of  Buried  City  in  Honduras . 

could  be  seen.  It  was  on  this  account  that  so  many  frames, 
which  are  called  altars,  are  erected,  consisting  of  painted  slats 
of  wood,  while  in  front  of  them  are  other  figures  of  the  rain- 
clouds,  surrounded  by  rods,  the  ears  of  corn  and  other  objects 
placed  as  offerings  in  front  of  the  altars.  This  form  of  reli- 
gion is,  perhaps,  more  reasonable  than  that  which  prevailed  in 
the  region  of  the  North,  for  it  consists  of  sacred  dramas  in 
which  the  prayers  of  the  people  are  acted  out,  the  ceremonies 
all  proving  to  be  very  carefully  observed,  and  there  is  gener- 
ally a  spirit  of  reverence  among  the  people.  The  heavenly 
bodies  are  closely  watched,  especially  the  sun  in  its  move- 
ments through  the  sky.  The  superstition  is  that  when  it  ap- 
proaches the  solstitial  point,  that  there  must  be  a  prayer  and 
religious  ceremony,  or  it  will  never  return. 


RACES  AND  RELIGIONS  IN  AMERICA. 


15 


The  Pueblos  have  a  mythology  which  abounds  with  stories 
about  the  various  animals,  such  as  the  wolf,  the  bear,  the  mole, 
as  well  as  the  serpent.  The  eagle  is  very  prominent  in  their 
mythologv.  They  carry  with  them  shields  upon  which  are  in- 
scribed or  painted  in  different  colors  human  figures,  with  tur- 
reted  caps  upon  their  heads,  symbolizing  the  mountains,  a  bear 
standing  on  either  side,  a  serpent  below  the  feet,  thus  showing 
that  the  close  association  of  animals,  human  beings,  and 
divinities,  all  mingled  together  and  surrounded  by  the  elements 
of  nature.  The  serpent  figures  vary  conspicuously  in  their 
mythology.  Much  can  be  learned  from  the  study  of  their 
religious  customs,  and  especially  comparing  the  myths  and 
ceremonies  common  among  them,  with  those  which  prevailed 
among  the  wild  tribes  scattered  about  them. 

VII.  We  shall  next  consider  the  religion  of  the  so-called 
civilized  races,  such  as  the  Nahuas,  Mayas,  and  others  situated 


Fi^.  12. — Fresco  Figure  from  Mexico. 

in  Mexico  and  Central  America,  including  the  Quichuas  in 
Peru.  The  religion  of  the  Mayas  was  fundamently  the  same  as 
that  of  the  Nahuas.  Most  of  the  gods  were  deified  heroes, 
though  we  occasionally  find  traces  of  an  older  sun-\yorship, 
and  the  conjecture  is  that  an  original  astral  worship  once 
prevailed. 

This  is  illustrated  by  the  cuts.  One  of  which  represents 
the  frescoes  on  the  walls  of  a  buried  temple  in  Honduras.  In 
these  frescoes  human  forms  are  covered  with  animal  heads 
and  surrounded  by  figures  representing  plumed  serpents.  An- 
other cut  (Fig.  12)  represents  paintings  from  Monte  Alban  in 
Mexico.  In  these  an  animal  headed  creature  seems  to  be  facing 
a  draped  altar.  The  significance  of  the  picture  is  unknown.  An- 
other cut  (Fig,  13)  represents  a  row  of  idols,  which  has  also  been 


16 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


discovered  in  Honduras.  There  are  no  altars  in  front  of  these 
and  so  they  form  an  exception  to  the  general  rule,  for  in  most 
cases  where  human  images  are  seen,  there  are  altars  in  front  of 
them;  many  of  them  being  in  the  shape  of  animals  or  huge 
dragons  or  nondescript  creatures. 

VIII.  There  was  a  form  of  religion  which  prevailed  in 
Peru..  It  consisted  mainly  in  the  deifying  of  the  Incas,  who 
were  regarded  as  the  sons  of  the  sun,  and  so,  in  a  measure, 
divine.  The  symbols  in  Peru  were,  however,  mainly  images 
of  the  sun  and  moon.     These  were  placed  on  the  walls  of  the 


Fig.ij. — Idols  in  Hotiduras. 

temples,  the  best  specimens  of  which  were  seen  by  the 
Spaniards  at  Quito.  It  appears  that  sun-dials  were  numerous 
and  that  from  these  the  Peruvian  priests  calculated  the  seasons, 
and  by  this  means  regulated  all  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 
There  were  no  such  carved  statues  in  Peru,  as  have  been  dis- 
covered in  Central  America,  and  no  altars  which  betokened 
that  sacrifies  were  offered  to  kings;  yet  the  government  of 
Peru  was  based  on  the  idea  that  the  Inca  vvas  superior  to  all, 
and  that  the  Inca  race  belonged  to  a  different  order. 


TOTEM   TATOOES   ON   THE    NORTHWEST   COAST. 


.i-  '?r. 


'^<?i 


iS-k^^^'-' 


PORTRAIT    FIGURE   FROM    GUATEMALA. 


TOTEMISM  AXD  MYTHOLOGY.  17 


CHAPTER   II. 

TO  TEA/ ISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY. 

The  patriarch  Jacob,  just  before  his  death,  called  his  sons 
together  and  prophesied  their  future  destiny  and  that  of 
the  tribes  that  were  to  descend  from  them.  In  doing  so  he 
used  certain  symbols  or  emblems  which  were  probably  promi- 
nent in  their  tribal  escutcheons,  and  made  these  the  basis  of 
his  prophecy.  The  following  is  his  language  :  "Judah  is  a 
lion's  whelp  ;"  "The  Scepter  shall  not  depart  from  Judah 
until  Shiloh  come  ;"  "Issachar  is  a  strong  ass  couching  down 
between  two  burdens  ;"  "  Dan  shall  be  a  serpent  by  the  way, 
an  adder  in  the  path;"  "  Naphtali  is  a  hind  let  loose;" 
"  Joseph  is  a  fruitful  bough,  even  a  fruitful  bough  by  a  well ;" 
"Benjamin  shall  raven  as  a  wolf,  in  the  morning  he  shall 
devour  the  prey  and  at  night  divide  the  spoils." — Genesis, 
Chapter  48:  8,  14,  17,  21,  22,  27.  In  these  expressions,  we 
have  a  series  of  word  pictures  which  clearly  portray  the 
characteristics  of  the  different  tribes,  their  history,  as 
well  as  a  description  of  the  geographical  localities  which 
they  occupied.  How  the  patriarch  came  to  use  this  lan- 
guage is  a  mystery,  but  there  may  have  been  a  kind  of 
picture  language  prevalent  in  the  patriarchal  age  which  he 
used  to  designate  the  traits  of  each  one  of  his  children,  and, 
to  show  that  the  history  of  each  one  of  the  tribes  which 
should  descend  from  them,  would  partake  of  these  traits.  It  is 
known  that  at  a  very  early  time  significant  names  and  emblems, 
were  given  to  individuals,  and  that  these  were  transmitted  to. 
the  children,  and  as  their  posterity  increased,  they  became- 
tribal  emblems.  There  were  also  dreams  which  were  pro- 
phetic, and  it  may  be  that  the  patriarch  in  his  dreams  saw 
the  emblems  which  belonged  to  the  different  sons,  and  in 
them  read  the  history  of  the  tribes  which  should  be  raised 
up  from  them.  Whatever  the  explanation  is,  the  passages, 
furnish  a  good  illustration  of  a  custom  which  was  common-, 
among  the  uncivilized  races,  and  is  still  prevalent  among  the- 
aborigines  of  America,  namely:  the  custom  of  giving  the- 
names  of  animals  and  plants  to  the  children,  and  making 
these  serve  as  emblems  of  the  clan  or  tribe. ' 


'  .\mons-  certain  tribes  there  -was  a  cbange  from  matriarcliy  to  patriarchy.  In  such 
cases  the  children  tooli  the  name  of  the  father's  clan  and  bore  the  emblem  or  sign  which 
belonged  to  the  father. 


18  NATIVE  AMERICAN   SYMBOLISM. 

In  most  of  the  tribes  these  names  were  given  by  the 
mother,  or  rather  were  taken  from  the  clan  to  which  the 
mother  belonged,  and  were  transmitted  by  a  fixed  law,  for 
the  children  by  the  law  of  matriarchy,  always  belonged  to 
the  clan  of  the  mother,  and  carried  the  name  and  emblem 
of  that  clan.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  clan,  tribal  and 
family  names  first  appeared.  They  were  not  names  which 
were  taken  from  the  employments,  occupations,  or  trades, 
nor  were  they  names  which  were  descriptive  of  personal  ex- 
ploits or  incidents  such  as  some  of  the  Indians  have  borne, 
nor  were  they  arbitrary  nick  names  which  were  given  to 
describe  the  characteristics  of  the  individual,  but  they  were 
ancestral  names  and  resemble  in  this  respect  surnames  which 
are  now  extant.  The  main  difference  between  the  historic 
and  prehistoric  surnames  was  that  the  latter  were  always  the 


€LAN  TOTEMS  INSCRIBED -QX  ROCKS. 

names  of  animals  which  were  regarded  as  ancestors,  while  in 
historic  times,  surnames  were  derived  from  occupations,  etc. 
Occasionally  there  was  a  name  which  was  altogether  private, 
and  which  might  be  called  the  dream  name  for  it  was  the 
name  of  some  animal  which  appeared  to  the  individual  in  a 
dream.  These  dreams  came  after  long  fasting,  and  were 
the  result  of  the  hidden  exercises  of  the  mind  which  would 
naturally  occur  before  the  initiation  of  warriors.  When  the 
vision  of  some  animal  appeared,  the  young  man  felt  himself 
prepared  for  his  initiation  as  a  warrior,  and  as  he  presented 
himself  for  the  rite  he  would  take  the  skin  of  the  animal  or 
some  figure  of  it  as  a  personal  fetich  or  charm  and  would 
join  the  society  which  bore  the  name  of  the  animal  that  had 

Mai.  J.  W.  Powell  holds  that  matriarchy  prevailed  among  the  people  who  were  in 
the  status  of  savagery  but  changed  to  patriarchy  when  they  reached  the  status  of  bar- 
barism. See  loth  Annual  Report  of  Bu.  Ethnology  Intro.  He  also  gives  the  name 
clan  to  a  group  of  people  reckoning  kinship  in  a  female  line;  the  name  of  gens  to  a 
group  of  people  reckoning  kinship  in  the  male  line.  When  tribes  unite  in  confederacies, 
artilicial  kinship  is  cstablislied  as  a  legal  fiction,  and  the  members  of  one  tribe  know 
the  nienilM-rs  of  anotlier  tribe  by  the  artificial  emblem,  which  they  wear,  and  address 
them  by  kinship  terms.  Adopted  members  are  given  artificial  kinship,  and  have  the 
same  rights  as  those  who  are  born  into  clans  or  tribes. 


MYTHOLOGIC  AND  ANIMAL  TOTEMS— From  Catlin's  Indians. 


Ciitlin  says  these  symbolic  writings  or  totems  are  found  recorded  on  rocks  and  trees, 
als  >  on  VI  bi'S  and  wigwams,  and  are  very  numerous. 


TOTEMISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY.  19 

appeared  to  him/  In  this  way  there  arose  a  system  of  reli- 
gion which  was  very  wide-spread  and  very  powerful  among 
all  the  hunter  tribes  of  America  which  was  called  totemism.^ 

Now  it  is  to  this  totemism  that  we  shall  devote  the  present 
chapter. 

I.  We  shall  begin  with  a  description  of  the  system  and 
the  new  kinship  introduced  by  it. 

(i)  There  were  two  kinds  of  kinship,  the  natural  and  arti- 
ficial. The  natural  was  that  system  which  led  to  giving  the 
names  and  emblems  of  the  mother  or  father  to  the  children, 
but  the  artificial  was  that  which  introduced  into  all  the  to- 
temistic  tribes  a  new  relationship  which  transcended  kin- 
ship according  to  the  fiesh.  According  to  totemism,  every 
male  person  must  marry  outside  of  his  clan.  The  children 
which  were  born  belonged  to  the  clan  of  their  mother  and 
took  the  name  of  her  clan  rather  than  that  of  the  father. 
There  were  a  few  tribes,  like  the  Uakotas  for  instance,  in 
which  the  law  of  matriarchy  was  changed  to  patriarchy,  and 
the  children  in  that  case  took  the  name  of  the  father  but 
it  was  generally  the  mother  who  gave  the  name.  The  name 
was  taken  always  from  some  animal,  and  generally  from  one 
that  abounded  in  the  region.  ^ 

(2)  This  relationship  which  came  from  history  and  from  re- 
ligion, dated  back  to  the  time  when  the  different  tribes  were 
clans  of  one  tribe,  and  so  were  descended  from  a  common 
ancestor.  The  power  of  religion  and  regard  for  ancestry, 
led  the  people  to  value  the  archaic  kinship  as  more  binding 
upon  the  families  than  the  relationship  which  then   existed. 

'  Miss  Alice  Fletcher  says :  The  Indian's  religion  is  spoken  of  as  a  nature  and  animal 
worship.  Careful  inquiry  and  ob-ervation  fail  to  show  that  the  Indian  actually  wor- 
shiped the  objects.  More  faith  is  put  in  the  ritual,  and  a  careful  observance  of  forms 
than  in  any  act  of  self  denial  in  its  moral  sense,  as  we  understand  it.  The  claim  of  rela- 
tionship is  used  to  strengthen  the  appeal. 

■  =  The  name  was  derived  from  an  Ojibwa  word  which  signifies  tribe  or  family,  but 
brings  to  view  a  system  which  was  very  wide-spread  and  very  powerful,  especially  among 
the  hunter  tribes.  It  was;n  fact  the  system  according  to  which  nearly  all  aboriginal 
tribes  wore  organized,  and  which  also  embodied  their  tribal  history  and  regulated  their 
tribal  customs,  but  itself  arose  out  of  their  mythology  and  especially  out  of  their  cos- 
mic myths.  In  the  east  it  was  called  animal  worship  and  the  name  animal  tribe  was 
given  to  those  who  practiced  it.  In  America  tlie  term  totemism  is  used,  for  it  brings  up 
the  tliought  of  the  peculiar  relationship  which  was  involved,  and  dismisses  the  idea  of 
worshiping  animals  which  is  very  subordinate,  if  it  existed  at  all.  There  was  a  rever- 
ence for  animals  inasmuch  as  certain  animals  were  regarded  as  ancestors  of  the  tribes, 
a  few  were  also  regarde.l  as  mythologic  beings  who  were  both  "Culture  heroes^  and 
Creators."  These  emblems  or  figures  were  very  prominent  in  the  "  bark  records"  and 
picture  writings. 

^Mr.  J    O.  Dorsey  says:    "The  Dakotas  have  animal  names  for  their  gentes  and 
tribal  or  clan  taboos.    Each  man  has  his  personal  taboo  and  his  personal  name.    The 
personal  names  give  the  color  of  the  animal.     Some  of  their  names  suggest  myths. 
(See  Indian  personal  names.     ,\mer    .Anthropologist  for  July,  1890.) 

Walter  Fewkes  savs:  ".\mong  the  Tusayans  names  of  animals  have  the  preference 
over  plants,  there  being  46  of  the  first  and  21  of  the  latter.  It  is  natural  that  gentes 
named  from  horned  animals,  foxes,  coyotes  and  wolves,  should  go  together.  But  why 
the  ants  sliould  be  associated  with  the  horn  peoide  is  not  so  clear  unless  we  trace  it 
back  to  the  history  of  tlieir  migration."  ,.     ,    ,■     j 

Captain  Hourke  savs:  "  If  clan  names  wore  originally  topographical  this  does  not 
militate  against  the  idea  that  to  the  mind  of  the  American  savage  the  animals  have 
always  been  gods,  and  in  some  vague  way  connected  with  the  mystery  of  human  crea- 
tion." 


20  NATIVE   AMERICAN   SYMBOLISM. 

■i 

(2)  It  was  a  fraternity  which  ran  through  the  different 
tribes  of  a  stock  or  confederacy,  and  which  brought  together 
all  of  the  clans  which  bore  the  same  animal  name  and  had 
the  same  totem,  and  made  them  brothers. 

To  illustrate  :  The  Iroquois,  who  dwelt  in  New  York,  were  composed  of 
five  tribes,  each  tribe  was  divided  into  ten  or  twelve  clans  named  after  animals 
— the  wolf,  bear,  beaver,  turtle,  deer,  snipe,  heron  and  hawk.  The  tribes 
lived  in  the  different  parts  of  the  state,  and  each  tribe  had  its  own  council 
house,  head  chief,  sachems  and  specific  territory.  They  were  named  and  situ- 
ated as  follows:  Beginning  at  the  east,  Mohawks,  called  ''The  Shield,'*  next 
the  Onondagas,  called  "Name-Bearer,''  Oneidas,  "The  Great  Tree,''  Cay- 
ugas,  "The  Great  Fipe,"  Senecas,  "The  Door- Keeper,"'  as  they  were  the  per- 
petual keepers  of  the  door  of  the  "long  house."  ^ 

A  person  who  belonged  to  the  wolf  clan  could  travel  along  the  trail  which 
led  from  tribe  to  tribe,  and  would  find  the  members  of  the  wolf  clan  ready  to 
receive  him  and  protect  him,  and  give  him  a  home  among  them  as  if  he  was 
their  own  brother,  as  they  were  brothers  according  to  an  archaic  fraternity 
and  bore  the  same  fraternal  emblem. 

There  was  also  an  emblem  which  every  one  carried  about  his  person  which 
indicated  the  clan  to  which  he  belonged.  This  may  have  consisted  in  the  pic- 
ture of  an  animal  inscribed  upon  an  amulet  or  it  may  have  consisted  in  the 
fashion  of  cutting  the  hair,  making  the  moccasins,  or  wearing  apparel,  or  of 
ornamenting  the  person  or  tattooing  the  face.  Whatever  the  emblem  was,  it 
was  equivalent  to  a  coat  of  arms,  and  was  a  native  heraldry.  This  heraldry 
was  recognized  everywhere  as  significant  of  a  totemistic  brotherhood.  It  was 
supplemented  often  times  by  sign  language,  for  each  tribe  had  a  name  which 
could  be  expressed  by  signs. 

The  Pawnee,  whose  clan  totem  is  the  wolf  is  seen  in  a  plate  given  by  Cat- 
lin.  holding  up  the  hand  and  fingers  so  as  to  show  the  wolf's  ears.  Among  the 
Hurons  and  Dakotas  the  manner  of  cutting  the  hair  was  such  as  to  make  the 
head  at  once  suggestive  of  the  animal  or  bird  whose  totem  the.  person  carried. 
The  tuft  over  the  forehead  and  back  of  the  head  and  ears  resembling  the 
wings,  head  and  tail  of  the  eagle,  showed  that  the  person  belonged  to  the 
eagle  clan.  The  ridge  of  hair  which  was  left  on  the  crown,  resembling  the 
back  of  the  buffalo,  showed  that  the  person  belonged  to  the  buffalo  clan. 

Among  the  Haidas  of  the  North  West  Coast  the  figure  of  the  squid  or 
frog,  or  cod,  or  sculpin,  the  double  figure  of  the  wolf  tattooed  upon  the  arms, 
legs,  breast,  or  back  or  shoulders  of  the  man  and  woman  would  indicate  the 
clan  or  tribe  to  which  they  belonged. 

This  heraldry  was  equivalent  to  that  which  belonged  to  the  royal  families 
of  Europe,  and  with  some  of  the  tribes  symbolized  the  genealogy  of  the  family 
and  the  exploits  and  traditional  history.  It  was  as  much  a  sign  of  fraternity 
as  the  pins,  badges  and  other  symbols  which  are  worn  by  the  members  of  the 


'Mr.  L.  H.  Morgan  says:  "All  tlio  mombors  of  the  same  «?Pns  whether  Mohawks, 
Oneidas.  Onondagas,  Cayiigas  or  Senecas  were  brothers  and  sister.-*  to  each  other,  in 
virtue  of  their  descent  from  the  same  common  ancestor,  and  were  recognized  as  such. 
Three  of  the  gentes,  wolf,  boar  and  turtle  were  common  to  five  tribes.  The  deer,  snipe 
and  hawk  wore  common  to  three  tribes. — Ancient  Society,  p.  133. 


TOTEMISM  AND  MYTHOLOGY.  21 

various  secret  societies  and  college  fraternities,  but   introduced  a  brotherhood 
which  was  stronger  and  more  sacred  than  that  which  came  from  these  societies.  ^ 

(4)  According  to  Mr.  Morgan,  there  were  two  changes. 
First.  The  change  of  descent  from  the  female  line  to  the 
male  line.  Second.  The  change  of  inheritance  of  the 
property  of  the  deceased  member  from  the  clan  or  gens  in 
the  collective  capacity  to  the  agnatic  kindred,  and  finally  to 
the  man's  children.'  Yet  there  were  certain  rights  and  privi- 
leges which  inhere  in  the  system.  These  were  as  follows  : 
{a)  The  right  of  electing  chiefs,  (b)  The  right  of  inheritance 
of  the  property  of  deceased  members.  {c)  The  right  of  be- 
stowing names  upon  members  and  adopting  strangers  into 
the  gens.  {d)  The  right  of  help,  defense  and  redress  of  in- 
juries, (c)  Right  to  a  common  burial  place  and  a  share  in 
religious  ceremonies.  (/)  Right  to  a  representation  in 
council  of  the  gens.  {g)  Obligation  not  to  marry  in  the 
gens.  All  these  rights  and  privileges  were  enjoyed  by  those 
who  bore  the  clan  emblem.  The  totem  which  he  carried  on 
his  person  brought  an  obligation  on  the  clan  which  bore  the 
same  totem  to  defend  him.  They  were  all  brothers,  not  by 
kinship,  but  by  religion. 

(5)  In  some  tribes  the  communistic  system  prevailed.  The 
families  and  persons  which  belonged  to  a  particular  clan  had 
a  share  of  the  food  which  was  to  be  had,  whether  it  was  in 
his  own  family  or  in  some  other  family.  The  supply  was  to 
the  clan  rather  than  to  the  household.  This  did  not  always 
exist,  for  there  were  tribes  where  the  family  lived  separate, 
and  had  its  provisions  separate,  but  it  was  very  common.  In 
such  a  case  the  totem  may  be  said  to  have  brought  the  pro- 
vision to  each  person. 

(6)  The  inheritance  of  landed  property  was  in  the  clan. 
There  was  no  property  in  severalty  among  the  uncivilized 
tribes.  The  property  and  effects  of  the  mother  passed  to  her 
children,  and  in  default  of  them,  to  her  sister's  children,  but  al- 
ways remained  in  the  clan.  This  is  the  case  among  the  Algon- 
quins.  Among  the  Lagunas  the  land  is  held  in  common  as 
the  property  of  the  community,  but  after  a  person  cultivated 
a  lot  he  had  a  personal  claim  to  it  which  he  could  sell  to  any 
one  of  the  community.  Among  the  Iroquois  the  property 
was    hereditary  in    the    gens.      Consequently,  children   took 

'  Mr.  Morgan,  who  was  initiated  by  the  Iroquois,  says:  "The  gens  embraced  all 
«nch  persons  as  trace  their  descent  from  a  supposed  common  ancestor  through  females. 
The  evidence  of  tlic  fact  was  the  possession  of  a  common  gentile  name.  It  Uoes  n<>t  m- 
clnde  all  the  descendants  of  a  common  ancestor,  but  all  who  bear  the  name  are  <>ntitlea 
to  the  totem.  The  gentile  organization  originated  in  the  period  ef  savagery,  enduroa 
through  the  three  sub-poriods  of  barbarism,  and  finally  gave  way  when  the  tribe  at- 
tained to  civilization  and  the  land  and  property  took  the  place  of  Icinship. 

^  See  .Vnciont  Society,  p.  71. 


22  i\^.477T'^  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

nothing    from    their    fathers,    but    inherited    their    mother's 
effects.  ^ 

(7)  The  history  "  of  the  clans  is  thus  given  by  the  totem. 
It  appears  that  the  different  tribes  grew  up  together  and 
bore  the  names  of  a  common  ancestry,  as  the  animal  names 
of  the  clans  were  repeated  in  every  tribe.  This,  to  be  sure, 
varied  in  the  different  tribes,  for  there  were  in  some  of  the 
clans,  or  gentes,  sub-gentes,  which  took  other  names.  There 
were  also  clans  which  became  incorporated  in  certain  tribes, 
and  these  introduced  certain  emblems  or  totems.  Still, 
even  witn  this  confusion  the  history  of  the  tribe  could  be 
traced  in  the  totems. 

(8)  The  government  of  the  clan  was  influenced  by  to- 
temism.  The  office  of  sachem  or  civil  chief  is  hereditar}'  in 
the  gens,  but  elective  among  the  members.  Each  gens  had 
the  power  to  depose  as  well  as  elect  its  chiefs. 

Carver  says  of  the  Dakotas  :  ''  The  office  of  sachem,  or  clan  elder,  passes 
from  brother  to  brother,  or  from  uncle  to  nephew.  That  of  war-chief  was  be- 
stowed as  a  reward  of  merit  and  was  not  hereditary.  The  sachem  has  more 
immediate  management  of  civil  affairs.    His  assent  is  necessary  to  all  treaties  "  ^ 

Among  the  Winnebagos  the  sons  of  a  deceased  chief  were  not  always  eli- 
gible, for  on  the  death  of  a  chief  his  sister's  son  succeeds  him  in  preference  to 
his  own  son.  * 

''  A  practice  was  common  among  certain  tribes,  such  as  the  Shawnees, 
Miamis,  Sauks  and  Foxes,  of  naming  children  into  the  gens.  This  would  en- 
able a  son  to  succeed  his  father  in  offi:e,  and  enable  the  children  to  inherit  the 
property  from  the  father.  The  father  had  no  control  over  the  question  of 
naming  the  children  It  was  left  by  the  gens  to  certain  persons,  most  of  tnem 
matrons,  who  were  to  be  consulted  when  children  were  to  be  named,  with 
power  to  determine  the  name  to  be  given."'  ' 

Herrera  remarks  of  the  Mayas:  "They  were  wont  to 
observe  their  pedigrees  very  much,  and  therefore  thought 
themselves  all  related  and  were  helpful  to  one  another.  They 
did  not  marry  any  that  bore  the  same  name  as  their  father. 
This  was  looked  upon  as  unlawful."  " 

"The  Laguna  Pueblo  Indians  are  organized  in  gentes  with 
descent  in  the  female  line.  Each  town  is  divided  into  tribes 
or  families,  and  each  of  these  groups  is  named  after  some 
animal,  bird,  herb,  tree,  plant,  or  one  of  the  four  elements. 
Some    are    called   bear,    deer,    rattlesnake,     corn,     wolf    and 


'  See  Ancient  Society,  p.  1.53. 

-  It  was  a  totem istic  history,  rather  than  a  genealogical  or  tribal,  inasmuch  as  every 
clansman  began  his  history  at  tlie  timo  ho  was  initiated  and  received  his  new  name 
The  experience  in  the  dreams  may  be  compared  to  conversion  in  modern  times,  for  it 
was  always  very  remarkable. 

'See  .\ncient  Society,  p.  155. 

•*  See  .\ncieut  Society,  p.  157. 

°.\ncient  Society,  p.  169. 

"  This  sliows  that  patriarchy  existed  among  the  Mayas. 


TOTEMISM  AND  MYTHOLOGY.  23 

water.      The   children    are  of   the  same  tribe,  (gens)  as  their 
mother." 

There  are  many  other  characteristics  to  the  totem  system 
but  those  which  have  been  spoken  of  will  show  how  power- 
ful and  far-reaching  it  was. 

II.  We  therefore  turn  from  these  to  speak  of  the  relation 
of  totemism  to  the  native  mythology.  Here  let  us  say 
that  there  was  a  native  mythology  in  America  which  was  as 
varied  and  interesting  as  that  which  prevailed  in  Scandinavia, 
India,  or  even  in  classic  lands. 

This  mythology  had  not  reached  the  stage  where  personal 
divinities  were  recognized  and  myths  invented  to  celebrate 
their  exploits,  nor  had  it  reached  that  stage  where  the  nature 
powers  and  heavenly  bodies  were  deified,  or  at  any  rate,  to  no 
such  extent  as  they  were  in  the  Far  East,  though  there  were 
certain  myths  that  celebrated  the  exploits  of  the  mountain 
divinities,  and  others  represented  the  nature  powers  as  hu- 
manized divinities.  The  chief  peculiarities  of  American  myth- 
ology was  that  it  abounded  with  animal  divinities  and  rung 
the  changes  as  to  the  exploits  of  these,  viewed  as  personal 
beings  or  as  humanized  animals. 

It  is  interesting  to  go  over,  the  different  parts  of  the  conti- 
nent to  see  how  the  animals  were  deified  and  made  to  repre- 
sent supernatural  beings. 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  whole  sky  and  earth,  and  even  the 
waters  under  the  earth  .vere  filled  with  the  imaginary  beings 
who  bore  the  animal  form  and  yet  had  human  attributes. 
This  can  be  accounted  for  on  the  ground  that  totemism  was 
the  prevailing  religion  and  the  myths  were  about  the  animals 
which  were  worshipped  as  totems.  It  is  in  this  way  that  the 
early  histor\'  of  totemism  was  transmitted  and  the  meaning 
and  object  of  the  totems  were  made  known.  This  gives  to 
the  mythology  a  very  great  value,  inasmuch  as  it  shows  that 
the  origin  of  totemism  was  in  mythology,  and  the  myths 
were  the  chief  means  of  preserving  the  totems.  The  follow- 
ing classifieation  of  the  myths  is  interesting  on  this  account : 

1.  There  were  myths  about  the  animals  which  were  regarded  as  ancestors 
which  would  make  those  animals  very  sacred  to  the  clan,  for  they  were 
repeated  at  the  fireside  and  in  the  hearing  of  the  children  until  they  be- 
came as  household  words  and  the  animal  ancestors  seemed  realities. 
2.  There  were  creation  myths,  which  also  perpetuated  the  same  system,  as  the 
great  creator  or  first  ancestor,  or  culture  hero,  often  bore  an  acimal  name 
and  was  represented  under  the  animal  semblance.  3.  There  were  myths 
also  which  gave  the  idea  of  protection  to  the  people,  for  they  were  full  of 
marvelous  exploits  of  the  great  animal  who  was  regarded  as  the  ancestor  of 
the  clan,  or  tribe,  or  village,  or  individual,  and  these  exploits  were  a  pledge 
of  security  to  those  who  bore  the  totem  or  emblem.     4.  There  were  also 


24  yATIVE  AMERICAN   SYMBOLISM. 

myths  which  perpetuated  the  history  of  a  tribe.  Sometimes  these  myths 
carry  the  tribe  back  to  their  original  home  or  starting  place,  and  show 
how,  when  and  where  they  received  their  first  totems  and  how  they  changed 
them  during  their  migration.  5.  There  were  myths  which  showed  the  own- 
ership that  came  from  inheritance,  as  the  totem  of  the  individual  or  family 
was  placed  upon  every  utensil,  weapon,  keepsake  and  article  of  furniture 
that  belonged  to  the  individual,  and  became  a  kind  of  monogram.  6.  There 
were  myths  perpetuated  by  the  secret  societies,  which  made  known  the 
migrations  of  the  tribes  and  at  the  same  time  predicted  the  future  state 
of  the  persons  who  were  initiated.  Among  the  Ojibwas,  the  first  degree 
of  the  initiation  was  full  of  the  symbols  of  creation,  but  as  the  candidate 
went  on  through  the  different  degrees  the  different  animals  which  repre- 
sented the  clan  totems  were  found  to  guard  the  entrance.  The  bear  spirit 
guarding  the  first  degree,  the  wolf  the  second,  etc.  The  candidate  must 
pray  and  make  offerings  of  tobacco  that  the  spirits  should  drive  the  male- 
volent spirits  away  from  the  opening  and  that  the  entrance  to  the  degree 
might  be  open  to  him.  Serpent  spirits  were  the  evil  manitous  who  opposed 
progress,  but  if  the  prayers  and  feasts  were  sufficient  the  largest  serpent 
raised  his  body  so  as  to  form  an  arch  so  that  the  candidate  might  pass  on 
his  way  while  the  four  smaller  serpents  moved  to  either  side  of  the  path. 
In  the  second  degree  the  candidate  personated  the  bear  spirit  and  was 
identified  with  the  totem.  7.  There  were  also  myths  concerning  the  "jour- 
ney of  the  soul "  among  certain  tribes.  These  were  very  significant,  and 
yet  were  connected  with  the  totem  system. 

Illustrations  of  these  different  kinds  of  myths  might  be 
given,  but  we  shall  content  ourselves  with  a  few  of  the  picto- 
graphs  which  have  been  preserved,  and  the  interpretations 
of  them  which  have  been  furnished. 

Schoolcraft  has  spoken  of  some  of  the  totems  of  the  Dako- 
tas,  and  has  given  a  plate  Avhich  is  quite  significant.  On  this 
we  see,  first,  four  "gods  of  the  water,"  represented  under  the 
figure  of  animals  (3,  4,  5  and  6)  with  lightning  darting  from 
their  heads,  with  the  principal  god  near  them  (7).  In  the 
picture  the  circle  represents  the  sea  which  surrounds  the 
earth.  It  has  four  passages  (ii)  across  it,  representing 
the  doors  through  which  the  gods  go  out  into  the  world. 
The  dotted  line  shows  the  migration  route.  Another  picto- 
graph  shows  the  god  of  the  forest,  under  the  figure  of  an 
owl  (12)  perched  upon  a  tree  ;  at  the  foot  of  the  tree  is  the 
home  of  the  "god;"  on  either  side  of  him  are  the  eagle  and 
hawk  (14),  which  are  his  guards  or  sentinels.  One  of  the 
gods  of  thunder  (15)  is  also  represented,  which  is  an  enemy 
of  the  god  of  the  forest.  Another  pictograph  represents 
the  six  gods  of  the  thunder,  with  thunderbolts  in  one  hand 
and  the  rain  falling  from  the  other.  The  gods  have  square 
heads,  with  four  points  or  peaks  above  the  square  to  repre- 
sent the  four  quarters  of  the  sky.  Another  picture  represents 
the  "goddess  of  war,"  with  battle-ax  in   one  hand   and   four 


TOTEMISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY.  25 

rings  on  the  arms.  Above  the  figure  is  an  arch  representing 
the  sky.  These  were  the  mythologic  totems  of  the  Dakotas. 
Those  of  the  Iroquois  can  be  seen  on  the  "bark  records." 

An   interpretation  of  certain   mythologic  totems   has  also 
been  given  by  Catlin.     There  were  four  articles  of  great  ven- 
eration and  importance.    These  were  four  sacks  of  water  made 
from  a  buffalo's  skin,  sewed  together  in  the   form   of  a  large 
tortoise.     These  four  tortoises  contained  water  from  the  four 
quarters   of   the    world.      Their    principal    actors   were  eight 
men,  with    the   entire    skins    of    buffalos   thrown   over   their 
backs,  the  horns,  hoofs   and   tails  remaining  on  their  bodies 
in  a  horizontal  position,  enabling  them  to  imitate  the  actions 
of  the  buffalo,  whilst  they  were   looking   out    of   its    eyes  as 
through   a  masque.      The  bodies  of  these   men  were  chiefly 
naked,  and   all   painted   in'  the   mo^t  extraordinary  manner, 
with  the   nicest   adherence  to  exact   similarity,  their  limbs, 
bodies  and   faces   being   in   every   part   covered   either  with 
black,  red  or  white  paint.      Each  one  of  these  strange  char- 
acters had  also  a  lock  of  buffalo's  hair  tied  around  his  ankles — 
in    his   right  hand  a  rattle,  and  a  slender  white  rod  or  staff, 
six  feet  long,  in  the  other,  and   carried   on   his  back  a  bunch 
of  green  willow  boughs  about  the  usual   size   of   a  bundle  of 
straw.      These,  eight  men  being  divided  into  four  pairs,  took 
their  positions  on  the  four  different  sides  of  the  curb  or  big 
canoe,  representing  thereby  the  four  cardinal  points;    and 
between  each  group  of  them,  with   the   back  turned  to  the 
big  canoe,  was  another  figure,  engaged   in  the  same  dance, 
keeping  step  with  them,  with  a  similar  staff  or  wand  in  one 
hand   and   a  rattle   in  the  other,  and  (being  four  in  number) 
answering  again  to  the  four  cardinal  points.      The  bodies  of 
these    four   young   men    were   chiefly  naked,  with    no  other 
dress    upon    them   than    a    beautiful    kilt    around    the  waist, 
made   of  eagle   quills    and   ermine,  and   very   splendid   head 
dresses   made   of   the   same  materials.      Two  of   these  figures 
were   painted    entirely   black,    with    pounded    charcoal    and 
greese,  whom  they  called  the  ' '  firmament,  or  night ; "  and  the 
numerous  white  spots  which  were  dotted  all  over  their  bodies, 
they  called  "stars."     The  other  two  were  painted  from  head 
to  foot  as  red  as  vermilion  could   make  them.      These,    they 
said,  represented  the  day,  and  the  white  streaks  which  were 
painted    up  and  down  over  their  bodies,    "ghosts  which   the 
morning  rays  were  chasing  away." 

III.      This   leads   us  to   take   up   the  classification  of   the 
totems.      It  will  be  understood  that  there  were  several  kinds 


'The  plate  ropresouting  these  may  be  soon  in  another  part  of  this  volume. 


£6  NATIVE   AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

of  totems,  all  of  which  arc  suggestive  of  m\-thology,  or  at 
least  of  relieious  customs  and  superstitions.  The  following 
embraces  nearly  all  classes  and  a  description  of  the 
offices  which  they  filled:  First.  The  clan  totem.  This  was 
generalh'  received  from  the  mother,  though  in  the  tribes 
that  had  reached  the  patriarchal  age,  it  was  received  from 
the  father.^  Second.  The  tribal  totem,  common  to  all  the 
members  of  a  tribe  to  the  exclusion  of  other  tribes.  Third. 
The  individual  totem,  belonging  to  an  individual  and  not 
passing  to  his  descendants.  Fourth.  The  village  totem, 
common  to  all  the  residents  of  the  village,  generally 
derived  from  the  chief  of  the  village.  Fifth.  The  phratry 
totem,  common  to  all  the  members  of  a  phratry  or  sub-divis- 
ion of  a  tribe,  and  derived  from  some  former  tribal  division. 
Sixth.  The  sub-gens  totem,  called  by  Fraser  the  split  totem. 
Seventh.    The  mythologic"  totem. 

(i)  "The  clan  totem  was  reverenced  b\-  a  body  of  men  and 
women  who  called  themselves  by  the  name  of  the  totem,  be- 
lieved themselves  to  be  of  one  blood,  descendants  of  a  com- 
mon ancestor,  bound  together  by  common  obligations  to  each 
other  and  by  a  common  faith  in  the  totem." 

The  clansman  is  in  the  habit  of  assimilating  himself  to  his  totem  by  dressing 
in  the  skin  or  other  part  of  the  totem  animal,  arranging  his  hair  and  mutilating 
his  body  so  as  to  resemble  the  totem,  or  representing  the  totem  on  his  body  by 
tattooing  or  paint.  The  belief  was  common  among  the  Indians  that  they  had 
an  animal  in  their  bodies.  A  clansman  affixes  a  totem  mark  or  signature  to 
treaties  and  deeds,  and  paints  and  carves  it  on  his  weapons,  canoes  and  tents. 
In  death  the  clansman  sought  to  become  one  with  his  totem,  so  he  was  buried 
with  the  clan  and  had  the  clan  totem  placed  above  his  grave  *  It  was  an  article  of 
faith  that  the  clan  sprang  from  a  totem  or  animal  ancestor  and  that  each  clan 
at  death  rejoined  the  ancestors,  though  whether  they  reassumed  the  animal 
shape  is  a  question. 

Clan  totems  were  prevalent  among  all  the  hunter  tribes,  and  were  the  symbols 
or  emblems  of  the  clans  or  gentes  which  existed  among  thetn.  They  indicated 
a  natural  kinship  and  in  a  sense  perpetuated  the  ancestral  line  exactly  as  the 
coat  of  arms  in  European  countries  perpetuates  the  family  history  and  shows 
the  ancestry  of  the  peculiar  household  They  were  not,  however,  indicative  of 
any  individual  exploits  as  the  crests  and  symbols  upon  the  family  crests  in 
ordinaiy   heraldy  were,  but  were  strictly  genealogical.     There  were  symbols 

'  It  was  about  the  only  totem  which  was  transmitted  by  inheritance.  All  other 
totems  ended  with  the  individual  or  witli  the  village,  though  the  mythologic  totem  was 
transmitted  by  tradition  from  generation  to  generation,  and  gradually  extended  to 
other  tribes.    Tliere  was  a  sub-gens  or  totem  sometimes  called  the  split  totem. 

'-'  The  myth  of  the  '"  rabbit  "  as  a  "  dawn  god,'"  contending  witli  ti  e  brother  is  found 
among  the  eastern  tribes,  Algonquin,  Iroquois.  Dakota,  and  some  of  the  tribes  of  the 
northwest.  It  reminds  us  of  the  Egyptian  and  Semitic  story  of  the  rabbit  and  the  hare 
who  w;:tch  for  the  rising  of  the  sun. 

'  It  was  believed  that  there  were  four  souls  to  every  individual.  One  of  these  hovered 
near  the  body  and  gained  access  to  it,  another  perpetuated  tlie  personal  existence  among 
the  animal  ancesttu-s.  A  third  entered  the  spirit  world  as  tlie  result  of  the  initiation',  at 
the  end  of  the  crooked  path.  The  fourth  was  indefinite,  intangible,  something  like  our 
ghost. 


TOTEMISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY.  27 

which  were  reminders  of  the  individual  exploits  but  these  were  generally  worn 
upon  the  person  and  constituted  a  part  of  his  dress  so  that  the  warrior  carried 
his  personal  history  in  his  dress  and  personal  ornamentations.  ^ 

(2)  The  tribal  totem  is  very  conspicuous,  but  it  is  sometimes 
difficult  to  distinguish  it  from  other  totems.  The  following, 
however,  will  aid  us  in  this;  The  clan  totem  is  generally  local, 
and  can  be  identified  with  the  symbols  which  are  held  in  com- 
mon with  the  clans.  The  dream  totem  is  regarded  as  sacred, 
and  is  known  only  to  the  individual.  The  phratry  totem  is  best 
known  to  the  members  of  the  phratry,  which  is  an  especial 
brotherhood  among  the  tribes,  but  the  tribal  totem  is  distinctive 


MYTHOLOGIC  TOTEM  FROJI  ARIZONA. 

of  the   entire   tribe,  and    may    be   seen   throughout  the  habitat 
which  the  tribe  fills.    The  following  will  illustrate  this  distinction  : 

The  Creek  Indians  were  divided  into  twenty  clans,  all  bearing  animal  names. 
The  panther  clan  was  prohibited  from  marrying  a  panther  or  a  wildcat  clan. 
The  panther  and  wildcat  clans  formed  togeiher  a  phratry.  The  Choctaws  are 
divided  into  two  phraties  each  of  which  consisted  of  four  clans.  The  Cayugas 
have  two  phratries  of  eight  clans.  The  Moqais  had  ten  phratries  and  twenty- 
three  totem  clans.  Th3  Thlinkeets  divided  into  two  clans,  the  raven  and  the 
wolf.  One  thing  is  noticeable  about  the  naming  of  the  clans.  The  most  of 
them  are  named  after   animals  which  are  numerous  in  the  region   where  the 

■■  The  symbols  which  were  usnrl  to  indicate  the  Gentile  descent  or  kinship,  were  in 
the  shape  of  animals  and  showed  that  there  was  a  superstition  among  the  Indians  which 
virtaall.v  introduced  a  kinshii)  between  the  human  beinsrs  and  the  animals  witli  which 
they  wure  familiar,  and  upon  which  they  subsisted.  The  totem  then  was  basr>d  niton  the 
imaginary  ancestry  and  w.is  a  sian  of  th'^  artificial  brotherhood.  This  artificial  brotli- 
erhood  w.i.s  a  remarkable  invention.  .All  the  members  of  a  totem  fraternity  regard  each 
other  as  kinsmen  and  brothers.  The  totem  bond  is  a  stroiifror  bond  than  the  bond  of 
blood  or  family.  The  sacredness  of  the  new  kinship  may  be  shown  by  the  laws  of  mar- 
riage, for  persons  of  the  same  totem  may  not  marry  or  liave  intercourse  with  eacli  other. 
This  was  exogamy.  In  some  tribes  the  prohibition  extended  to  only  a  man's  own  totem 
clan.  He  could  marry  a  woman  of  any  totem  but  his  f)wn.  In  otiier  tribes  th')  i)rohibi- 
tion  extended  to  several  clans.  An  exogamus  group  of  clans  witlnn  a  tribe  was  called  a 
phratry,  • 


28  NATIVE   AMEIUCAN   SYMBOLISM. 

clan   lived,    or  the   clan   habitat.     The  clans  on  the  northwest  coast  bear  the 

names  of  wolf,  bear,  eagle,  whale,  shark,  hawk,  sea  lion,  owl,  salmon.      Those 

in  New  York  State  bear   the  names  of  bear,  wolf,  turtle,  heron  and  hawk;    in 

the  Gulf  States,   tortoise,  wildcat,    fish,    alligator.     Those  of  Arizona  have  the 

names  of  plants,  while  the  Navajoes  have  the  names  of  mountains,  rivers,  and 

very  few  animal    names      Mr.  Fraser    speaks    of  split  totems.     This  is  only 

indicative  of  a  division  of  a  clan  which  had  a  common  name.     It  was   very 

common  among  the  Omahas,  as  there  were  two  or  three. clans^  which  had  the 

buffalo  for  its  totem,  one  called  the  black  shoulder  and  the  other  the  hanga. 

• 

(3)  There   were  "dream"    totems.        These    belonged    to 

individuals  and  did  not  pass  to  his  descendants.  They  were 
regarded  as  very  sacred  and  were  not  often   revealed. 

These  individual  totems  were  carried  in  a  bag,  called  the 
"medicine  bag.  "^  It  might  be  made  of  the  skin  of  an  animal, 
and  contained  various  charms,  such  as  precious  stones  and  the 
heads  of  birds  and  animals.  It  was  sometimes  worn  as  an 
appendage  to  the  wardrobe,  sometimes  hidden  under  the 
dress  and  was  difificult  to  be  found.  This  "  dream  "  totem 
was  often  identical  with  the  initiatory  totem,  though  there 
was  generally  something  worn  about  the  person  which  would 
be  indicative  of  his  dream,  so  that  his  totemistic  kindred  could 
easily  recognize  him. 

The  dress  of  a  chief  was  made  up  generally  of  leggings, 
moccasins,  headdress,  necklace,  shield,  bow,  quiver,  lance,  ^ 
tobacco  sack,  pipe,  robe,  belt,  medicine  bag,  each  one  of 
which  was  covered  with  symbols  which  were  suggestive  of 
the  tribe  or  clan  to  which  he  belonged,  also,  of  the  society 
into  which  he  was  initiated  and  especially  of  the  exploits  of 
which  he  boasted,  but  the  medicine  bag  was  generally 
emblematic  of  the  anitnal  which  appeared  in  his  dreams. 

(4)  There  were  also  mythologic  totems.  These  have  not 
been  generally  recognized,  yet  they  are  important,  for  they 
perpetuate  the  "foundation"  myths  of  each  tribe,  and  remind 
us  of  the  amount  of  mythologic  literature  which  prevailed. 
They  were  in  fact  myth-bearers.  They  perpetuate  the  history 
and  genealogy  of  the  tribe.  These  m}'thologic  totems  are 
widespread,  though  it    is   sometimes   difficult    to   distinguish 

'  The  clan  totem  is  used  in  the  "winter  counts"  or  tribal  lists.  "Winter  counts" 
constitute  a  sort  of  record  of  the  tribe  or  clan  as  they  give  the  prominent  events  which 
occurred,  in  a  sort  of  picture  writing.  The  Ogalala,  roster,  obtained  of  Kev.  S.  D. 
Hinman  contains  tbe  picture  of  different  individuals  with  their  totem  placed  over  the 
liead,  their  tattooing  or  painting  on  their  faces,  the  pipes  and  weapons  in  their  hands, 
the  variou.^  iiarts  of  the  dress  help  to  identify  the  persans  as  much  as  if  their  names 
and  history  liad  been  written.  The  pictorial  census  prepared  under  the  direction  of 
Red  Cloud,  chief  of  the  Dakotas,  also  contains  the  totems  of  the  persons  who  held 
allegiauco  to  him  as  a  chief .     See  Mallory's  Picture  Writings  — 

-  Miss  Alice  Fletcher  says:  "These  religious  symbols  are  the  most  sacred  personal 
possessions.  They  are  rarely  inherited,  being  generally  buried  with  the  person.  In  a 
few  cases  a  man  would  inherit  the  sacred  symbol  of  his  progenitor  and  carry  it  with 
Ins  own  in  his  personal  bag."    See  Report  of  Peabody  Museum,  Vol.  III.,  p.  290. 

•'■  -Vn  ilhi.stration  of  this  has  been  given  by  Catlin  in  connection  with  the  portrait 
of  "Rushing  Eagle,"  who  carried  on  his  spear,  shield  and  headdress,  emblems  of  his 
own  personal  history.  ' 


TOTEMISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY 


29 


them  from  the  clan  or  tribal  totems.  As  a  general  thing, 
we  may  say  that  the  mythologic  totem  belongs  to  a  group 
of  tribes,  and  is  prominent  among  the  myths  and  symbols  of 
nearly  all  the    tribes    which    inhabit   a  certain   district,    and 


MYTHOLOGIC  SYMBOLS  OF  THE  CLIFF-DWELLERS.' 

represents  the  being  who  is  regarded  as  the  great  creator 
and  progenitor  of  these  tribes,  as  well  as  their  culture  hero 
and  chief  divinity. 

There  are  many  specimens  of  mythologic  totems,  some  of 
them  found  among  the  Eastern  tribes,  others  among  the  tribes 
of  the  Interior,  such  as  the  Pueblos,  but  they  are  more  numerous 

'  These  symbols  were  discovered  by  Mr.  Lewis  F.  Gunckel  in  the  valley  of  the  Mc- 
Elmo  and  near  the  ancient  cliti'-dwellings. 


30  NATIVE   AMERICAN    SYMBOLISM. 

among  tlie  tribes  of  the  Northwest.  Among  the  Eastern  tribes, 
this  "totem"  was  generally  represented  by  the  gigantic  rabbit, 
who  was  in  reality  the  "Dawn  God,"  but  was  sometimes  by  the 
turtle,  which  was  identical  with  the  earth  goddess.  Among  the 
tribes  cf  the  tar  West,  the  mythologic  totem  was  represented  by 
the  coyote,  who  was  the  great  divinity  of  the  California  Indians. 
Among  the  tribes  of  the  Interior,  it  was  represented  by  the  vari- 
ous animals  which  were  supposed  to  preside  over  the  "six  celes- 
tial spaces,"  such  as  the  bear,  wolf,  mountain  lion,  panther,  eagle 
and  mole,  though  among  some  of  the  tribes  it  was  the  mysteri- 
ous spider  women.  Among  the  mountain  tribes,  a  being  having 
the  human  form  and  human  attributes,  but  adorned  with  orna- 
ments borrowed  from  the  mountains,  was  the  mythologic  totem, 
as  well  as  creator.  The  tribes  of  the  northwest  coast  took  their 
mythologic  totems  from  the  animals  of  the  sea  or  the  forest  near 
which  they  dwelt,  such  as  the  whale,  the  wolf  and  the  raven, 
though  they  mingled  these  with  their  human  ancestry. 

Illustrations  of  these  mythologic  totems  may  be  given  from  the  various 
tribes.  The  Lenape  or  Delaware  Indians  were  descended  from  their 
totems,  the  wolf,  the  turtle  and  the  turkey.  These  were  their  clan  totems 
because  they  were  descended  not  from  a  common  turtle  but  from  the  great 
original  tortoise  which  bore  the  world  on  its  back  at  the  time  of  creation. 
The  story  was  that,  the  whole  earth  was  submerged  and  but  a  few  persons 
survived.  They  had  taken  refuge  on  the  back  of  a  turtle,  which  had  reached 
so  great  an  age  that  his  shell  was  mossy;  the  turtle  swam  to  a  place  where 
a  spot  of  dry  land  was  found.  There  the  people  settled  and  re-peopled  the 
land.  This  is  a  tale  of  reconstruction  and  has  been  supposed  to  refer  to 
the  deluge.  It  fitly  represents  the  earth  as  land  distinguished  from  water. 
The  back  of  a  turtle  represents  an  island  surrounded  by  water. 

Sometimes  the  mythologic  totems  were  taken  from  the  lo- 
calities in  which  the  tribe  had  previously  dwelt,  but  they  relate 
to  the  time  when  they  were  created  and  can  be-carried  back 
to  the  "creation  myth."  Such  is  the  case  with  the  Navajoes, 
who  dwelt  among  the  cliffs.  The  story  is  given  by  Dr.  Wash- 
ington Matthews  : 

"When  the  goddess  Etsanetlehi  went  at  the  bidding  of  the  sun,  to 
live  in  the  western  ocean,  and  the  divine  brothers,  the  war  gods,  went  to 
Thoyetli  in  the  San  Juan  valley  to  dwell,  Yolkai  Estsan,  the  white  shell 
woman,  went  alone  into  the  San  Juan  mountains,  and  there  she  wandered 
around  sadly  for  four  days  and  four  nights,  constantly  mourning  her  lonely 
condition,  and  thinking  how  people  might  be  created  to  keep  her  company. 
On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  day  the  god  Qustecyalci  came  to  see  her  along 
with  several  other  gods.  These,  after  many  ceremonies,  created  a  human 
pair  out  of  two  ears  of  corn.  The  wind  god  gave  to  these  the  breath  of 
life,  the  god  of  the  white  crystal  gave  them  their  minds,  the  grasshoppers 
gave  them  their  voices.  From  these  are  descended  th3  gens  called  the 
'  House  of  the  Dark  Cliffs '  because  the  gods  brought  from  these  houses 
the  corn  from  which  the  first  pair  was  made." 


THE  EAGLE  MAN— A  MYTHOLOGK'  TOTEM. 

Masked  dancer  dramatizing  the  eagle  man— one  of  the  mythological  divinities  of  the 
Southern  Mound-builders.  It  shows  the  manner  of  wearing  the  masks  and  feathers  m 
the  war  dance. 


COPPER  EAGLE  FROM  THE  ETOWAH  MOUND. 
Showing  one  of  the  totems  of  the  Southern  Mouad-builders . 


TOTEMISM  AND  MYTHOLOGY. 


31 


Another  version  of  the  same  story  is  as  follows: 

"  The  goddeps  of  the  west  became  the  wife  of  the  sun.  but  she  deter- 
mined to  make  something  of  the  human  kind  to  keep  her  company.  From 
her  left  side  she  made,  four  persons  who  became  the  progenitors  of  one 
gens  Qonagani;  from  her  right  side  four,  from  whom  came  the  gens  of 
Kiaa'ni.  In  like  manner,  from  her  left  breast  she  made  the  four  ancestors 
of  the  gens  of  Co'citcini;  from  the  right  breast  the  ancestors  of  Bica'ni; 
from  the  middle  of  her  chest  the  ancestors  Qackligni,  and  from  the  middle 
of  her  back  between  the  shoulders,  the  ancestors  of  Bicani."  ^ 

The  Haidas  believe  that  long  ago  the  raven  took  a  cockle  shell  from  the 
beach  and  married  it.  The  cockle  gave  birth  to  a  female  child  and  from 
their  union  the  Indians  were  produced.  The  California  Indians,  in  whose 
mythology  the  coyote  is  a  leading  personage,  are  descended  from  coyotes. 
At  first  they  walked  on  all  fours,  then  they  began  to  have  some  members  of 
the  human  body— one  finger,  one  toe,  one  eye;  then  two  fingers,  two  toes. 


CLAN  TOTEMS  IN  THE  EFi'^ItilES. 

and  so  on  until  they  became  perfect  human  beings.  The  Iroquois  are 
descended  from  a  turtle  which  developed  into  a  man,  though  their  chief 
divinity  was  a  rabbit.  Some  of  the  tribes  of  Peru  were  descended  from 
eagles,  others  from  condors.  The  snake  clan  among  the  Moquis  are  de- 
scended from  a  woman  who  was  married  to  a  snake  she  saw  in  a  fountain 
and  who  gave  birth  to  snakes,  though  the  great  mother  of  the  Moquis 
brought  from  the  west  nine  clans  in  the  form  of  deer,  sand,  water,  bears, 
hares,  tobacco  plants  and  seed  grass.  She  planted  them  on  the  spot  where 
their  village  now  stands  and  transformed  them  on  the  spot  into  men  who 
built  the  present  Pueblos.  The  crane  clan  of  the  Ojibwas  are  descended 
from  a  pair  of  cranes  which,  after  long  wanderings,  settled  on  the  rapids  at 
the  outlet  of  Lake  Superior.  The  Osages  who  descended  from  a  snail,  the 
snail  bursting  its  shell,  developed  into  a  fine  large  man  who  married  a  beaver 
maid. 

IV.  This  leads  us  to  consider  the  different  methods  of 
representing  the  totems.  These  were  varied  and  numerous, 
but  we  may  mention  the  following  as  the  most  important : 
(i)  The  habit  of  painting  the  totems  on  the  tents  and  houses. 
This    myth    reminds    us    of    the    tattooing   of    the    Ilaidas. 


•  See  Am.  Folk-Lore,  Vol.  3,  No.  9,  p.  85. 


32 


NATIVE  AMERICAN   SYMBOLISM. 


(2)  The  method  of  dramatiziiiLj  the  totems  in  the  sacred  cer- 
emonies, especially  those  which  took  place  at  the  time  of 
initiatin.e^  the  braves  into  the  secret  societies  ;  (3)  the  cus- 
tom of  carving  the  totem  on  the  grave  posts  and  genealogical 
trees  ;  (4)  the  method  of  writing  them  in  the  bark  records  or 
tribal  lists  of  names;  (5)  the  custom  of  erecting  effigies  of 
earth  near  their  villages,  making  them   represent  their  clan 


TOTEMS  OF  THE  VILLAGE  CHIEF. 

totems;  (6)  the  habit  of  inscribing  animal  figures  on  rocks; 
(7)  the  habit  of  representing  them  on  their  copper  plates, 
their  pottery  and  pipes;  (8)  the  habit  of  inscribing  animal 
figures  on  shell  gorgets  and  burying  them  in  the  graves  with 
the  dead — the  latter  custom  showing  that  there  was  a  to- 
temistic  relation  between  the  spirit  of  the  dead  and  the 
supernatural  world;  (9)  the  custom  of  wearing  masks  as  a 
sign  of  transformation;    (10)  the  custom  of  tattooing. 

Illustrations  of  these  different  methods  are  numerous,  a  few  of  which 
are  given  in  the  cuts  and  plates.    One  of  these  represents  the  buffalo  dance 


TOTEM  ISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY.  33 

common  among  the  Mandans.  Another  represents  the  animal  figures  seen 
by  CatHn,  painted  upon  the  tents.  Another  represents  the  pottery  vessel 
found  in  Arizona,  made  in  the  shape  of  a  nondescript  creature,  partly  ani- 
mal and  partly  human.  Another  represents  the  "effigies"  which  are  com- 
mon in  Wisconsin,  another  the  "rock  inscriptions"  found  near  the  clitf- 
dwellings.  Still  another  represents  the  totems  gathered  about  the  bed  of  a 
Haida  chief,  as  he  lay  in  state  in  his  tent.  The  plates  represent  the  mytho- 
logic  totems  of  the  Southern  Mound-builders. 

Catlin  also  speaks  of  wearing  masks.  He  says  one  of  the  chief  medicine 
men  placed  over  his  body  the  entire  skin  of  a  bear,  with  the  war 
eagle's  quill  over  his  head,  taking  the  lead  in  the  dance,  and  looking 
through  the  skin  which  formed  a  masque  which  hung  over  his  face.  Many 
others  in  the  dance  wore  masques  on  their  faces,  made  of  the  skin  from 
the  bear's  head;  and  al),  with  the  motions  of  their  hands,  closely  imitated 
the  movements  of  that  animal,  some  representing  its  motion  when  running, 
and  others  the  peculiar  attitude  and  hanging  of  the  paws,  when  it  is  sitting 
up  on  its  hind  feet  and  looking  out  for  the  approach  of  an  enemy.  This 
grotesque  and  amusing  masquerade  oftimes  is  continued  at  intervals  for 
several  days. 

Mr.  Catlin  has  given  several  pictures  of  the  imitative  mythologic 
dances  celebrated  among  the  Mandans.  They  illustrate  the  point,  for  in 
these  dances  the  Indians  are  represented  as  assuming  the  attitudes  of  the 
different  animals.    [See  plate.] 

In  some  of  these  dances,  the  attitudes  of  the  animals  whose  totems  we  -e 
worn  by  the  clans  were  imitated,  and  the  spirits  of  the  animals  were  sup- 
posed to  have  taken  possession  of  the  dancers.  In  the  buffalo  dance,  the 
people  imitated  the  various  attitudes  of  the  buffalo.  In  the  wolf  dance, 
the  society  of  those  who  had  supernatural  communication  with  wolves 
were  the  dancers.  They  wore  wolf  skins,  and  paint  the  tips  of  their  noses 
and  their  bodies,  in  imitation  of  the  blue  wolves,  and  dance  in  imitation 
of  the  actions  of  th«  wolves.  In  the  grizzly  bear  dance,  they  pretend  to  be 
grizzly  bears.  Some  wear  the  skins  of  grizzly  bears,  pushing  their  fingers 
in  the  claws,  some  wear  necklaces  of  grizzly  bear's  claws.  The 
ghost  dance  was  one  in  which  those  who  had  supernatural  com- 
munication with  ghosts  could  partake.  The  sun  dance  has  not  been 
practiced  by  the  Omahas,  but  is  very  common  among  the  Ponkas. 

Illustrations'of  other  methods  of  representing  totems  may 
be  given  from  the  various  tribes. 

We  take  the  Omahas  first,  for  the  totems  of  this  tribe  have  been 
studied  extensively.  Mr.  J.  O.  Dorsey  is  our  authority.  The  Omahas 
were  a  branch  of  the  great  Siouan  stock  which  at  an  ancient  date  jour- 
neyed down  the  Ohio  river  and  scattered  over  the  region  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. The  Omahas,  Ponkas,  Osages  and  Kansas  went  up  the  Missouri 
river.  The  Winnebagos,  lowas,  Ottoes  and  Missouri  belong  to  the  same 
stock,  though  these  tribes  were  scattered  along  the  Mississippi  river  from 
the  Wisconsin  to  the  St.  Francis  river.  The  Omaha  tribal  organization  was 
different  from  that  of  many  other  tribes.  The  kinship  seems  to  determine 
the  position  of  the  men.  Three  classes  were  recognized  in  civil  affairs  : 
the  chief,   who    exercised   legislative,   executive    and  judicial   functions; 


Si  NATIVE  AMERICAN'  SYMBOLISM. 

second,  the  braves  who  were  servants  and  messengers  of  the  chiefs;  third, 
the  young  men  and  common  people.  The  chiefs  only  had  a  voice  in  the 
tribal  assembly,  but  in  this  assembly  the  civil  and  religious  affairs  were  not 
separated.  Besides  the  chiefs  proper  were  the  seven  keepers  of  the  pipe  of 
peace  and  the  three  keepers  of  the  sacred  tents.  The  tribal  circle  of  the 
Omahas  was  in  the  form  of  a  horse-shoe.  In  this  circle  the  gentes  took 
their  regular  places  divided  by  the  road  which  passed  through  the  center  of 
the  circle,  five  gentes  on  the  right  side  and  five  on  the  left.  There  were 
special  areas  for  the  gentes  and  subgentes.  The  three  sacred  tents  were 
pitched  within  the  circle  on  the  right  side,  the  war  tent  was  near  the  gate- 
way of  the  circle.  The  pipes  were  distributed  among  the  different  gentes, 
the  eagles.  The  following  are  the  names  of  the  gentes  and  their  location, 
symbols,  offices,  special  missions  and  characteristics  :  (a)  The  elk  had 
their  tent  pitched  at  the  right  side  of  the  gateway  at  one  of  the  horns  of 
the  circle,  the  sacred  tent  consecrated  to  war  and  the  sacred  bag  which 
held  the  feathers  and  skin  of  the  sacred  bird  or  war  eagle,  also  the  tribal 
war  pipe  and  the  tobacco  pouch  and  the  sacred  clam  shell,  which  was  the 
emblem  of  the  divinity  which  led  the  people  in  their  migrations.  This 
clam  shell  was  in  ancient  days  carried  on  the  back  of  a  youth,  wrapped  in 
a  buffalo  hide.  It  was  never  placed  on  the  ground  but  was  hung  on  a 
cedar  stick  when  the  tribe  were  encamped.  Their  mission  was  to  give  the* 
alarm  in  case  of  attack  and  to  hold  the  sacred  pipe  toward  the  sky  when 
the  first  thunder  was  heard  in  the  spring  and  to  worship  the  thunder  god. 
They  were  not  permitted  to  touch  or  eat  any  of  the  flesh  of  the  elk.  Sacred 
names  were  given  to  the  boys,  names  taken  from  different  parts  of  the 
horns  of  the  elk.  The  style,  of  weaiing  the  hair  was  in  imitation  of  the 
elk's  horns;  the  hair  near  the  forehead  stood  erect,  that  back  of  it  was 
brushed  forward,  (b)  The  black  shoulder  gens  was  next  to  that  of  the  elk. 
Their  ancestors,  the  "  inke  saba,"  were  buffaloes,  and  dwelt  under  the  sur- 
face of  the  water.  When  they  came  out  of  the  water  they  snuffed  at  the 
four  winds  and  prayed  to  them.  They  were  accustomed  to  wrap  their  dead 
in  a  buffalo  robe  with  the  hair  out,  and  also  to  decorate  the  outside  of  their 
tent  with  a  circle  in  which  was  painted  a  buffalo  head,  and  above  it  a  pipe 
ornamented  with  eagle  feathers.  The  style  of  wearing  the  hair  with  the 
boys  was  to  leave  two  tufts  to  imitate  the  horns  of  the  buffalo  and  a  fringe 
all  around  the  head  and  to  shave  the  rest  of  the  head.  They  could  not  eat 
the  buffalo  tongues  and  were  not  allowed  to  touch  a  buffalo  head.  There 
is  a  myth  connected  with  this  custom.  One  day  a  principal  man  was  fast- 
ing and  praying  to  the  sun  god,  when  he  saw  the  ghost  of  a  buffalo  rising 
out  of  a  spring,  (c)  Next  to  this  was  the  Hanga  gens,  which  means  ances- 
tral. They  were  called  the  clear  sky  makers,  and  the  myth  is  that  they 
also  were  buffaloes  and  dwelt  beneath  the  water,  but  they  used  to  move 
along  with  their  heads  bowed  and  their  eyes  closed,  but  when  they  came 
out  of  the  water  they  lifted  their  heads  and  saw  the  blue  sky  for  the  first 
time.  The  sacred  pole  and  two  sacred  tents  belonged  to  this  gens.  The 
decoration  of  the  tents  was  a  cornstalk  on  each  side  of  the  entrance  and 
one  at  the  back  of  the  tent.    Within  one  of  the  sacred  tents  was  the  skin 

*Tho  Oinabas  once  dwelt  near  St.  Louis,  but  accompanied  by  the  Ponlcas  and  the 
low  as  they  migrated  in  stages  tlirough  Missouri,  Iowa  and  Minnesota,  till  they  reached 
theneigbborhood  of  the  Red  Pipestone  quarry.  This  must  have  taken  many  years,  as 
their  course  was  marked  by  a  succession  of  villages  consisting  of  earth  lodges. 


TOTEMISM  AND   MYTHOLOGY.  35 

of  a  white  buffalo  cow.  The  style  of  wearing  the  hair  was  to  imitate  the 
back  of  the  buffalo,  a  crest  of  hair  about  two  inches  long  extending  from 
ear  to  ear.  {d)  The  fourth  place  in  the  tribal  circle  belonged  to  the  black 
bear  recently  called  the  Katadah  gens.  The  tent  was  decorated  at  the  top 
with  a  circle  painted  blue  to  represent  the  bear's  cave.  Below  this  four 
zigzag  lines  to  represent  different  kinds  of  thunders;  below  this  the  prints 
of  bear's  paws.  The  style  of  wearing  the  hair  was  to  leave  four  short 
blocks  on  the  head.  A  subgens  is  called  "  the  blackbird  people."  Their 
style  of  wearing  the  hair  is  to  leave  a  little  hair  in  front  for  bill  and  some  at 
the  back  of  the  head  for  the  tail  and  a  block  over  each  ear  for  the  wings. 
Another  subgens  called  the  turtle,  cut  off  all  the  hair  from  a  boy's  head 
except  six  blocks,  two  on  each  side,  one  over  the  forehead  and  one  down 
the  back,  The  Kansas  gens  was  next  in  the  circle.  They  were  the  wind 
people.  They  flap  their  blankets  to  start  a  breeza  which  would  drive  off 
mosquito3.  Next  to  the  Kansas  are  the  earth  lodge  makers,  Man  cin-ka-gaxe, 
though  they  call  themselves  the  wolf  people.  They  carried  sacred  stones, 
black,  red,  yellow,  blue,  which  were  the  same  colors  as  those  of  the  light- 
ning on  the  tent  of  the  bear  gens.  The  boys  have  two  blocks  of  hair  left  on 
their  heads,  one  over  their  foreheads  and  another  on  the  crown,  perhaps  to 
imitate  the  head  and  tail  of  a  wolf. 

The  next  is  the  buffalo  tail  gens.  They  wear  their  hair  in  a  ridge,  which 
stretches  from  the  front  to  the  back  of  the  head,  perhaps  to  imitate  a  buf- 
falo's back.  They  cannot  touch  a  buffalo  head.  Next  to  this  were  the 
deer  head  gens.  They  cannot  touch  any  deer  skin,  or  even  use  moccasins 
or  the  fat  of  a  deer,  but  can  eat  the  flesh  of  the  deer.  The  keepers  of  the 
sacred  pipe  were  a  little  apart  from  the  rest.  There  was  a  ceremony  at 
birth,  in  which  a  child's  back  was  marked  with  red  spots  in  imitation  of  a 
fawn,  and  all  the  deer  head  people  make  spots  on  their  chest  about  the  size 
of  a  hand.  The  next  in  the  circle  was  the  Ingcejide.  They  do  not  eat  a 
buffalo  calf,  but  paint  the  body  of  a  buffalo  calf  on  ea'ch  side  the  entrance 
to  their  tents.  The  Ictasaada  gens,  th3  reptile  people,  were  next  in  the 
circle.  They  do  not  touch  worms,  snakes,  toad.«,  frogs,  or  any  other  kind 
of  reptiles.  The  children  were  taken  to  the  man  who  filled  the  sacred 
pipes,  who  would  cut  off  one  lock  about  the  length  of  a  finger,  and  tie  it  up 
and  put  it  in  a  sacred  buffalo  hide.  He  would  then  put  the  little  moccasins 
on  the  child,  who  was  to  wear  them  for  the  first  time,  turn  him  around  four 
times,  and  then  say  to  him,  "May  yjur  feet  rest  for  a  long  time  on  the 
ground." 

We  see  from  this  description  that  the  totem  system  was  a  very  important 
factor  in  the  clan  life  of  the  Omahas.  It  not  only  gave  the  name  of  animals 
to  the  clans,  but  made  the  flesh  of  those  animals  sacred,  or  taboo  to  the 
clans.  It  also  controlled  the  position  of  the  tents  of  each  clan,  and  even 
the  decoration  and  a  part  of  the  furnishing  of  the  tents.  It  came  into  the 
tent  and  directed  the  ceremonies  at  the  birth  of  children,  placed  its  mark 
upon  the  body  of  the  child.  The  cutting  of  the  hair  of  the  child  was 
totemistic,  symbolical  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  clan  totem.  The  duty  and 
mission  of  the  clan  leaders  was  to  carry  the  sacred  pipes  in  their  tents. 
These  pipes  correspond  to  the  "sacred  shells"  of  the  Ojibwas,  the  "sacred 
bundles"  of  the  Pawnees,  and  the  "sacred  boxes"  of  the  Cherokees. 


36  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

V.  A  few  words  as  to  the  survival  of  the  system  may  be  ap- 
propriate here. 

Animal  figures  were  common  among  the  early  nations  of 
Europe,  and  may  have  come  from  a  primitive  totemism.  It  is 
said  that  the  Danes  had  animal  figures  painted  upon  their  ban- 
ners when  they  invaded  England.  The  Norsemen  carried  shields 
with  animal  semblances  inscribed  upon  them,  and  the  Sea  Kings 
navigated  the  Northern  Ocean  in  boats,  the  prow  of  which  was 
made  in  the  shape  of  an  animal,  the  seipent  or  dragon  being  the 
most  common  form.  They  placed  their  shields  upon  the  sides 
of  the  boats,  perhaps  to  represent  the  scales.  The  Chinese  bear, 
to  thi.^  day,  a  dragon  flag,  as  the  emblem  to  their  national  power, 
and  carve  its  head  upon  the  corners  of  the  roof  of  their  houses. 
The  Japanese  take  the  stork  as  their  favorite  ornament  or  em- 
blem, while  the  Coreans  place  the  tiger  on  their  national  es- 
cutcheon. Siam  has  the  white  elephant,  and  the  people  of 
Benares,  the  common  elephant,  for  their  "coat  of  arms." 

The  ancient  nations  used  animal  figures  as  symbols  of  power. 
They  are  seen  upon  their  coins  and  upon  their  seals,  and  are 
always  significant. 

There  are  animal-headed  divinities  in  Egypt,  Assyria  and 
India,  which  remind  us  of  the  totems  of  America,  the  connecting 
link  being  found  in  the  grotesque  figures  described  by  Bartram 
as  being  common  among  the  Muscogees  and  other  tribes  formerly 
inhabiting  the  Gulf  States  He  says,  in  describing  the  "council 
house"  of  the  Cherokces  : 

There  was  a  secluded  place  designed  as  a  sanctuary,  dedicated  to  relig- 
ion, or  rather  priestcraft,  for  here  are  deposited  all  the  sacred  things,  such 
as  the  "medicine  pot"  rattles,  chapletsof  deer's  hoofs,  and  other  apparatus 
of  conjuration,  and  likewise  the  Calumet,  the  great  "pipe  of  peace,"  the 
imperial  standard,  made  of  the  tail-feathers  of  the  white  eagle,  hugely 
formed  and  displayed  like  an  open  fan  on  a  scepter  or  staff,  as  white  and 
clean  as  possible  when  displayed  for  peace,  but  when  for  war  the  feathers 
were  painted  or  tinged  with  vermilion.  The  pillars  and  walls  of  the  houses 
of  the  square  are  decorated  with  various  paintings  and  sculptures,  which 
are  supposed  to  be  historic  or  legendary  of  political  and  sacerdotal  affairs. 
They  are  extremely  picturesque,  but  some  are  ludicrous,  as  men  in  a  variety 
of  attitudes  have  the  head  of  some  kind  of  animal,  such  as  those  of  the 
duck,  turkey,  bear,  fox,  wolf,  and  deer;  and  again,  those  kinds  of  creatures 
are  represented  as  having  human  heads.  These  designs  are  not  illy  exe- 
cuted, for  the  outlines  are  free,  bold,  and  well  proportioned.  The  pillars 
supporting  the  front,  or  piazza  of  the  council  house  of  the  square  are  in- 
geniously formed  in  the  likeness  of  vast  speckled  serpents  ^  ascending  up- 
wards, the  Atasses  being  of  the  snake  family  or  tribe. 

Carvings  of  the  Polynesians  also  contain  animal  figures.    They 


•These  serpent  pillars  remind  us  of  the  serpent  columns  which  have  been  described 
by  W.  H  Holmes  as  situated  upon  the  summit  of  the  pyramid,  as  found  at  Chichen 
Itsa,  in  Yucatan,  arranged  so  as  to  guard  the  entrance  of  the  temple  of  the  sun,  situated 
upon  the  summit  of  the  pyramid. 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM.  3T 

may  have  borrowed  their  symboHsm  from  the  inhabitants  of  the 
islands  of  the  Pacific  and  of  the  Asiatic  coast  and  so  have  devel- 
oped an  entirely  different  type  from  that  which  prevailed  among 
the  tribes  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  mountains.  The  pillars  and 
columns  of  the  Nahaus  do,  however,  resemble  the  totem  posts 
or  pillars  of  the  Thlinkeets.  They  are  much  more  elaborate,  but 
are  characterized  by  being  built  in  stories.  They  have  also  hu- 
man forms,  which  are  grotesque  and  complicated  and  unique. 
We  are  reminded  by  these  characteristics  of  the  many  storied 
towers  of  India  aud  the  grotesque  carving  of  the  Chinese. 

The  hieorglyphics  on  these  pillars  or  columns  are  very  elabo- 
rate. They  are  not  pictures  and  cannot  well  be  traced  back  to 
any  picture  writing.  Their  source  of  development  or  of  growth  may 
probably  be  traced  across  the  ocean  and  not  back  into  the  inte- 
rior. We  certainly  lose  the  thread  when  we  go  to  the  east.  We 
are  not  sure  that  we  hold  it  when  we  go  to  the  west.  We  think 
we  see  fragments  of  it  at  the  north,  but  we  are  not  sure  but  that 
these  are  the  ends  of  two  threads  and  not  the  fragments  of  a 
broken  line. 

There  are,  however,  three  or  four  grades  of  symbolism 
on  this  western  or  Pacific  coast ;  the  first  in  Washington  Ter- 
ritory, the  second  in  Mexico,  the  third  in  Yucatan  and  possibly 
a  fourth  in  South  America.  There  is,  however,  this  peculiarity 
in  the  symbols  of  all  these  localities  that  animal  figures  are  ap- 
parent in  all  totemism,  having  been  perpetuated  through  the 
different  grades.  There  are  many  symbolic  carved  sun  col- 
umns; but  they  seem  to  be  as  closely  connected  with 
a  primitive  animal  worship  as  are  the  monuments  of 
other  regions.  They  remind  us  of  the  fact  that  totem- 
ism was  not  entirely  lost,  even  if  sun  worship  had  come  in 
and  overshadowed  it.  We  may  say  that  in  this  region  including 
all  of  Central  America  and  Mexico,  there  was  a  great  mixture 
of  symbolism.  Animal  figures,  human  forms,  and  sun  symbols 
are  strangely  blended  and  it  is  difificult  to  distinguish  the  animal 
totems  from  the  sun  symbols.  *We  notice,  also,  that  animal  fig- 
ures are  conspicuous  in  the  Codices,  see  Plate  III.  These  repre- 
sent the  images  which  were  carried  at  their  festivals  and  are  sym- 
bolic of  the  seasons,  yet  may  be  connected  with  the  primitive 
totemism  in  the  Northern  district. 

Here  carved  statues  and  pillars  are  called  totem  posts,  but 
they  present  more  human  figures  than  they  do  animal.  There 
are  here  many  paintings  and  drawings  which  are  symbolic  and 
the  totems  of  the  tribes  are  sometimes  expressed  in  these;  but 
the  most  conspicuous  symbols  are  those  which  are  contained  in 
these  ancestor  trees.  The  analysis  of  these  carved  posts  reveals 
to  us  one  fact,  that  the  family  genealogy  is  expressed  in  the  hu- 
man figures,  but  the  clan  totem  is  shown  by  the  animal  semblan- 

*See,  contributions  to  American  ."XrchaEology.  Vol.  V. 


38 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM 


Plate  III.-FACSIMILE  OF  PICTURES  ON  THE  DRESDEN  CODEX. 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM. 


39 


ces.  One  can  easily  see  that  totemism  is  at  the  basis  of  ail  the 
symbolic  figures  which  are  contained  in  these  columns.  We 
present  a  few  specimens  of  totem  posts  from  the  northwest  coast. 
See  Figs.  14,  15,  16  and  17. 


\j. 


U 


'  J 

iT' 


Fig.  14.— rui'KAl  l'U.blS  iKuAl  THE  NURrUWLS^' CUA.Sl. 

There  are  many  such  totem  posts  in  which  the  thunder  bird  is 
conspicuous.  Totemism  seems  to  have  been  modified  and  min- 
gled with  a  genealogical  record.  Tlie  bird  represents  the.  first 
great  ancestor.  The  human  figures  represent  the  later  progeni- 
tors.    The  animals   represent   the  clan,   the  human   figures   the 


40 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


family.  They  call  the  figure  at  the  top  the  "  thunder  bird,"  but 
it  is  not  so  much  a  nature  divinity  as  it  is  a  tribal  God.  If  it  per- 
sonifies the    thunder    or    any   power    of  nature   it  at  the    same 

time  represents  the  ani- 
mal divinity.  See  Fig.  15. 
The  bear  is  also  a  totem 
and  this  animal  is  some- 
times carved  on  the  to- 
tem posts  and  some- 
times painted  on  boards 
or  woven  into  blankets. 
There  is  a  picture  of  a 
chief*  lying  in  state,  in 
which  there  are  blankets 
with  bears  woven  in  them 
on  the  bed,  the  image 
of  a  stuffed  bear  is  beside 
the  bed,  the  same  or 
similar  figures  are  seen 
ornamenting  the  walls 
above  the  bed  and  every 
where  in  the  room  are 
animal  semblances. 
These  were  undoubted- 
ly the  symbols  which 
expressed  the  tribal  con- 
nection of  the  chief  They  show  the  clan  emblems  as  well  as  the 
personal  totem   of  the  chief 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  peculiarity  of  the  people  of  the  north- 
west coast,  that  they  symbolized  their  clan  history  by  animal 
figures,  but  their  family  history  by  human  figures.  We  do  not 
know  that  they  were  very  different  from  the  other  American 
tribes  except  in  this.  It  is  however  probable  they  were  older  or 
at  least  had  continued  their  tribal  existence  longer  than  many  of 
the  tribes  farther  east. 

There  were  certain  tribes,  such  as  the  Dacotahs,  who  had  al- 
most reached  the  same  stage  that  these  had.  It  appears  from  the 
researches  of  ethnologists,  and  notably  those  of  Rev.  J.  O.  Dor- 
sey,  that  the  Dacotahs  had  not  only  tribes  and  clans,  but  sub- 
clans,  as  if  they  were  approximating  to  the  condition  where  the 
family  would  be  recognized  as  constituting  a  separate  line.  In 
these  tribes  the  mother-right  had  disappeared,  and  the  father  had 
come  to  take  the  place  of  the  mother  in  giving  the  name  and  in- 
heritance to  the  clan.  We  need  only  to  carry  the  subject  a  little 
further,  to  see  how  tribes  like  those  on  the  northwest  coast  might 
set  up  the  family  name  and  genealogy  as  still  more  important 
than  the  clan  name  and  seek  to  symbolize  this  fact  by  their  to- 
*See  Century  Magazine — also  West  Shore  lor  i88i. 


■THE  THUNDER  BIRD. 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM. 


41 


terns.  In  this  way  we  might  suppose  that  a  people  would  easily 
pass  out  tiom  animal  worship  to  ancestor  worship,  the  first  ha\'- 
ing  been  correlated  to  the  clan,  and  the  last  to  the  family.  The 
totem  posts  of  the  northwest  coast  are  suggestive  objects  for  our 
study  on  this  account.  These  were  always  expressive  of  the 
family  hon^r  and  the  family  history,  but  they  suggested  at  the 
same  time  the  clan  system,  the  family  name  being  symbolized  by 
the  human  figures  and  the  clan  by  the  animal,  as  we  have  said. 
There  is  one  point  further  in  this  connection.  These  tribes  of 
the  northwest  coast  were  undoubtedly  descended  from  the  tribes 
of  the  northeast  coast  of  Asia.  Their  totem  system  is  to  be 
studied  in  connection  with  the  Asiatic  tribes.  We  know  that  the 
peculiarity  of  Mongolian  races,  and  especially  of  the  Chinese  is 
that  they  were  given  to  ancestor  worship.  The  same  is  true  of 
the  tribes  situated  north  of  the  Chinese  wall,  such  as  the  Samoy- 
edes,  Tungus,  and  Ostyaks;  ancestor  worship  was  very  common 
among  them.  We  may  suppose  that  the  American  tribes  on  the 
northwest  coast  derived  their  system  from  the  same  source.  We 
find  in  the  totem  posts,  not  only  the  record  of  the  tribal  history, 
but  we  may  trace  in  them  hints  as  to  their  line  of  migration.  These 
tribes  undoubtedly  had  passed  through  the  various  stages  of  ani- 
mal worship,  and  reached  the  early  stage  of  ancestor  worship. 
They,  however,  retained  the  symbols  of  both 
systems  in  these  carved  posts,  and  so  we  have 
in  them  a  book  which  we  may  read  as  full  of 
significance. 

The  cuts  which  we  present  will  illustrate 
the  point,  it  will  be  noticed  that  quite  a 
difference  exists  between  these  totem  posts. 
The  smaller  figures  however  represent  the 
posts  which  were  erected  inside  of  the  house 
while  the  larger  figures  represent  those  which 
are  on  the  outside  of  the  house.  In  reference 
to  the  former  Rev.  M.  Eells  says,  gener- 
ally these  sticks  are  posts  which  arc  used 
to  support  the  roof  of  their  feast  houses,  but 
sometimes  arc  in  private  houses,  and  occa- 
sionally are  placed  near  the  head  of  the  bed, 
as  protectors.  See  Figs.  i6and  17.  These  rep- 
resent posts  which  are  set  on  large  cross  beams 
to  support  the  ridge  pole,  in  a  large  communal 
house.  No. 1 6  having  been  unveiled  with  great 
ceremony.  (In  the  engiavings  the  black  por- 
tions represent  red,  the  horizontal  shading 
blue,  and  the  vertical  black.  The  unshaded 
portions  represent  Avhite  paint.)  Figure  18  was  a  board  in  an- 
other large  house,  where  several  hundred  Indians  gathered  for  a 
Aveek's  festival.     At  this  time  a  few  persons  gave  to  their  invited 


Kigs    16  and  17. 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


friends  several  hundred  dollars  in  money  and  other  valuable 
things  and  it  was  said  that  the  spirit  which  dwelt  in  it  really 
gave  away  the  presents.  The  principle  of  idolatry  was  in  all 
this  superstition 
but  still  the  sticks 
were  of  such  a 
shape  that  they 
could  not  properl}' 
be  called  idols.  I 
had  been  here  for 
years  before  I  saw 
what  could  be  called 
by  this  name  and 
have  never  seen  but 
this  one.  As  I  vis- 
ited them  at  one  of 
their  religious 
gatherings  in  1878  I  saw  Fig. 
19,  which  represents  a  post 
about  four  feet  long,  roughly 
carved,  with  the  face  and  body 
of  a  man,  but  with  no  legs  or 
feet,  the  lower  part  being  set 
into  the  ground  and  around 
this  they  performed  their  in- 
cantations. The  eyes  were 
silver  quarter  dollars  nailed  to 
it.  and  at  the  time  it  had  no 
clothes  on  except  a  necktie  of 
red  cloth,  white  cloth  and 
beaten  cedar  bark.  It  is  said 
Fig.  19.  to  have  been  made  by  the  fath- 
er of  a  very  old  man  and  was  kept  secreted 
in  the  woods  when  not  wanted.  I  saw  it 
several  times  after  they  were  done  with 
their  performance,  and  the  Indians  will- 
ingly allowed  me  "to  make  a  drawing  of  it 
carried  off  to  the  woods  again. 

.  There  are  many  such  figures  among  the  tribes  of  the  North- 
west coast.  We  present  a  figure,  see  Fig.  20,  which  came  from 
this  region.  Very  little  is  known  concerning  it.  It  is  described 
in  one  of  the  Smithsonian  Catalogues.  It,  however,  probably 
represents  a  totem  or  a  genealogical  record  of  some  private  per- 
son. It  will  be  noticed  in  this  post  that  the  animal  totems  are 
quite  distinct  from  the  human  image.  Crocodiles  are  here  the 
tribal  totems,  but  the  knife-feathered  image  is  the  totem  or  em- 
blem of  the  family. 

VI.     This  leads  us  to  another  part  of  our  subject,  the  modifi- 


Fig    20 

It  has  smce  he^n 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM.  43 

cation  of  the  totem  system.  We  have  traced  the  growth  of  the 
system  from  the  primitive  picture-writing,  in  which  animals 
were  conspicuous,  and  have  found  that  totemism  and  symboHsm 
began  at  about  tlije  same  stage.  It  was  not  used  by  the  fishermen 
but  came  into  vogue  among  the  hunter  races;  it  continued  among 
these  races  going  through  the  different  stages  of  growth  until 
it  finally  reached  a  stage  where  ancestor  worship  came  in  to  mod- 
ify it.  It  is  noticeable,  however,  that  totemism  continued  among 
the  agricultural  tribes,  and  to  a  certain  extent  among  the  Pueblos 
or  village  Indians. 

It  is  probable  that  a  modified  form  of  totemism  existed  among 
the  civilized  races,  but  the  symbols  among  them  became  changed. 
There  are,  to  be  sure,  many  animal  figures  among  these  sym- 
bols but  along  with  these  figures  certain  symbols  which  are 
significant  of  a  primitive  stage  of  sun  worship  and  others 
which  are  significant  of  a  primitive  ancestor  worship  and 
so  on  until  we  come  to  the  elaborate  and  complicated  sym- 
bols of  the  civilized  races.  The  modification  of  the  totems  is  then 
an  important  point  for  us  to  study  because  we  may  find  in  it  a 
history  of  the  changes  through  which  native  society  in  America 
passed,  and  may  possibly  trace  the  line  of  their  migrations.  This 
is  a  task  which  the  Archaeologists  must  set  before  themselves. 
We  have  said  that  totemism  was  characteristic  of  hunter  races 
mainly,  and  that  it  was  confined  to  a  certain  stage  of  society, 
that  stage  which  is  represented  by  the  term  animal  worship. 
We,  however,  have  taken  the  position  that  the  totem  system  was 
perpetuated  in  ancestor  worship.  To  reconcile  these  two  points 
we  must  consider  that  there  were  modifications  of  the  totem  sys- 
tem. These  modifications  may  be  seen,  ist.  In  the  adornments 
and  decorations  which  were  common  among  the  native  tribes, 
especially  at  their  feasts  and  religious  ceremonies.  2d,  In  the 
carved  pipes  and  other  figures  which  prevailed  among  the  Mound 
Builders.  3d,  In  the  fetiches  and  prey  gods  of  the  Zunis, 
4th,  In  the  effigies  which  we  trace  in  the  emblematic  mounds. 
5th,  In  the  combination  of  animal  figures  and  human  forms,  which 
we  have  seen  in  the  genealogical  trees.  6th,  In  the  various  myths 
and  traditions  which  clustered  about  the  heroes,  ancestors  and 
prehistoric  divinities.  7th,  In  the  superstitions  which  prevailed 
in  reference  to  certain  haunted  places,  especially  those  where  a 
resemblance  to  animals  was  recognized  in  the  forms  of  nature. 

The  first  modification  which  we  shall  consider  is  that  which 
appeared  in  the  personal  adornments,  decorations,  and  habili- 
ments of  the  natives.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  there  was  not 
only  a  symbolism  in  these  adornments,  but  that  the  personal 
names  and  exploits,  and  tribal  connection,  were  thus  symbolized; 
in  other  words,  that  totemism  was  embodied  in  the  official  cos- 
tumes. 

Animals  are  frequently  seen  suspended  to  the  dress  or  hair  of 


44 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


the  chiefs  and  especially  of  the  medicine  men.  See  Fig.  21. 
The  significance  of  this  is  that  the  totem  system  was  symbolized 
but  in  a  modified  form.  *There  are  many  pictures  which  show  how 
totemism  could  be  expressed  in  the  personal  adornments.     The 


Fig.  21— THE  INDIAN  MEDICINE  MAN. 

picture  of  the  medicine  man    is  familiar.        In  this  picture,  how- 

*The  cuts  which  we  have  presented  do  not  fully  illustrate  the  sul  j^ct;  other  cuts 
may  be  found  in  the  .Smithsonian  Report  for  1881,  p.  540,  Figs.  9,  10  and  14.  Also 
American  Naturalist,  July  1S85,  p.  676,  March  1S85,  p.  281.  Lubbock's  Origin  of 
Civilization,  p.  33,  Fig.  5,  and  page  39,  P"ig.  11.  .Second  Annual  Rejiort  of  the 
Ethnological  Bureau,  p.  12,  plate  I,  p.' 16,  ])1.  II,  p.  20  pi.  Ill,  \).  24,  pi  IV,  li.f.26. 
pi.  V,  p.  27,  pi.  VI,  p.  28,  pi.  VII,  p.  29,  pi.  Viri,  p.  30,  pi.  IX,  p.  40,  pi.  X,'  p. 
41,  pi.  XI,  p.  60,  pi.  XIV,  p.  64,  pi.  XV,  pps.  155 — 163;  p.  302.  pi.  LXXVI;  p. 
39S>  Figs.  566-569;  p.  596,  Figs.  570-572.  Author  s  book  on  Eblematic  Mounds, 
also  Picture  Writing.    Catlin's  North  American  Indians,  p.  40.  Fig.   19;  p.  128,  Fig. 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM. 


45 


Plate  IV.— CARVED  riPES  FROM  THE  MOUNDS. 


46  NATIVE  AMEHICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

ever,  we  have  hints  as  to  how  animal  totems  might  be  used 
without  being  strictly  tribal  emblems.  The  coat  of  arms 
of  the  tribe  seem  here  to  have  been  worn  by  one  man. 
The  clan  emblems  hang  to  this  person  in  great  profusion. 
There  was  an  appeal  to  the  superstition  of  the  people  in  this 
manner  of  dressing  himself  up.  The  Medicine  Man  seems 
to  have  represented  the  great  divinity  and  ancestor  of  the 
people,  the  wolf  He  seems  to  have  had  a  power  or  control 
over  the  other  clan  divinities,  the  tortoise,  the  lizzard,  the 
eel,  the  serpent,  the  eagle  and  many  other  animals.  The 
same  Medicine  Man  would  get  into  his  tent  and  throw  out 
through  the  roof,  emblems  of  the  tribal  divinities,  he  would  imi- 
itate  with  his  voice  the  cry  of  the  different  animals  and  would 
finally  end  his  ceremony  by  declaring  the  advent  of  the  chief 
divinity,  imitating  the  voice  of  the  particular  animal,  with  a 
tone  of  triumph,  as  if  the  contest  between  the  tribal  gods  had 
ended.  There  was,  however,  in  this  ceremony  the  modification 
of  the  totem  system  for  the  animals  seem  to  personify  the  differ- 
erent  elements  of  nature  as  well  as  the  tribal  divinities.  It  was 
an  object  lesson  preparing  the  people  for  a  higher  stage  of  nature 
worship  and  yet  the  animal  emblems  are  all  retained. 

Another  modification  is  found  in  pipes  and  pottery.  See  Plate 
IV  and  V.  These  were  partly  totemic  and  partly  decorative, 
that  is  they]^were  expressive  of  the  tribal  name,  but  were  also  cre- 
ations of  fancy  and  were  subject  to  a  great  variety  of  forms.  On 
this  point  we  quote  Mr.  H.  M.  Henshaw.  He  says,  with  reference 
to  the  origin  of  these  animal  sculptures:  *"  Many  writers  appear 
inclined  to  the  view  that  they  are  purely  decorative  and  orna- 
mental in  character,  /.  c,  that  they  are  attempts  at  close  imita- 
tions of  nature  in  the  sense  demanded  by  high  art,  and  that  they 
owe  their  origin  to  the  artistic  instinct  alone.  But  there  is  much 
in  their  appearance  that  suggests  that  they  may  have  been  totem- 
ic in  their  origin,  and  that  whatever  of  ornamental  character  they 
may  possess  is  of  secondary  importance.  With  perhaps,  ie.w  ex- 
ceptions, the  North  American  tribes  practiced  totemism  in  one 
or  the  other  of  its  various  forms,  and,  although,,  it  by  no  means 
follows  that  all  the  carving  and  etchings  of  birds  or  animals  by 
these  tribes  are  totems,  yet  it  is  undoubtedly  true   that  the   to- 

56;  p.  234,  Fig.  98.  Dorman's  Primitive  Superstitions,  p.  83,  Fig.  I;  p,  84,  Fig.  2; 
p.  85,  Fig.  3;  p.  86,  pi.  II;  p.  127,  Fig.  9;  p.  288,  pi.  IV;  p.  272,  Fig.  13;  p.  323, 
Fig.  19;  p.  362,  pi.  V.  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  Vol.  I.  p.  7,  Figs  II, 
I,  M,  O,  K;  p.  9,  inset.  Tlie  Indian  Tribes  of  the  United  States,  by  F.  S.  Drake, 
plates,  II,  III,  IV,  VI.  XVI,  XX,  XXIV,  XXV,  XXVIII,  XXXI,  XXXIV, 
XXXV,  XXXVI,  XXXVII,  XXXVIII,  XXXIX,  DXXV,  LXXXII  Mal- 
lory's  Sign  Language,  p.  372,  Fig.  164;  p.  422,  Fig.  249  Yarrow's  Mortuary  Cos- 
tumes, Figure,  XLVI.  Squier's  Nicaragua,  p.  36,  pi.  I;  p.  39,  pi.  Ill;  p.  54,  Nos. 
2  and  3;  p.  63,  Nos.  11  and  12.  Bancroft's  Native  Races,  Vol.  V,  p.  40,  Figs,  i 
and  2;  p.  42,  Figs.  3  and  4;  p.  43,  Fig.  5;  p.    46,    Fig.  ■9;    p.  49,  Fig,  i;  p.  50. 

*Sec  Second  Annual  Report  of  the  IJureau  of  Ethnology,  page    150. — The    plates 
in  this  chapter  were  taken  from  this  report. 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM. 


47 


Fir;.  ?.':-^ 


Fig.  370 


PlateV.— ZUNI  WATER  VASES,  OKNAMEXIED  WITH  ANIMAL  FIGURES. 


48  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

temic  idea  is  traceable  in  no  small  majority  of  their  artistic  rep- 
resentations, whatever  their  form.  As  favoring  the  idea  of  the 
totemic  meaning  of  the  carvings,  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  a 
considerable  number  of  recognizable  birds  and  animals  are  pre- 
cisely the  ones  known  to  have  been  used  as  totems  by  many 
tribes  of  Indians.  The  hawk,  heron,  woodpecker,  crow,  beaver, 
otter,  wildcat,  squirrel,  rattle  snake,  and  others,  have  all  figured 
largely  in  the  totemic  divisions  of  our  North  American   Indians. 

"  Their  sacred  nature,  too,  would  enable  us  to  understand  how 
naturally  pipes  would  be  selected  as  the  medium  for  totemic  rep- 
resentations. It  is  also  known  to  be  a  custom  among  Indian 
tribes,  for  individuals  to  carve  out  or  etch  their  totems  upon  wea- 
pons and  implements  of  the  more  important  and  highly  prized 
class,  and  a  variety  of  ideas,  superstitions  and  others  are  associa- 
ted with  the  usages,  as  for  instance  in  the  case  of  weapons  of 
war  or  implements  of  the  chase,  to  impart  greater  efficiency  to 
them.  The  etching  would  also  serve  as  a  mark  of  ownership, 
especially  where  property  of  certain  kinds  was  regarded  as  be- 
longing to  the  tribe  or  gens  and  not  the  individual.  Often,  in- 
deed, in  the  latter  case  the  individual  used  the  totems  of 
his  gens  instead  of  the  symbol  or  mark  for  his  own  name. 

"As  a  theory  to  account  for  the  number  and  character  of  these 
animal  carvings  the  totemic  theory  is  perhaps  as  tenable  as  any. 
The  origin  and  significance  of  the  carvings  may,  however,  in- 
volve many  different  and  distinct  ideas.  It  is  certain  that  it  is  a 
common  practice  of  Indians  to  endeavor  to  perpetuate  the  image 
of  any  strange  bird  or  beast,  especially  when  seen  away  from 
home,  and  in  order  that  it  may  be  shown  to  his  friends.  What 
are  deemed  the  marvelous  features  of  the  animal  are  almost  al- 
ways greatly  exaggerated.  It  is  m  this  way  that  many  of  the 
astonishing  productions  noticeable  in  savage  art  have  originated. 

Another  modification  of  the  totem  system  is  that  which  is 
found  among  the  Zunis,  These  remarkable  people  have  a  fe- 
tichistic  religion  and  at  the  same  time  are  sun  worshippers.  The 
fetiches  perpetuate  the  animal  divinities,  but  their  sun  worship 
absorbed  and  supplanted  totemism.  The  Zunis  had  many  fetiches; 
these  were  generally  representatives  of  the  operations  of  nature; 
they  seem  to  have  dominion  over  the  different  elements.  See 
Plate  VI.  The  Zunis  divided  the  earth  into  six  regions,  the 
north,  west,  south,  east,  the  upper  region  and  the  lower  regions 
and  ascribed  a  divinity  to  each  one  of  these  regions.  These  divin- 
ities were  all  animals,  but  they  were  animals  of  different  kinds, 
the  wolf  being  the  God  of  the  east,  the  bear  the  God  of  the  west, 
the  badger  the  God  of  the  south,  the  mountain  lion  the  God  of 
the  north,  the  eagle  the  God  of  the  upper  regions,  and  the 
mole  the  God  of  the  lower  regions.  They  personified  the  pow- 
ers of  nature  but  they  did  this  as  much  by  their  color  and  by  their 
peculiar  adornrhents  as  by  their  animal  form.     They  were  ani- 


THE  T0TE3I  SYSTEM. 
1^ 


Plate  VI.— ZUNI  tElICHES. 


50 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


mal  divinities;  they  were  not  tribal  Gods  so  much  as  they  were 
nature  Gods.  They  neither  represented  the  tribal  names  or  the 
tribal  history,  but  they  symbolized  the  divinity  which  ruled  in 
the  different  parts  of  the  sky.  Each  one  of  these  animals  was  rep- 
resented by  an  image,  the  image  however,  always  had  the  color 
which  was  peculiar  to  the  sky,  the  God  of  the  north  being  yel- 
low, that  of  the  west  blue,  that  of  the  south  red,  that  of  the  east 
white,  that  of  the  upper  regions  all  colors,  and  that  of  the  lower 
regions,  black.  These  colors  are  used  in  the  pictographs,  and  in 
all  the  mythic  symbolism  of  the  Zunis  to  indicate  the  regions 
referred  to  above.  We  cannot  fail  to  see  in  this,  clear  reference 
to  the  natural  colors  of  the  regions  ;  the  barren  north  with  its 
auroral  hues,  the  west  with  its  blue  Pacific,  the  rosy  south,  the 
white  daylight  of  the  east,  the  many  hues  of  the  clouded  sky,  and 
the  black  darkness  of  the  holes  and  caves  of  the  earth.  Among 
the  Zunis  there  were  different  classes  of  animal  divinities,  three 
of  them  being  especially  prominent.  They  are:  ist,  the  Gods 
of  the  six  regions  referred  to  above;  2d,  the  prey  Gods  or  the 
fetiches  of  the  hunt,  and  3d,  the  Gods  of  the  priesthoodcf  the 
bow.  These  were  all  worshiped  and  were  symbolized  with  great 
care,  every  part  of  the  image  or  of  the  painting  being  expressive 
of  the  attributes  of  the  divinity  and  some  particular  phase  of  na- 
ture. Sometimes  the  idols  were  trigged  up  with  various  flint 
weapons  such  as  arrow-heads  and  spear-heads  or  with  shell 
beads,  the  arrow-heads  and  beads  always  having  a  symbolic  sig- 
nificance, the  position  of  the  flint,  whether  on  the  back  or  side 
or  belly  of  the  animal  being  in  itself  symbolic,  and  the  color   of 

the  beads  and  flints  being 
also  expressive.  Some- 
times the  animals  were 
painted  on  a  shield,  and 
the  shield^  was  decorated 
with  feathers  and  covered 
with  .  various  figures.  A 
winged  creature  is  fre- 
quently seen  on  the  shield, 
the  wings  being  attached 
to  a  human  form,  but  the 
animal  divinities  are  al- 
ways seen  accompanying 
this  nondescript  figure. 
Two  pictures  of  the  fetich- 
es of  the  priesthood  of  the 
Fig.  22.-KNIFE-FEATHERED  MONSTER.  bow  are  givcn  by  Mr,  F. 
H.  Gushing  in  his  interesting  description  of  the  Zuni  fetiches. 
These  pictures  are  in  different  colors,  to  represent  the  earth 
and  sky  and  water;  one  of  them  has  a  winged  human  form 
in  its   centre,  a  crooked  serpent  below    the   feet,    and    a    moun- 


THE  TOTEM  SYSTEM.  51 

tain  lion  on  cither  side.  *"This  curious  god  is  the  hero  of  hun- 
dreds of  folk-lore-tales  and  the  tutelar  divinity  of  several  of  the 
societies  of  Zuni.  He  is  represented  as  possessing  a  hu- 
man form,  furnished  with  two  flint  knifes,  feathered  pinions 
and  a  knife-feathered  tail.  His  dress  consists  of  the  conven- 
tional terraced  cap  representative  of  his  dwelling  place  among  the 
clouds,  and  the  ornaments,  badges  and  garments  of  the  Ka-Ka. 
His  weapons  are  the  Great  Flint  Knife  of  War,  the  Bow  of  the 
Skies,  (the  Rain  Bow),  and  the  arrow  of  Lightning;  and  his  guard- 
ians or  warriors  are  the  Great  Mountain  Lion  of  the  north  and 
that  of  the  upper  regions.  He  was  doubtless  the  original  War- 
God  of  the  Zunis,  although  now  secondary  in  the  order  of  man, 
to  the  two  children  of  the  Sun  mentioned."  See  Fig.  21.  "These 
fetiches  are  constantly  carried  by  the  warriors  when  abroad,  in 
pouches  like  those  of  the  hunters,  and  in  a  similar  manner.  The 
perfect  fetich  of  this  order  differs  but  little  from  those  of  the  Hunt- 
ers save  that  it  is  more  elaborate  and  is  sometimes  supplied  with 
a  minute  heart  of  turkois  bound  to  the  side  of  the  figure  with 
sinew  of  the  Mountain  Lion,  with  which,  also  the  arrow-point  is 
probably  attached,  usually  to  the  back  or  belly. 

"  The  arrov/  point  when  placed  on  the  back  of  the  fetich  is 
emblematic  of  the  Knife  of  War,  (Sa-wa-ni-k'ia  a-tchi-en-ne,)  and 
is  supposed,  through  the  power  of  Sa-wa-ni-k'ia  or  the  "magic 
medicine  of  war"  to  protect  the  wearer  from  the  enemy  from 
behind  or  from  other  unexpected  quarters.  When  placed  "under 
the  feet"  or  belly,  it  is  through  the  same  power,  considered  cap- 
able of  effacing  the  tracks  of  the  warrior  that  his  trail  may  not 
be  followed  by  the  enemy." 

The  other  picture  is  that  of  a  shield  with  an  eagle  in  the  cen- 
tre, the  serpents  below  the  eagle  with  a  white  bear  above.  This 
is  the  great  white  bear.  The  three  beings  which  constitute 
the  prey-Gods  of  the  priesthood  of  the  bow  are  the  Moun- 
tain Lion,  the  great  white  bear  and  the  knife-feathered  monster. 
These  are  the  war  gods,  as  the  others  are  the  hunter  gods. 

In  reference  to  the  worship  of  animals  it  naturally  follows  from 
the  Zuni  philosophy  of  life  that  his  worship,  while  directed  to  the 
more  mysterious  and  remote  powers  of  nature,  or  as  he  regards 
their  existence,  should  relate  more  especially  to  the  animals; 
that  in  fact,  the  animals,  as  more  nearly  related  to  himself  than 
are  these  powers,  should  be  frequently  made  to  serve  as  media- 
tors between  them  and  him. 

The  color  of  the  stone  was  symbolic  as  well  as  the  shape, 
the  four  parts  of  the  sky  were  supposed  to  have  different  colors  , 
the  nortli  was  yellow;  the  east,  white;   the  south,  red;  the   west, 

*Second  annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  pps,  40  and  41. 

In  reference  to  Fig.  20,  Dr.  Charles  Rau  says:  It  is  of  Makah  or  Haidan  charac- 
ter; original  not  in  the  National  Museum;  drawings  made  by  Mr.  Swan.  It  is  entitled 
Figure  on  a  plank,  supporting  roof  poles  of  lodge  at  Chilowcyuck  Depot, 


53  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

I 
blue;  the  upper  regions,  many  colored;  the  lower  regions,  black, 
accordingly    the    divinities   which    presided    over  these   regions 
had  colors  which  corresponded:     See  Plate  VI.* 

In  this  plate  we  have  Fig.  i,  Mountain  Lion,  God  of  the  north 
— (yellow).  Fig.  2.  the  Coyote,  which  is  the  God  of  the  west — 
(blue).  Fig.  3.  the  Wildcat,  which  is  the  God  ot  the  south — (red). 
Fig.  4.  The  Eagle,  which  is  the  God  of  the  upper  regions — • 
(spotted).  Fig.  5.  The  Mole,  which  is  the  God  of  the  lower 
regions — (black). 

The  ornaments  or  equipments  in  the  fetiches  are  also  symbol- 
ic. Ordinarially  the  Gods  of  the  hunt,  that  is,  those  which  pre- 
sided over  hunters  and  were  supposed  to  direct  them  to  the  game, 
were  furnished  with  the  arrow  heads,  while  the  prey  Gods, 
which  represented  the  game  which  was  to  be  slain  and  consum- 
ed, were  frequently  without  the  arrow  heads.  It  was  supposed 
that  the  animals  of  prey  had  a  magical  influence  over  the  ani- 
mals they  preyed  upon,  and  breathed  upon  them  whether  near 
or  far  and  never  failed  to  overcome  them,  piercing  their  hearts 
and  causing  their  limbs  to  stiffen,  and  the  animals  to  lose  their 
strength. 


*In  this  plate  we  have  the  different  fetichec,  but  the  color  is  not  represented  in  the 
printing. 

For  further  information  on  the  totem  system,  see  Morgan's  Ancient  .Society, 
Schoolcraft's  Archives,  Lubbock's  Origin  of  Civilization,  Mallory's  Sign  Language, 
Mftllory's  Dacotah  Calendar,  Brinton's  Hero  Myths,  Bancroft's  Myths  and  Lan- 
guages, Hale's  Iroquois  Book  of  Rites,  Valentin  i's  Essays  published  by  the  Ameri- 
can Antiquarian  Society,  David  Cusick's  Six  Nations,  The  Documentary  History  of 
New  York,  Vol.  I. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  53 


CHAPTER      III. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL  IN  AMERICA. 


One  of  the  most  interesting  and  suggestive  topics  for  archaeol- 
ogists to  consider  is  the  serpent  symbol.  The  interest  is  owing 
to  the  fact  that  it  prevails  so  extensively.  No  symbol  is  more 
common  in  oriental  countries  and  few  symbols  are  more 
prominent  in  this  country.  The  study  of  it,  however,  is  attended 
with  some  difficulties.  The  very  fact  that  it  prevails  so  exten- 
sively gives  rise  to  many  enquiries.  The  student  is  quite  likely 
to  be  diverted  from  the  careful  investigation  by  the  number  of 
enquiries  which  arise  as  lie  progresses  with  the  subject.  The 
problems  become  so  numerous  and  difficult  that  he  feels  almost 
burdened  with  the  importance  of  the  subject.  The  fact  that  so 
much  curiosity  is  awakened  and  so  many  enquirers  wait  upon  him 
for  results,  has  however  a  tendency  to  urge  him   forward. 

The  serpent  is  as  conspicuous  in  prehistoric  as  in  historic 
times,  and  the  task  before  us  is  to  explain  how  and  why  this 
was  the  case.  We  find  the  form  of  the  serpent  a  prominent 
object  in  primiti\'e  art,  and  the  earliest  forms  of  religion,  pre- 
-vailing  extensively  in  native  traditions,  and  as  a  symbol  proving 
to  be  widespread.  The  question  is,  whether  its  appearance  in 
historic  times,  is  the  result  of  its  prevalence  in  the  prehistoric. 

The  serpent  symbol  in  America  is  especially  interesting.  Here 
it  is  free  from  historic  associations,  has  few  of  the  accumulations 
of  civilized  art,  is  unattended  with  the  customs  which  have  clus- 
tered about  it  in  the  I^^iast.  There  may  be,  to  be  sure,  discussions 
in  connection  with  it,  and  some  may  be  inclined  to  trace  the 
symbol  to  scripture  lands  and  ascribe  it  to  the  scripture  narrative, 
yet  the  fact  that  it  is  found  in  regions  so  remote  makes  it  uncer- 
tain. The  value  of  the  study  of  the  symbol  in  America  will  be 
seen  from  this  circumstance.  We  may  be  able  to  solve  impor- 
tant problems  by  the  means. 

We  propose  to  consider  the  serpent  symbol  in  America. 

I.  Its  origin.   Here  there  arise  a  number  of  enquiries,    ist,  The 


54  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

appearance  of  the  symbol  in  the  I^ast.  2d,  The  connection 
between  the  tradition  in  the  East,  and  the  traditions  of  the  West. 
3rd,  The  correspondence  between  the  tradition  and  the  sym- 
bol everywhere.  4th,  The  mingling  of  the  serpent  symbol  and 
the  sun  symbol.  5th,  The  enquiry  is,  whether  serpent  worship 
was  a  widespread  cult,  or  was  something  which  was  local.  6th, 
Did  the  symbol  originate  in  this  country?  7th,  Can  the  serpent 
symbol  in  this  country  be  said  to  be  derived  from  the  scripture 
narrati\-e.  This  last  is  perhaps  the  chief  enquiry.  It  is  a  well 
known  foct  that  the  symbol  prevails  in  oriental  countries,  and 
that  the  tradition  of  the  serpent  is  common  in  the  mythology  of 
all  lands.  The  fact  that  the  serpent  appears  in  the  traditions  of  this 
country  makes  this  enquiry  all  the  more  interesting.  8th,  The  ap- 
pearance of  the  serpent  amid  the  ornamentations  of  the  palaces 
and  idol  pillars  of  Central  America  suggests  that  the  symbol  was 
highly  developed,  and  by  following  the  stages  up  to  this  point 
we  might  learn  why  and  how  the  serpent  became  so  prominent 
in  Greek  Art.  9th,  Still  further  the  connection  between  the  ser- 
pent worship  and  the  phallic  symbol  is  a  fruitful  theme  and 
might  engage  our  attention  throughout  the  whole  of  this  paper. 
We  are  controlled,  however,  by  our  limitations  and  must  only 
touch  upon  a  few  points  and  then  pass  on. 

I.  Lenormant,  the  French  historian  and  archajologist,  explains 
the  "  Serpent  in  P^den"  as  follows:  He  says  that  the  tradition 
of  the  serpent,  was  seized  upon  by  the  sacred  writer  and  embod- 
ied in  the  narrative,  but  the  origin  of  it  was  in  pre-historic  times. 
He  maintains  that  the  symbolism  of  the  garden  of  Eden  was  de- 
rived from  the  serpent  worship  which  had  prevailed,  and  under 
this  symbolism  an  actual  fact  was  made  known.  A  new  explan- 
ation of  the  fall  of  man  is  given.  It  was  a  fall  from  potential 
holiness,  and  not  from  actual  holiness.  The  conscience  of  the 
first  man  was  designed  to  keep  him  in  the  true  worship,  and  to 
teach  him  about  the  true  God,  but  disobeying  this  he  fell  away 
into  the  various  systems  of  nature  worship  and  became  ruined 
by  the  fall.  Serpent  worship  was  a  native  faith,  one  of  the  vari- 
eties of  nature  worship,  but  it  was  a  very  degenerate  form  of  the 
faith;  the  serpent  itself  became  at  length  the  embodiment  of  evil, 
and  the  source  of  degeneracy. 

On  this  point  there  might  be  a  difference  of  opinion,  and  yet 
if  we  take  the  association  of  the  serpent  with  the  phallic  sym- 
bol, we  Can  easily  see  how  man  would  degenerate,  and  this 
form  of  religion   become   the   cause  of  his   degeneracy   or  fall. 

Serpent  worship  in  the  East  is  certainly  a  source  of  evil,  and 
whatever  we  may  say  about  its  age  and  origin  we  mu.st  acknowl- 
edge that  there  is  a  great  contrast  between  it  and  the  worship 
taught  by  the  scriptures.  In  reference  to  the  question  whether 
the  serpent  symbol  in  America  can  be  traced  to  the  traditions  of  the 
East,   and  whether    there  is  any  connection  between  the  scrip- 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  55 

ture  narrative  and  this  symbol  a    few    words    are    appropriate. 

The  serpent  symbol  certainly  abounded  in  the  prehistoric  period 
in  this  countr}'.  If  it  was  derived  from  the  scripture  it  must  have 
been  transmitted  at  a  very  early  date.  The  symbol  of  the  ser- 
pent is  here  very  rude,  so  rude  as  to  almost  convince  us 
that  it  originated  on  this  soil.  It  might,  to  be  sure,  have  under- 
gone a  degenerating  process  in  its  transmission,  and  yet  the  fact 
that  there  is  so  much  rudeness  to  the  symbol  and  so  many  differ- 
ent types  manifested  by  it,  would  almost  preclude  this.  The 
picture  given  to  us  by  the  sacred  word,  of  the  serpent  and  the 
tree;  is  attended  with  the  idea  of  temptation  to  evil,  but  the  tra- 
dition in  yAmerica  has  no  such  moral  distinction. 

The  serpent  symbol  in  America  is  not  like  the  serpent  in  the 
garden.  It  is  not  even  like  the  sacred  tree  of  the  ancient  Assyrians 
and  Babylonians  though  it  has  much  more  in  common  with  that 
symbol  than  with  any  picture  of  the  fall.  There  are,  to  be  sure, 
a  few  relics  which  by  some  are  claimed  to  be  genuine,  which 
transmit  the  s}'mbol  exactly  as  it  is  given  in  the  scriptures.  '''Mr, 
Ignatius  Donnelly,  in  his  volume  called  "Atlantis,"  has  given  a  cut 
which  illustrates  this,  but  the  specimen  can  hardly  be  called  a 
genuine  prehistoric  relic.  It  is  more  likely  to  have  been  left  b}- 
by  some  Spanish  explorer  than  by  any  native. 

The  tradition  and  the  worship  of  the  serpent  in  oriental  coun- 
tries might  have  come  from  the  scriptures,  and  in  a  degenerate 
form  may  have  been  transmitted,  carrying  the  symbols  with  them. 
This  country  however  is  very  remote  and  the  tradition  can  hard- 
ly be  traced  back  to  the  sacred  record.  It  \\ould  be  easier  to 
explain  the  scripture  account  of  the  serpent  as  the  result  of  a 
primitive  system  such  as  we  find  here,  than  it  would  to  trace  the 
symbol  in  America  to  scripture  lands  and  say  that  it  was  the  de- 
generate form  of  this  sacred  story,  symbolized  by  the  natives  in 
their  relics.  Still  the  prevalence  of  the  tradition  and  the  symbol 
may  possibly  be  owing  to  the  vague  and  shadowy  myth  which  may 
have  been  transmitted  from  the  earliest  time.  The  myth  would 
naturally  become  conformed  to  the  superstitious  notions  and 
customs  of  the  natives.  The  imagery  would  become  American, 
the  very  conception  would  be  savage,  and  the  original  story 
would  be  lost.  The  contrast  between  the  symbol  in  the  East 
and  the  West  can  at  least  be  thus  explained. 

2.  The  correspondence  between  the  traditions  of  this  country 
and  those  of  Europe  and  the  lands  of  the  P^ast  will  perhaps  be  a 
better  point.  This  correspondence  has  been  explained.  Dr.  D.  G. 
Brinton  thinks  that  all  the  stories  about  the  creation,  the  deluge, 
the  first  ancestor,  the  Culture-Heroes,  and  ev^en  some  of  the 
migration  legends,  can  be  traced  to  nature  worship.  He  makes 
them  all  to  be  mere  variations  of  a  primitive  mythology.  Even 
the  heroes  which  are  so  well  known  to  history  and  which  have 

*See  Atlantis,  page  445. 


5G  iV.l  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

appeared  conspicuou.sly  in  literature  and  poetry,  Hiawatha,  Mon- 
te/Aima,  the  "  Fair  God"  of  the  Toltecs,  Quetzacoatl  and  the 
Peruvian  Viracocha,  are  but  personifications  of  the  powers  of  na- 
ture, with  a  small  amount  of  actual  history  as  a  basis  for  their 
celebrity.*  On  the  other  hand,  Charles  Leland  maintains  that 
there  was  a  close  connection  between  these  traditions  and  those 
which  have  been  preserved  in  the  Younger  Edda. 

Mr.  Leland  quotes  Henry  Schoolcraft  as  holding  a  contrary 
opinion,  but  thinks  the  traditions  of  the  Wabanaki  are  excep- 
tional.    Mr.  Schoolcraft's  language  is  as  follows:t 

"Where  analogies  are  so  general  there  is  a  constant  liability  to 
mistakes.  Of  these  foreign  analogies  of  myth-lore,  the  least 
tangible,  it  is  believed,  is  that  which  has  been  suggested  with  the 
Scandinavian  mythology.  That  mythology  is  of  so  marked  and 
peculiar  a  character  that  it  has  not  been  distinctly  traced  out  of 
the  great  circle  of  tribes  of  the  Indo-Germanic  family.  Odin  and 
his  terrific  pantheon  of  war  gods  and  social  deities  could  only 
exist  in  the  dreary  latitudes  of  storms  and  fire  which  produce  a 
Hecla  and  a  Maelstrom.  These  latitudes  have  invariably  pro- 
duced nations  whose  influence  has  been  felt  in  an  elevating  pow- 
er over  the  world.  From  such  a  source  the  Indian  could  have  de- 
rived none  of  his  vague  symbolisms  and  mental  idiosyncrasies 
Avhich  have  left  him  as  he  is  found  to-da}',  without  a  government 
and  without  a  god."     Mr.  Leland  says:;|; 

"This  is  all  perfectly  true  of  the  myths  of  Hiawatha-Manobozho. 
Nothing  on  earth  could  be  more  unlike  the  Norse  legends  than 
the  Indian  Eddas  of  the  Chippewas  and  Ottawas.  But  it  was  not 
known  to  this  writer  that  there  already  existed  in  Northeastern 
America  a  stupendous  mythology,  derived  from  a  land  of  storms 
and  fire,  more  terrible  and  wonderful  than  Iceland;  nay,  so  terri- 
ble that  Icelanders  themselves  were  appalled  by  it.  Here  indj.:id 
there  existed  all  the  time,  a  code  of  mythological  legends  such  as 
he  declared  Indians  incapable  of  producing;  but  strangest  of  all, 
this  American  mythology  of  the  north,  which  has  been  the  very 
last  to  become  known  to  Ameiican  readers,  is  literally  so  like  the 
Edda  itself  that,  as  this  work  fully  proves,  there  is  hardly  a  song 
in  the  Norse  collection  which  does  not  contain  an  incident  found 
in  the  Indian  poem  legends,  while  in  several  there  are  many  such 
coincidences."  *     * 

"It  made,  in  short,  a  mythology  such  as  would  be  perfectly 
congenial  to  any  one  who  had  read  and  understood  the  Edda, 
Beowulf,  and  the  Kalavala,  with  the  wildest  and  oldest  Norse 
Sagas.  The  Wabanaki  mythology,  which  was  that  which  gave 
a  fairy,  an  elf,  a  naiad,  or  a  hero  to  every  rock  and  river  and 
ancient  hill  in  New  England,  is  just  the  one  of  all  others  which 
is  least  known  to  the  New  Englanders." 

•'■See  Myths  of  the  New  World,  pps  34,   49,   58,  81,  iii,    117,  123,    177,  183,   19;,  195,  209  and  225. 
tSes   "Algonquin  Legends  of  New  England." — Introduction,  pp  1-3. 
^Algonquin  Legends,  Introduction,  pp.  4  and  5. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


57 


Fig.  ;3.— GR:;AT  SERPKNT  in  ADAMS  COUXTV.  O. 


58  ^^A  ri  VE  AMEEICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

"It  may  very  naturally  be  asked  by  many,  how  it  came  to  pass 
that  the  Indians  of  Maine  and  of  the  farther  north  have  so  much 
of  the  Edda  in  their  sagas;  or,  if  it  was  derived  through  the  Es- 
kimo tribes,  how  these  got  it  from  the  Norsemen  who  were  pro- 
fessedly Christians.  I  do  not  think  the  time  has  come  for  fully 
answering  the  first  question.  There  is  some  great  mystery  of 
mythology,  a?  yet  unsolved,  regarding  the  origin  of  the  Edda 
and  its  relations  with  the  faiths  and  folk-lore  of  the  older  Sham- 
anic  beliefs,  such  as  Lapp,  Finn,  Samoyed,  Eskimo,  and  Tartar. 
This  was  the  world's  first  religion;  it  is  found  in  the  so  called 
Accadian-Turanian  beginning  of  Babylon,  whence  it  possibly 
came  from  the  West.  But  what  we  have  here  to  consider  is 
whether  the  Norsemen  did  directly  influence  the  Eskimo  and 
Indians." 

3.  The  appearance  of  the  serpent  in  American  tradition  is  not 
confined  to  the  northeast  coast  or  to  the  Algonquin  race,  but  is, 
in  fact,  found  among  ail  the  different  tribes.  Mr.  Schoolcraft 
has  referred  to  it  in  his  interesting  volume  called  "Algic  Re- 
searches." Dr.  Brinton  has  also  spoken  of  it  in  his  volume, 
"Myths  of  the  New  World."  Mr.  R.  M.  Dorman  in  his  "Origin 
of  Primitive  Superstitions,"  Mr.  E.  G.  Squier  in  his  volume  called 
"Serpent  worship,"  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  in  his  "Native  Races," 
and  many  other  writers. 

Mr.  Dorman  says:  ""The  worship  paid  to  the  rattle-snake  was 
universal  among  all  the  tribes,  bu^  not  conferred  exclusively 
upon  this  serpent.^  All  the  snakes  enjoyed  a  share  of  it  though 
in  a  less  degree.  The  Winnebagojs  reverenced  and  never  killed 
the  rattle-snake.  The  Indians  of  Florida  venerated  the  rattle- 
snake and  would  not  kill  one  for  fear  its  spirit  would  incite  its 
kindred  to  revenge  its  death.  The  Cherokees  worshipped  the 
rattle-snake.  In  Brazil,  in  a  large  town  of  8,oo3  cabins,  Don 
Alvarez  found  a  tower  which  contained  a  serpent  27  feet  long, 
with  a  very  large  head.  The  Indians  worshipped  this  as  a  dix-in- 
ity  and  feci  it  with  human  flesh.  The  Peruvians  worshipped 
adders.  Many  images  of  serpents  were  found  in  South  America 
before  which  the  inhabitants  knelt  in  adoration." 

The  Iroquois  have  a  tradition  about  Niagara  Falls,  that  a  ser- 
pent poisoned  the  waters,  but  Meno,  the  thunderer,  who  dwelt 
under  the  sheet  of  water,  discharged  upon  him  a  mighty  thunder- 
bolt which  slew  him.  The  Senecas  still  point  to  a  place  in  the 
creek  where  tlie  banks  were  shelved  out  in  a  semi-circular  form 
which  was  done  by  the  serpent  when  he  turned  to  escape.  His 
body  floated  down  the  stream  and  lodged  upon  the  verge  of  the 
Cataract,  stretching  nearly  across  the  river.  The  raging  waters, 
thus  dammed  up,  broke  through  the  rocks  behind,  and  thus  the 
whole  verge  of  the  fall  upon  which  the  body  rested,  was  precipi- 

*I)crman's  Origi  i  (  f  Piimitive  Supcrstiii  )ns,  pp  'A$. 


THE  SERPEyr  SYMBOL.  59 

tated  into  the  abyss  beneath.     In  this  manner  was  formed  the 
Horseshoe  Falls."* 

Dr.  Brinton  says  that  the  serpent  seems  to  be  associated  in  its 
winding  course  to  rivers.  The  Kennebec,  a  stream  in  Maine, 
in  the  Algonquin  means  "snake,"  and  the  Antietam,  in  Iroquois, 
has  the  same  signification.  There  is  a  tradition  that  a  vast  ser- 
pent lived  in  the  Mississippi  near  Fox  (Illinois)  River,  but  he 
finally  took  a  notion  to  visit  the  Great  Lakes,  and  the  trail  he 
made  passing  thither,  is  the  basin  of  that  stream. f 

It  has,  by  an  association  of  ideas,  become  connected  with  the 
lightning.  The  Algonquilis  thought  that  the  lightning  was  an 
immense  serpent.  The  Shawnees  called  thunder,  the  hissing  of 
the  Great  Snake,  and  Tlaloc,  the  Toltec  Thunder  god,  is  always 
represented  with  the  snake  twisted  about  his  body.  In  the  Ojib- 
way  mythology  the   serpent  robs  the  Thunder-bird's   nest. 

It  has  also  a  strange  mysterious  relation  to  the  spirit  land.  In 
one  tradition  the  serpent  forms  a  bridge  on  which  the  soul  must 
cross  the  great  stream  which  separates  this  world  from  the  spirit 
world. 

"Who  is  a  Manito?"  asked  the  mystic  media  chant  of  the  Al- 
gonquins.  "He,  who  walketh  with  a  serpent,  walking  on  the 
ground."  is  the  reply,  "He  is  a  Manito. "t 

The  cloud  serpent,  Mixcoatl,  the  white  or  gleaming  cloud  ser- 
pent, is  said  to  have  been  the  only  divinity  of  the  ancient  Chi- 
cifneces.§ 

It  is  said  ot  Quetzacoatl,  the  great  Mexican  divinity,  when  he 
departed  from  the  land,  that  he  entered  his  wizard  skiff  made  of 
serpent  skins  and  embarked  upon  the  sea,    after    bestowing    his 
blessing  upon  the  }'oung  men  who  accompanied  him.|| 

In  some  localities  the  serpent  seemed  to  be  considered  as 
the  embodiment  of  evil.  The  Apaches  hold  that  every  serpent 
contains  the  soul  of  a  bad  man.^f 

The  Piutes  of  Nevada  have  a  demon  deity  in  the  form  of  a 
serpent,  still  supposed  to  exist  in  the  waters  of  Pyramid  Lake 
and  this  Devil  Snake  causes  the  water  to  boil  like  a  pot,  in  time 
of  a  storm.' 

It  was  described  to  Whipple  and  to  Mollhausen  as  possessing 
power  over  the  sea,  lakes,  rivers  and  rain.  It  was,  among  the 
Pueblo  cities  of  the  Pecos,  supposed  to  be  sacred  and  accord- 
ing to  some  accounts  was  fed  with  the  flesh  of  his  devotees.^ 

*'-'rhc  Iroquois,   or  the  Urii;ht  Side  of  Indian  Char.icter,"  by  Minnie  Myrtle,  p.  133. 

tDorman's  Primitive  Superstitions,  p.  315,  quoted  from  Schoolcraft,  p.  682. 

JTanner's  Narrative,  p.  356.     Brinton's  Myths,  p.  114. 

§Brinton's  Myths,  p.  171. 

ilDorman's  Prim.  Sup. -p.  g+, — Short,-259,-Prescott-VoI.  I-5S. 

ITBancroft's  Native  Races,  Vol.  HI.  p.  135.— Schoolcraft's  Archive-;.  Vol.  V.  p.  209. 

iBancroft's.-Vol,  HI-p.  135, — Sni.  Rep. 

2Gregg's  Commerce  with  the  Prairie,  Vol.I-p.  271. 

aWhipple,  Kwt)ank  and  Turner's  Report,  p.  38. 

2P.icific  R.  R.  Report,  Vol.  HI. 


60  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

These  traditions  prove  nothini^  as  to  the  origin  of  the  symbol 
and  yet  they  show  how  prominent  the  serpent  was  in  native 
American  mythology.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  tradition 
of  the  serpent  is  one  which  has  been  preserved  in  the  celebrated 
Red  Score  Record  of  the  Delawares  or  Lenni  Lenapes,  called  the 
Walum  Olum.  Of  this,  a  new  translation  has  been  made  by  Dr. 
D.  G.  Brinton  and  we  take  pleasure  in  quoting  from  his  book. 
The  reader  will  notice  the  correspondence  between  this  tradition 
and  the  scripture  record,  but  v/ill  see  that  it  has  been  adapted  to 
the  new  circumstances,  the  memory  of  the  people  not  going 
back  further  than  the  migration.  The  following  is  the  general 
synopsis: 

I.  The  formation  of  the  universe  by  the  Great  Manito,  is  de- 
scribed. In  the  primal  fog  and  watery  waste,  he  formed  land  and 
sky  and  the  heavens  cleared.  He  then  created  men  and  animals. 
These  lived  in  peace  and  joy  until  a  certain  evil  manito  came  and 
sowed  discord  and  misery." 

II.  "The  Evil  Manito,  who  now  appears  under  the  guise  of  a 
gigantic  serpent.determines  to  destroy  the  the  human  race,  and 
for  that  purpose  brings  upon  them  a  flood  of  water.  Many  per- 
ish, but  a  certain  number  escape  to  the  turtle,  that  is,  solid  land, 
and  are  there  protected  by  Nanabush  (Manibozho  or  Michabo.) 
They  pray  to  him  for  assistance,  and  he  caused  the  water  to  dis- 
appear, and  the  serpent  to  depart." 

III.  "The  waters  having  disappeared,  the  home  of  the  tribe  iS 
described  as  in  a  cold  and  northern  clime.  This  they 
concluded  to  leave  in  search  of  warmer  lands.  Having  divided 
their  people  into  a  warrior  and  a  peaceful  class,  they  journeyed 
southward,  toward  what  is  called  the  '  Snake  land.'  " 

IV.  "The  first  sixteen  verses  record  the  gradual  conquest  of 
most  of  the  snake  land.  It  seems  to  have  required  the  succes- 
sive efforts  of  six  or  seven  head  chiefs,  one  after  another,  to  bring 
this  about,  probably  but  a  small  portion  at  a  time  yielding  to  the 
attacks  of  these  enemies.  Its  position  is  described  as  being  to  the 
southwest,  and  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  Here  they  first 
learned  to  cultivate  maize. 

V.  "  Having  conquered  the  Talegas,  the  Lenape  possessed 
their  land  and  that  of  the  Snake  people  and  for  a  certain  time 
enjoyed  peace  and  abundance.  Then  occurred  a  division  of  their 
people,  some  as  Nanticokes  and  Shawnees,  going  to  the  south, 
others  to  the  west,  and  later,  the  majority  toward  the  east, 
arriving  finally  at  the  Salt  sea,  the  Atlantic  ocean."* 

We  call  attention  to  this  record  of  the  Delawares,  for  it  con- 
nects the  archjEology  of  this  country  with  the  traditionary  lore 
of  Europe  and  Central  Asia.  The  record  is  evidently  genuine 
and  has  no  more  signs  of  being  modified  to  suit  missionary  influ- 
ence   than    all    the   traditions.     There  is  a  very  remarkable  cor- 

*The  Lenape  and  their  Legends,  by  Dr.  D.  G.  15rinton,  pp.  167-68. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


61 


respondence  between  the  tradition  as  thus  recorded  and  some  of 
the  symbolic  structures  which  have  been  found  in  the  eastern  por- 
tion of  the  Ohio  Valley.  The  Red  Score  shows  that  is  possible 
to  con\'ey  thought  by  symbols,  and  we  are  not  sure  but  that  this 
was  the  object  with  some  of  the  symbolic  earth-works. 

4.  We  have  maintained  that  the  serpent  symbol  was  very  preva- 
lent among  the  mounds  of  Ohio  ;  so  prevalent  as  to  give  rise  to 
the  idea  that  the  totem  or  ruling  divinity  of  the  people  was  the 


Fig.  24— GREAT  SKRPENT  IN  ADAMS  COUNTY. 

serpent.  We  do  not  say  that  the  whole  region  was  occupied  by 
this  people,  for  there  are  other  districts  where  the  alligator  or 
lizard  seems  to  be  the  totem ;  but  the  place  where  the  great  ser- 
pent may  be  seen  and  where  the  serpent  symbol  prevails ;  is  a  dis- 
trict which  is  situated  south  of  that  in  which  the  alligator  appears 
and  which  extends  along  the  Ohio  River  on  both  sides  from  Ad- 
ams to  Scioto  county,  or  from  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Miami  to 
that  of  the  Scioto  River.  Corresponding  to  this  district  is  anoth- 
er where  the  Mound  Builders  erected  their  most  notable  works. 
This  is  situated  a  little  farther  to  the  east  in  the  vicinity  of 
Marietta.  We  ask  the  question  whether  this  was  not  the  habitat 
of  the  two  races  spoken  of  in  the  Walum  Olum,  the  "Snake"  race 
and  the  Telegewhi. 

We  take  it  as  very  suggestive  that:  tlu  tradition  of  the  Lenni 
Lenapes  so  corresp:)nd  with  the  arclueology  and  especially  that 
of  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Ohio  Valley.  Here  were  situated, 
according  to  all  accounts,  the  far  famed  race  called  the  Telleghe- 
wi  or  Alleghewi.  The  Mound  Builders  of  Ohio  have  been 
identified  with  this  traditionary  people;  identified  not  only  by  the 
missionaries  such  as  Heck  welder,  Zcisberger,  and  others,  but  by 
archaeologists.   Here  were  situated,  according  to  the  interpretation 


63  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

which  we  ourselves  have  given  to  the  earth  works  of  Ohio,  the 
celebrated  "Snake  tribe  or  nation"  which  is  spoken  of  in  this  tra- 
dition. 

On  this  point  we  quote  Mr.  Horatio  Hale,  who  says:  *  "Every 
known  fact  favors  the  view  that  during  a  period  which  may  be 
roughly  estimated  between  1,000  and  2,000  years  ago,  the  Ohio 
valley  was  occupied  by  an  industrious  population  of  some  Indi- 
an stock  which  had  attained  a  grade  of  civilization  similar  to 
that  now  held  by  the  Village  Indians  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizo- 
na; that  their  population  was  assailed  from  the  North  by  less 
civilized  and  more  warlike  tribes  of  Algonkins  and  Hurons  act- 
ing in  a  temporary  league  similar  to  those  alliances  which  Pon- 
tiac  and  Tecumseh  afterwards  rallied  against  the  white  colonist; 
that  after  a  long  and  wasting  war  the  assailants  were  victorious; 
the  conquered  people  were  in  great  part  exterminated ;  the  sur- 
vivors were  either  incorporated  with  the  conquering  tribes  or  fled 
southward  and  found  a  refuge  among  the  nations  which  possess- 
ed the  region  lying  between  the  Ohio  Valle}'  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico;  and  that  this  mixture  of  races  has  largely  modified  the 
language,  character  and  usages  of  the  Cherokee  and  Choctaw 
nations."* 

Dr.  Brinton  also  has  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  tribes  of  the 
Chahta,  Muskoki,  comprising  the  Creeks,  Chickasaws  and  Choc- 
taws  were  mound  builders  in  recent  times,  but  he  thinks  that  the 
Mound  Builders  of  the  Ohio  were  in  part  their  progenitors.  The 
remarkable  work  of  the  Tuscarora  chief  Cusick  is  evidence  also.  He 
describes  the  conflicts  which  were  carried  on  between  the  northern 
confederacy  and  the  southern  emperor  who  dwelt  at  the  "Golden 
City,"  but  who  also  built  forts  throughout  his  dominions  and  al- 
most penetrated  to  lake  Erie.  "  Long  bloody  wars  ensued, 
which  probably  lasted  about  100  years.  The  people  of  the  north 
were  too  skillful  in  the  use  of  bows  and  arrows,  and  could  endure 
hardships  which  proved  fatal  to  a  foreign  people.  At  last  the 
northern  people  gained  the  conquest  and  all  the  towns  and  forts 
were  totally  destroyed  and  left  a  heap  of  ruins  ;"t  According 
to  Heckewelder,  "hundreds  of  the  slain  Tallegewi  were  buried 
under  mounds  near  the  Great  River."  Mr.  Hale  says  "  there 
could  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  Allighewi,  or  Tellcgewi 
who  have  given  their  name  to  the  Alleghany  river  and  moun- 
tains, were  the  Mound  Builders."  He  says  "  the  Dakota  stock- 
had  its  oldest  branch  east  of  the  Alleghanies;"  he  thinks  that  the 
migration  of  the  tribe  was  from  the  Northeast.  Prof  W.  A.  Wil- 
iamson,  the  son  of  the  missionary  among  the  Dakotas,  says 
that  they  have  a  tradition  that  their  ancestors  came  from  the 
Northeast,  and  that  they  formerly  dwelt  on  the  Ohio  River,  and 
built  the  mounds  in  that  vicinity.     It  is  supposed  by  some  that 

*See  Anier.  Antq.  Vol.  V,  No   2,  p.  120. 
tAmer.  Anliq.,  Vol.  I,  No.  2,  p.  116.) 


rilE  SERPEXT  SYMBOL. 


63- 


the  Dakotas  and  the  Cherokees  were  different  branches  of  the 
same  race.  We  speak  of  these  traditions  for  they  seem  to  con- 
firm the  point  which  we  'have  made,  that  the  mounds  on  the 
Ohio  River  were  built  by  this  people,  which  were  called  the 
"  Snakes." 

5.  We  now  turn  to  the  archaeological  evidence.  There  are 
mounds  on  the  Ohio  River  which  are  in  the  shape  of  serpents. 
The  great  Serpent  Mound  in  Adams  Co.  is  well  known.  It 
needs  no  description.  The  discussion  has,  to  be  sure,  been  going 
on  lately,  whether  this  mound  is  really  a  serpent  or  not.  Accord- 
ing to  the  surve}'  of  Squier  &  Davis,  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the 
serpent  effigy.  Fig.  23.  Those  authors  also  thought  they  recog- 
nized in  the  effigy,  the  ancient  tradition  of  the  serpent  and  the 
egg  which  is  so  prominent  in  the  cosmogony  of  the  ^Hindoos. 
Rev.  J.  P.  McLean,  however,  has  explored  the  region  and  makes 
out  a  different  figure,  the  figure  of  a  serpent  and  a  frog;  and 
thinks  that  the  old  interpretation  cannot  be  maintained.  Fig.  24. 
There  is  this  to  be  said  however,  about  the  effigy,  that  its  very 
size  and  prominence  on  the  summit  of  the  hill,  convey  the  idea 
that  it  was  a  very  important  symbol,  and  quite  likely  to  have 
represented  the  chief  totem  or  divinity  of  the  tribe  dwelling  in 
the  region.  From  it  we  judge  that  the  name  of  the  tribe  would 
be  the  "Snake  Indians." 

Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes  thinks  that  it  was  a  serpent  s)'mbol,  but 
suggests  that  the  circle  with  the  altar  in  the  center  of  it  symbol- 
ized the  heart  of  the  serpent. 

There  is  a  circle  or  earth  work  near  Chillicothe  which  is  in 
3  «^iil|  the  shape  of  a  serpent.  In  this 
case  the  serpent  is  not 
effigy  resting  upon  the 
of  a  hill,  (Fig.  25,)  as  in 
count}',  but  the  wall  to 
closure,  or  rather  two  serpents, 
the  heads  forming  the  gateway. 
This  is  a  very  remarkable  work. 
The  situation  is  in  the  midst  ofan 
extensive  series  of  earth  works, 
on  Paint  Creek,  where  were  many 
village  enclosures  and  other 
signs  of  habitation.  This  work  is 
described  by  Squier  &  Davis 
as  follows:  "The  body  of  the  work  is  elliptical  in  shape,  the 
diameter  being  170  ft.,  transverse  250  feet.  There  is  a  single 
opening  or  gateway  50  feet  wide  on  the  south,  where  the 
walls  curve  outwards  and  lap  back  upon  themselves  for  the 
space  of  60  ft.  The  most  remarkable  feature  of  this  singular- 
work  consists  of  the  five  walls  starting  within  10  ft.  of  the  enclos- 

*.\nc.  Moil.,  p.  96. 


a  mere 
summit 
Adams 
the  en- 


-SERPENT  EFFIGY 


CHILLICOl'HE. 


u 


NATIVE  AMERWAX  SYMBOLISM. 


lire  and  extending  northward  slightly  converging,  for  the  dis- 
tance of  lOO  ft.  5ee  Fig.  25.  These  walls  are  20  ft.  broad  at 
the  ends  nearest  the  enclosure  and  16  ft.  apart.  They  diminish 
gradually  as  they  recede  to  10  feet  at  their  outer  extremities. 
The  purposes  of  this  strange  work  are  entirely  inexplicable. 
The  small  size  precludes  the  idea  of  a  defensive  origin.  It 
is  the  only  structure  of  the  kind  which  has  been  found  in  the 
valleys  and  is  totally  unlike  those  found  on  the  hills.  The  Great 
Stone  Fort  on  Paint  Creek  is  but  two  miles  distant  and  over- 
looks this  work.* 

Our  explanation  of  this  structure  is  that  it  represents  two  ser- 
pents with  the  bodies  joined,  but  with  the  heads  turned  back  in 
such  a  way  as  to  make  the  opening  or  gateway  to  the  enclosure 
between  them.    The  long  stone  walls  which  seem  to  Squier  &:  Da- 


CREAT   MIAMi-RIl^ 


Two  serpents  guarding  the  gate. 


Fig.  26. -WORKS  ON    IHE  MIAMI  RIVER,  OHIO. 

vi  sso  remarkable,  represent  the  tails  of  these  serpents  very  much 
as  the  idols  of  Mexico  contain  the  tails  of  serpents  below  the  fig- 
ures. The  protection  given  to  this  enclosure  would  be  partly 
owing  to  the  serpent  effigy  and  the  sacred  character  of  the  place 
would  also  be  exhibited  by  it.  An  enclosure  similar  to  this  but 
on  a  larger  scale  may  be  found  on  the  banks  of  the  Great  Miami 
river,  four  miles  above  the  town  of  Hamilton.  Here  the  serpent 
symbol  is  contained   in  the  entrance   to  the  enclosure  but  there 


*Anc.  Mon,  p.  4,  pi.  III. 


THE  SEBPEyr  SYMBOL.  65 

is  no  such  completed  line  of  earth  works  and  no  structures  that 
correspond  to  the  rattles.  Squier  &  Davis'  description  of  this 
is  as  follows  :  "  The  ends  of  the  wall  curve  inwardly  as  they  ap- 
proach each  other  upon  a  radius  of  75  ft.,  forming  a  true  circle. 
Within  the  space  thus  formed  is  another  circle  ico  ft.  in  diameter 
which  seems  to  protect  the  gateway.  Outside  of  this  circle  and 
overlooking  the  bluff  is  a  mound  40  ft.  in  diameter  and  5  ft.  high. 
The  passage  between  the  circle  and  the  embankment  is  only 
about  6  ft."     Fig.  26. 

Another  enclosure    resembling    this   has    been    described    by 
Squier  &  Davis.     It  is  in  Butler  County.  The  peculiarity  of  the 


Fig.  27.— WORK  IN  COLERAIN,  OHIO. 

work  is  that  every  av^enue  is  strongly  guarded  and  the  entrances 
resemble  the  gateway  just  described.  The  ends  of  the  walls 
overlap  each  other  in  the  form  of  semi-circles  having  a  common 
centre.  The  coincidence  between  the  guarded  entrances  of  this 
and  similar  works  throughout  the  west,  and  those  of  the  Mexi- 
can entrances,  is  singularly  striking.* 

Still  another  work  which  has  the  symbol  of  the  serpent  as  a 
guard  to  the  entrance  way  is  found  near  Colerain,  Hamilton  Co., 
Ohio,  on  the  bank  of  the  great  Miami. f     Fig.  27. 

In  this  case  the  tails  of  the  serpent  guard  the  entrance  way  rather 
than  the  heads  ;  although  there  is  another  gatewaj'  where  the 
peculiar  circular  entrance  is  seen,  but  it  is  closed  up  and  the  gate 
way  where  the  tails  are  seen  is  the  principal  entrance. 

Fort  Ancient  is  another  work  where  the  serpent  s}-mbol  may 

*Ac.  Mon.,  Squier  &  Davis,  p,  21,  pi.  VIII,  No,  i. 
tAac.  Mon.,  p.  35,  pi.  XIII,  No.  2.     Anc.  Mon.  p.  18. 


66  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

be  seen.  (Fig.  28.)  The  walls  of  this  enclosure  are  singularly  tor- 
tuous and  resemble  massive  serpent's  winding  along  the  edge  of 
the  bluffs.     The  place  where  the  serpent  symbol  is  most  manifest 
is  where  the  large  mounds  guard  the  entrance  to  the  lower  en- 
closure at  the  neck  of  land  which  joins  the  two  enclosures.    Here 
the  wall   is  not  only  tortuous  but   rises  and  falls  very  much  as  if 
two  massive  serpents  were  rolling  their  bodies  along.  There  is  also 
in  the  larger  enclosure  a  singular  earth  work  which  has  the  form 
of  a   crescent.     From   its    position    inside  of  the   enclosure  we 
should  say  that  it  was  designed  as  a  moon  symbol,  yet  it  may  have 
been  built  in  that  form  merely  as  a  matter  of  defense.     We  do 
not  state  positively  that  the  serpent  symbol  is  contained  in  the 
Ft.  Ancient,  for  it  maybe  that  the  tortuous  shape  of  the  walls  was 
owing  merely  to  the  nature  of  the  ground,  as  the  bluff  is  exceed- 
ingly broken.     The  walls,  in  following  the   summit  of  the  bluffs 
would    naturally   be  serpentine.     And  yet  if  the  serpent  symbol 
is   found   in  other  earth    works  we  should  conclude  that  it  was 
contained  in  this,  for  the  resemblance  is  very  striking,  when  one 
conceives  the  idea,  and  looks  at  the  wall  with  this  point  in  mind. 
Another  place  where  the  serpent  symbol  is  supposed  to  be  con- 
tained in    an    earth    work,    is    at    Portsmouth.     Here    we   have 
an    extensive    series  of  works  consisting   of  walled    enclosures, 
parallel  or  covered  ways,  curved  lines,  horseshoe  symbols,  mounds 
enclosed  in  circles,  and  a  remarkable  symbolic  structure  which 
might  be  considered  as  representing  the  symbol  of  the  sun  and 
the  four  quarters  of  the  sky,  or  the  four  winds,  and  along    with 
the  other  structures,  the  serpent  symbol.     This  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  series  of  works  found  in  the  world.     It  is  composed 
of  three  groups  ;  one  on  the  Kentucky  side  of  the  Ohio  River, 
opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  about  two   miles  below  the 
city  of  Portsmouth ;  another  which  occupies  the  ground  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Ohio  to  the   east  of  the  Scioto;  it    runs  up  and 
across  the  two  terraces  and  has  its  main  works  on  the  third  terrace 
overlooking  the    city    below.       The    third    group    is    on    the 
Kentucky   shore  but  several  miles  further  up  the  river  than  the' 
first  group.     The  total  length  of  the  parallels  now  traceable  may 
be  estimated  at  8  miles,  giving  16  miles  of  embankment  to  the 
parallels  alone,  and  computing  the  walls   around  the  enclosures 
.  and  the  circles  which  surround  the  horseshoe  symbols  with  the 
circles  which  surround  the  sun  symbol,  we  have  a  grand  total  of 
upwards  of  20  miles  of  earth  walls.     The  city  of  Portsmouth  is 
now  built  upon  the  ground  where  the  largest  group  formerly  ex- 
isted.    But  the  walls  were  fortunately  visited  and  described  be- 
fore they  were  destroyed.     Squier  &  Davis  say,  "the  avenues,  or 
covered  ways  extending  from  one  group  to  the  other,  have  in- 
-duced  many  to  assign  them  a  military  origin,  built  with  a  design 
to  protect  communication  between  the  different  works  or  enclo- 
sures; but  it  is  very  certain  that  we  must  seek  for  some  other  ex- 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  67 

planation  of  their  purposes.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  this  entire 
series  of  works  has  a  resemblance  to  the  great  circle  at  Avebury, 
England.  There  is  the  same  prevalence  of  the  horse-shoe  symbol, 
and  of  circular  enclosures,  the  different  works  being  connected 
here  by  earth  walls  as  there  by  standing  stones.* 

II.  We  now  turn  to  the  explanation  of  the  serpent  symbol  in 
America.  Various  theories  have  been  advanced  to  account  for 
its  presence  on  the  continent,  but  none  of  them  are  very  satisfac- 
tory. One  class  maintain  that  it  was  like  all  other  symbols, 
wholly  indigenous;  but  another  class  hold  that  it  was  brought 
in  from  some  other  continent,  and  is  to  be  connected  with  serpent 
worship  elsewhere.  We  shall  not  undertake  to  defend  either  of 
these  theories,  but  shall  speak  of  the  possible  explanations  and 
ask  various  questions. 

I.  Was  it  a  symbol  which  arose  out  of  the  system  of  animism 
which  prevailed  among  the  rude  tribes,  the  shape  of  the  ground 
and  the  locality  suggesting  that  the  spot  was  haunted  by  the 
great  serpent  spirit  ?  2.  Was  it  another  form  of  tribal  worship  or 
totemism.  the  tribe  which  dwelt  here  having  made  the  serpent 
their  local  divinity  or  tribal  god,  and  so  exalting  it  above  all 
the  other  divinities  and  worshiping  it  as  the  chief  divinity  ?  3.  Was 
it  merely  a  symbol  of  the  nature  powers — the  lightning,  the  fire,- 
the  sun,  the  water,  making  one  or  all  of  them  objects  of  worship? 
4.  Was  it  a  symbol  which  had  been  adopted  by  some  secret  society 
and  which  had  become  prominent  among  the  sacred  mysteries 
and  ceremonies,  but  had  now  been  made  public  and  placed 
before  the  people  to  increase  its  power?  5.  Was  it  the  result  of  an 
intruded  cultus,  thus  showing  contact  with  other  countries  in 
prehistoric  times?  6.  Was  there  a  general  cult  which  embodied 
itself  in  both  the  effigies  and  the  relics,  and  which  spread  over 
the  entire  continent?  or  was  it  a  mere  local  cult,  the  result  of 
some  tribal  myth  or  custom?  These  questions  suggest  the  dif- 
ferent explanations  which  might  be  given,  and  all  of  them  fur- 
nish interesting  lines  of  study. 

I.  The  animistic  conception  may  have  been  embodied  in  the 
effigies,  for  they  are  all  of  them  situated  in  wild  places,  where  it 
would  be  perfectly  natural  to  imagine  that  the  spirit  of  the  ser- 
pent would  resort,  and  the  shape  of  the  clifts  or  bluffs  upon 
which  they  are  erected  would  naturally  suggest  the  thought. 
It  is  very  common  for  primitive  people  to  ascribe  supernatural 
spirits  to  the  various  objects  of  nature  and  to  trees,  rocks,  caves, 
streams,  springs,  lakes,  mountains,  islands,  imagine  that  certain 
places  were  haunted  by  certain  animal  spirits,  which  become 
local  divinities.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the  Island  of  Mackinaw 
was  regarded  as  sacred  to  the  turtle.  The  Hot  Springs  and 
Spirit  lake  in  Arizona  were  regarded  by  the  Moquis  as  sacred  to 

*Dr.  Stukely  considered  the  works  at  Avebury  to  be  a  druidical  place  of  sacrifice,  the 
avenues  connecting  the  sun  circles  being  in  the  shape  of  a  massive  serpent. 


68  NA  Tl  VE  A  MERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

the  great  serpent.  The  Niagara  Falls  and  St.  Anthony's  Falls 
were  both  supposed  to  be  formed  by  the  body  of  the  great  ser- 
pent which  floated  down  the  stream  and  lodged  upon  the  rocks. 
The  Pawnees  had  a  story  that  the  soul  of  a  young  brave  who 
had  been  killed  was  carried  to  the  houses  of  the  animal  divini- 
ties, NaJmrac.  It  was  also  a  common  superstition  that  the  souls 
of  the  dead  were  confined  to  certain  places,  called  houses.  One 
of  them  was  called  Palmk,  "hill  island,"  was  opposite  the  town 
of  Fremont,  Nebraska;  another  called  La-la-wa-koli-ti-to ,  "dark 
island,"  was  in  the  Piatt  river;  another  called  Ali-ha-wit-akol, 
"white  bank,"  on  the  Loup  fork,  opposite  Cedar  river;  another 
was  called  Pahowa,  "water  on  the  bank,"  on  the  Solomon  river; 
another  was  called  PaJmr,  it  is  a  rock  in  Kansas  which  sticks 
out  of  the  ground,  called  "guide  rock."  At  the  top  of  the 
mound  is  a  round  hole  and  water  is  in  it.  The  Indians  throw 
offerings  into  this  hole  to  Tirazva,  their  great  divinity.  They 
were  accustomed  to  make  a  sacrifice  of  a  captive  every  year,  by 
burning  the  body  after  they  had  shot  arrows  into  it.  They 
bebeved  that  there  were  giants  at  first,  and  these  giants  were 
rebellious  against  Tirazva,  but  they  were  destroyed. 

2.  The  region  in  Ohio  where  the  serpent  effigies  are  the  most 
prominent  was  once  the  dwelling  place  of  a  tribe  of  hunters  who 
are  known  to  have  migrated  from  their  original  seats  east  of  the 
Alleghenies,  following  the  buffalo  in  their  retreat  westward, 
namely,  the  Dakotas  or  Sioux,  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  the 
name  of  the  snake  people,  which  tradition  has  preserved,  was 
the  one  which  was  given  to  them.  One  plausible  explanation  is 
that  this  people  erected  the  most  of  the  effigies  in  this  region, 
and  that  they  built  the  earliest  or  oldest  of  the  two  forts  which 
are  now  to  be  seen  upon  the  summit  of  the  hill  at  Fort  Ancient, 
the  one  whose  walls  are  supposed  to  have  been  in  the  shape 
ol  tortuous  and  rolling  serpents,  its  gateway  guarded  by  their 
heads.  Confirmatory  of  this  is  the  fact  that  the  serpent  effigies 
are  found  all  along  the  track  taken  by  the  Dakotas  in  their 
migration  westward  to  their  present  seats.  One  was  discovered 
by  the  writer  on  the  bluff  near  Quincy,  Illinois,  another  on  the 
bluff  near  Cassville,  Wisconsin,  another  on  the  ridge  near  Lake 
Wingra,  near  Madison,  Wisconsin,  another  near  Mayville,  Wis- 
consin, still  another,  discovered  by  Prof  J.  A.  Todd,  on  the  bluff 
called  Dakota.  And  the  fact  that  carved  animal  pipes,  resem- 
bling those  in  Ohio,  have  been  found  in  the  mounds  in  Illinois 
and  Iowa,  the  most  interesting  of  which  has  the  serpent  coiled 
around  the  bowl  exactly  as  the  one  found  in  the  fort  called 
Clarks  works, 

3.  Another  explanation  is  interesting.  There  is,  in  Ohio, 
an  effigy  of  a  bird  which  is  very  much  like  the  birds  which  have 
been  inscribed  on  the  rocks  in  Dakota.  These  are  supposed  to 
represent  the  thunder  bird,  a  nature  power  divinity  among  the 


SERPENT  GORGETS  FROM  TENNESSEE. 


SHELL  GORGETS  FROM  TENNESSEE. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  69 

Dakotas,  and  which  had  its  abode  near  the  pipe  stone  quarry  in 
Minnesota.  This  remarkable  figjure  was  situated  upon  a  hilltop 
near  the  east  branch  of  the  Miami  river.  The  effigy  is  contained 
within  a  square  enclosure,  the  walls  of  which  conform  to  the 
shape  of  the  bluff  and  are  very  crooked.  The  entrances  to  the 
enclosure  are  guarded  by  fragmentary  walls;  which  are  placed 
within  the  gateway.  The  figure  itself  has  not  been  heretofore 
recognized  as  an  effigy,  but  on  examining  it  closely  we  discover 
in  it  the  head  and  tail  and  outspread  wings  of  a  bird,  the  wings 
having  been  formed  in  such  a  way  as  to  represent  long,  drooping 
feathers,  the  very  features  which  symbolize  the  rain.  These 
various  facts,  which  have  recently  come  to  light,  render  it  very 
probable  that  the  Dakota  effigy-builders  were  all  of  them,  before 
they  migrated  westward,  serpent  worshipers,  and  that  wherever 
they  had  a  location  they  erected  shrines  to  this  serpent  divinity 
and  made  their  offerings  to  it. 

4.  A  fourth  explanation  is  the  one  suggested  by  the  serpent 
effigy  discovered  in  Adams  county,  Illinois.  Here  the  serpent 
is  situated  upon  the  summit  of  a  hill  which  overlooks  the  bot- 
tom land  of  the  Mississippi  river  for  many  miles,  making  it  a 
conspicuous  object.  Here,  too,  the  Q^gy  is  conformed  to  the 
shape  of  the  bluff,  as  it  is  in  Ohio.  The  sinistral  turn  of  the 
effigies  has  been  recognized  in  both  places.  The  fact  that  there 
were  fire  beds  and  the  evidences  of  cremation  of  bodies  in  the 
bottom  of  the  mound,  which  formed  the  prominent  object  in  the 
centre  of  the  body  of  the  serpent,  is  another  point  of  interest. 
The  fire  was  an  emblem  of  sun  worship  and  was  sacred  to  the 
sun.  The  phallic  symbol  was  also  discovered  here.  The  bodies 
were  placed  upon  their  backs,  the  face  turned  upward  to  the  sun, 
the  hands  folded  over  the  thighs;  the  skeletons  of  two  snakes 
were  found  coiled  up  between  the  hands  near  the  secret  parts  of 
the  body.  The  number  four  was  also  observed  here.  This  is  a 
common  symbol  among  the  sun  worshipers.  There  were  four 
large  mounds  in  the  centre  of  the  effigy;  there  were  four  burial 
places  in  the  top  of  one  of  the  mounds,  the  points  of  the  com- 
pass having  been  observed  in  the  burials.  What  is  most  singu- 
lar about  the  whole  find  was  that  the  altar  or  fire  bed  was  placed 
upon  the  summit  of  a  deposit  of  black  soil,  constituted  a  circu- 
lar or  saucer-like  depression  in  the  deposit,  but  all  the  soil  which 
was  placed  above  the  altar  and  made  the  rest  of  the  mound  was 
of  a  strong  contrast,  as  it  was  a  light  colored  sand.  A  white 
streak  of  burned  lime  and  a  red  streak  of  bark  or  some  other 
substance,  a  gray  streak  of  ashes  intervening  between  the  two 
layers.  Here  then  we  have  the  symbols  which  were  common  in 
the  east  and  which  were  so  expressive  of  the  nature  powers,  the 
contest  between  light  and  darkness,  the  cardinal  points,  the 
number  four,  the  several  colors,  the  sinistral  turn,  the  fire,  the 
cremattd  bodies,  and  the  serpent  effigy  itself  all   being  symbols 


70  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

of  sun  worship.  We  imagine  that  these  symbols  may  have 
been  introduced  in  connection  with  "sacred  mysteries,"  and  were 
preserved  by  some  secret  society  or  unknown  organization  and 
that  the  rites  practiced  were  a  part  of  the  sacred  ceremonies 
which  were  observed.  The  situation  is  to  be  noticed.  They 
were  situated  in  the  wildest  places  and  were  often  on  the  sum- 
mits of  hills  where  their  form  could  be  seen  at  a  great  distance. 
They  were,  perhaps,  shrines  and  places  of  sacrifice.  The  altars 
and  fire  beds  are  found  in  connection  with  them.  They  were 
calculated  to  inspire  terror  in  the  minds  of  superstitious  people 
and  yet  were  in  harmony  with  the  scenes  of  nature  about  them. 
The  fires  that  were  lighted  upon  them  sent  out  their  glare 
through  the  darkness  and  covered  the  whole  region  with  lurid 
light.  They  were  not  merely  shrines  or  places  of  worship,  but 
were  also  places  of  sacrifice  where  human  bodies  were  cremated 
and  mystic  ceremonies  were  practiced.  We  can  not  look  upon 
these  serpent  efifigies  in  the  same  way  that  we  do  upon  the  animal 
figures,  for  they  were  strange  contortions  and  ou/re  shapes;  and 
ghastly  scenes  were  connected  with  them. 

Here  then  we  have  different  explanations  of  the  serpent  sym- 
bol, each  of  them  furnishing  a  different  answer  to  the  various 
questions  which  have  been  asked,  one  pointing  to  the  animistic 
conception,  another  to  the  totemistic  idea,  a  third  to  the  tutelar 
divinity,  a  fourth  favoring  the  thought  that  a  secret  society  super- 
intended the  erection  of  the  effigies,  all  of  them  doing  away  with 
the  necessity  of  an  intruded  cultus  to  account  for  them  and  favor- 
ing the  theory  of  an  indigenous  origin. 

5.  The  argument  for  a  transmitted  symbolism  is  one  which 
comes  from  the  mingling  of  the  symbols  of  sun  worship  with  those 
ol  serpent  worship  in  the  region  where  the  effigies  are  so  promi- 
nent, and  from  the  striking  resemblance  which  these  effigies 
have  to  others  which  are  found  in  Great  Britain,  Europe  and  in 
oriental  countries.  How  do  we  explain  this  remarkable  combi- 
nation? Shall  we  say  that  there  was  a  class  of  persons  who  by 
some  means  were  able  to  cross  the  ocean  and  make  their  way 
to  this  remote  region  and  there  introduce  the  various  symbols 
which  were  used  upon  the  other  side  of  the  water  and  which  be- 
longed to  the  ancient  historic  races  of  the  east? 

Let  us  consider  this  point  further  and  examine  the  evidence  on 
both  sides.  We  take  the  evidence  of  Mr.  F.  W.  Putnam,  who 
has  made  a  special  study  of  the  great  serpent  in  Adams  county, 
Ohio.  He  has  described  this  effigy  as  the  figure  of  the  serpent 
slowly  uncoiling  itself  and  creeping  stealthily  along  the  crest  of 
the  hill,  as  if  about  to  seize  the  oval  figure  in  its  extended  jaws. 
He  says  its  position  east  and  west  indicates  a  belief  in  the  great 
sun  god,  whose  first  rays  fall  on  the  altar  in  the  center  of  the 
oval.  He  quotes  the  words  of  Dr.  J.  W.  Phene,  who  discovered 
a  remarkable  serpent  effigy  in  Great  Britain.     "The  tail  of  the 


1HE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


71 


serpent  rests  near  the  shore  of  Loch  Nell.  The  ground  gradu- 
ally rises  seventeen  to  eighteen  feet  in  height,  and  forms  a 
double  curve.  The  head  forms  a  circular  cairn,  on  which  there 
still  remains  the  trace  of  an  altar.  The  ridge  was  also  modified 
by  art,  so  that  the  whole  length  should  form  a  spine  of  the  ser- 
pent. Large  stones  were  set  like  the  vertebrae  and  smaller 
stones  sloping  off  the  ridge  were  suggestive  of  ribs."  It  is  said 
that  the  worshipers  standing  at  the  altar  would  look  eastward 
along  the  whole  length  of  the  reptile,  toward  the  triple  peaks  ot 
Ben  Cruachan.  See  Fig.  31.  Prof.  Putnam  draws  the  compari- 
son between  this  effigy  and  the  one  in  Ohio.  He  says:  "Each 
has  the  head  pointing  west,  each  terminates  with  a  circular  en- 
closure, containing  an  altar,  from  which,  looking  along  the  most 
prominent  part  of  the  serpent,  the  rising  sun  may  be  seen.  In 
the  oval  embankment, 
with  its  central  pile  of 
burnt  stones,  we  find 
the  Lingam  un  Yoni 
of  India,  the  recipro 
cal  principle  of  na- 
ture, guarded  by  the 
serpent."  This  inter- 
pretation of  the  great 
serpent  is  the  same 
as  that  given  by  the 
first  authors  who  de- 
scribed it,  Squier  and 
Davis,  who  say  that 
the  serpent  in  combination  with  the  circle,  Qgg  or  globe  has  been 
a  prominent  symbol  among  many  primitive  nations,  and  prevailed 
in  Greece,  Egypt  and, Assyria,  and  entered  into  the  superstitions 
of  the  Celts,  Hindoos  and  Chinese;  and  even  penetrated  into 
America.  These  authors  speak  of  the  altars  in  the  oval  enclos- 
ure of  the  great  serpent  near  the  alligator  mound  at  Granville, 
and  the  cross  at  Tarleton,  Ohio,  all  of  which  were  on  "  high 
places."  We  are  aware  that  there  is  another  interpretation  of 
these  different  effigies  which  would  make  them  altogether  in- 
digenous, and  which  would  deny  any  connection  between  sym- 
bols found  in  them  and  those  found  in  ether  continents.* 

6.  The  correspondence  between  the  structures  and  the  relics 
is  to  be  noticed  here.  We  find  that  animal  worship  or  totemism 
was  embodied  in  the  emblematic  mounds,  or  animal  effigies,  and 
the  carved  pipes.  Mythologic  divinities  were  portrayed  by  the 
rock  inscriptions  and  rock  outlines,  as  well  as  by  the  smaller 
images  found  in  the  mounds.     The  sun  symbol  was  also  con- 

*W.  H.  Holmes  thinks  that  the  oval  represented  the  body  of  the  serpent,  the  altar  the 
heart,  the  nose  of  the  serpent  was  the  end  of  the  cliff.  Everythinsr  about  the  effigy  was 
purely  aboriginal.  Tlie  resemblances  of  the  cliff  to  the  serpent  having  led  to  the  erection 
of  the  effigy. 


Fig.  31.— Serpent  in  Scotland, 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


tained  in  the  earth- works  of  Ohio  and  the  shell  gorgets  of  Ten- 
nessee, the  correspondence  between  them  showing  that  there 
was  a  religious  cult  which  prevailed  among  all  these  tribes 
situated  in  the  Mississippi  valley.  This,  of  course,  does  not  prove 
that  any  cult  was  introduced  from  any  other  continent,  but  it 
at  least  shows  that  serpent  worship  was  not  altogether  a  local  cult. 
This  correspondence  will  be  seen  if  we  take  specific  localities  for 
illustration  and  draw  the  analogies  between  the  earth-works  and 
the  relics  which  contain  these  symbols  of  the  region,  but  it  will 
be  seen  even  more  clearly  if  we  take  the  earth-works  or  effigies 
of  one  district  and  compare  them  with  the  relics  of  another  dis- 
trict, for  by  this  means  we  see  that  the  symbols  were  not  local 
but  general. 


Mg.  32.~Bird  Effiny. 

In  the  earth-works,  the  concentric  circles  surround  a  central 
mound,  which  has  been  regarded  as  a  symbol  of  the  sun,  and  an 
altar  to  the  sun  has  frequently  been  found  in  the  mound.  In 
the  gorgets,  the  concentric  circles  surround  a  central  disk,  which 
is  supposed  to  be  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  There  are  earth-works 
in  Ohio  which  contain  the  symbol  of  the  cross,  whose  sides  cor- 
respond with  the  cardinal  points.  There  are  gorgets  in  Tennessee 
which  contain  the  cross  enclosed  within  a  circle,  evidently  de- 
signed as  a  weather  symbol.  The  effigy  of  the  bird  is  fre- 
quently seen  in  the  earth-works.  One  of  these  effigies 
has  been  described  as  being  in  the  center  of  a  great  circle  at 
Newark.  It  contained  an  altar,  and  was  evidently  a  symbol 
of  the  sun.  The  effigy  of  the  bird  on  the  East  fork  of  the 
Miami  river,  referred  to  above,  was,  it  is  probable,  the  thunder 
bird.f  There  is  a  square  enclosure  surrounding  it,  whose. gate) 
ways  are  guarded  by  crescent  walls.  The  situation  of  the  en- 
closure is  remarkable.     It  is  on  an  eminence,  and  is  visible  from 

♦The  following  are  the  symbols  which  have  been  recognized;  i.  The  circle.  2.  The 
cross.  3.  The  bird.  4.  The  square.  5,  The  crescent.  6.  The  Jew's-harp.  7.  The  horse- 
shoe. 

tCompare  Fig.  32  with  Fig.  6,  p.  383. 


THE  SERPEN!  SYMBOL.  73 

all  directions.  The  bird  effigy  nearly  fills  the  entire  enclosure. 
In  its  shape  it  reminds  us  of  the  various  bird  effigies  found  in 
the  gorgets.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  structures  were  de- 
voted to  rites  analogous  to  those  attending  the  primitive  hill  or 
grove  worship  of  the  east. 

The  square  enclosures  in  Ohio  are,  many  of  them,  orientated, 
have  gateways  in  the  sides  and  corners.  There  are  square  figures 
on  the  gorgets  in  Tennessee  which  have  loops  at  the  corners 
and  birds'  heads  at  the  sides.  Both  of  these  are  supposed  to  be 
symbols  of  the  different  quarters  of  the  sky.  There  are  many 
crescents  among  the  mounds  of  Ohio  which  are  associated  with 
circles  and  with  squares.  The  gorgets  contain  crescents  enclosed 
in  circles. 

Now  these  different  figures  show  that  nature  worship  pre- 
vailed over  the  different  parts  of  the  Mound-builders'  territory, 
but  the  serpent  symbol  seems  to  have  been  very  prominent  in 
it.  This  may  be  seen  from  the  following  facts.  Many  relics  in 
the  shape  of  serpents  have  been  found  in  the  mounds.  These 
were  evidently  devoted  to  sun  worship,  and  were  in  fact  placed 
upon  altars  as  offerings  to  the  sun. 

The  association  of  the  serpent  gorgets  with  what  might  be 
called  the  bird  gorgets  is  to  be  noticed  here.  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes 
has  described  several  of  these  and  shown  that  the  bird,  the  loop, 
the  square,  the  circle,  the  sun  with  rays,  and  the  cross  were  some- 
times combined  in  one  complicated  symbol.  His  description  is 
as  follows: 

"A  square  framework  of  four  continuous  parallel  lines  looped 
at  the  corners,  the  inner  line  touching  the  tips  of  the  starlike 
rays.  Outside  of  this  are  the  four  symbolic  birds,  placed  against 
the  side  of  the  square  opposite  the  arms  of  the  cross.  These 
birds'  heads  are  carefully  drawn.  The  mouth  is  open,  the 
eyes  represented  by  a  circle,  and  a  crest  springs  from  the  back  of 
the  head  and  neck.  The  crest  is  striated  and  pointed,  and  the 
two  lines  extend  from  the  eye  down  to  the  neck.  The  bird 
resembles  the  ivory-billed  woodpecker  more  than  any  other 
species."  This  makes  the  bird  effigy  which  we  have  described 
all  the  more  significant,  for  the  square  enclosure  there  contains 
the  bird  which  is  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  but  in  its  curved  walls 
may  be  said  to  present  the  loops. 

Gen.  Gates  P.  Thruston  has  described  specimens  which  have 
been  taken  from  mounds  at  Severville,  McMahon  and  the 
Harpeth  cemetery,  near  Nashville,  as  well  as  from  Carthage, 
Alabama,  which  were  evidently  ancient.  These  show  that  the 
cult  was  widespread  among  the  southern  Mound-builders.  The 
association  of  these  shell  gorgets  with  serpents  on  them,  with 
the  gorgets  containing  symbols  of  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars, 
is  another  proof  These  shell  gorgets  have  been  found  at  Nash- 
ville.    One    of  them    contains    three    crescents,  which    have    a 


74 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


sinistral  turn  around  a  central  disk.  Outside  of  these  are  nine 
disks,  with  dots  interspersed  between  them;  outside  of  these  are 
fourteen  other  disks,  which  are  carved  in  relief,  so  as  to  make 
scallops  to  the  gorget. 

In  Mound  City  we  find  crescents  which  were  found  in  mounds 
which  were  surrounded   by  a  circular  earth-work,  the  symbol- 


ttg.  S3.— Bald  Friar's  Bock. 

ism  being  contained  in  the  entire  burial  place,  but  the  passage  to 
the  burial  place  was  across  the  water  from  a  circular  earth-work, 
where  was  the  village  of  the  sun  worshipers,  the  details  of  the 
symbolism  having  been  retained  here  with  as  much  care  in  the 
earth-works  as  it  was  in  other  localities  in  the  relics  themselves. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  shape  of  the  double-headed  serpent 
surrounding  the  enclosure  on  Paint  creek  is  that  of  a  Jew's-harp,, 
which  is  a  common  symbol  in  the  east.     The  same  symbol  is 


TEE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


75 


seen  inscribed  upon  the  rock  in  Pennsylvania  called  "Bald  Friar's 
Rock."  Here  the  head  of  the  serpent  is  associated  with  various 
animal  figures,  but  it  has  the  same  shape  as  many  other  symbolic 
figures  in  Europe  and  India,  the  Jew's-harp  or  the  Mahadeo. 
See  Fig.  33.'^ 

There  are  tablets  which  contain  the  horseshoe  symbol,  which 
may  be  compared  to  the  so-called  horseshoes  in  the  Portsmouth 
works.  One  such  was  found  near  the  great  mound  Cahokia. 
It  contains,  on  one  side,  birds'  heads,  on  the  other,  two  human 
faces.  In  front  of  the  faces  are  objects  resembling  serpents, 
which  are  suspended  from  the  head  dress,  and  fall  across  the 
mouth.  In  the  mouth  is  a  symbol  which  resembles  the  horse- 
shoe. The  heads  are  divided  from  one  another  by  parallel  lines, 
which  constitute  a  cross;  in  the  cross  are  circles.  Here  then  we 
have  the  symbols  of  the  cross,  the  serpent,  the  horseshoe,  and 
the  circle.  There  was  another 
gorget  in  the  Illinois  collection 

in  Chicago  which  contains  the  --    —  Ai^H  .^r>\\^^ 

figure  of  a  person  with  a  crown 
on  his  head,  holding  up  a  huge 
bird  by  the  neck.  This  person 
has  his  mouth  open  and  head 
turned  back,  while  the  same  sym- 
bol of  the  horse-shoe  is  in  his 
mouth  and  the  same  serpent  fig- 
ure in  front  of  the  face. 

In  certain  gorgets  we  see  con- 
centric circles  surrounding  a 
central  disk,  exactly  as  we  find 
in  Ohio;  tour  circular  walls  sur- 
rounding  the    central    mounds, 

which    maybe    regarded    as    the    ^9.  Sk.-Serpent  Heads  from  the  Codices. 

symbol  of  the  sun;  and  what  is  more,  this  central  mound  often 
contained  an  altar  with  fire  which  was  sacred  to  the  sun.  In 
other  gorgets  we  find  the  crescents  which  represent  the  moon, 
while  in  Ohio  the  crescents  made  from  sheets  of  mica  surrounded 
the  central  altars  which  contained  the  fire.  The  four  concentric 
circles  were  probably  designed  to  symbolize  the  circuit  of  the  sky, 
the  crescents,  to  symbolize  the  revolution  of  the  sun,  the  disks 
to  symbolize  the  sun  and  stars,  all  of  them  astronomical  symbols. 
7.  The  solitary  character  of  some  of  the  effigies  is  an  interest- 
ing feature.  A  solitary  stone  was  used  by  the  Iroquois  as  a 
tribal  totem,  called  the  Onondaga  stone,  but  here  in  Ohio  there 
were  several  solitary  ef^gies,  such  as  the  thunder  bird,  the  eagle, 
the  alligator,  the  three-legged  efifigy  at  Portsmouth,  a  bear  or 


*This  figure  of  the  Jew's-harp  is  not  brought  out  in  the  plate  as  plainly  as  it  should    be. 
but  it  is  plainly  seen  on  the  rock. 


76  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

elephant,  and  the  double-headed  snake  near  Chillicothe.  as  well 
as  the  serpent.  These  were  probably  tribal  totems,  but  they  were 
the  totems  of  a  race  of  sun-worshipers,  for  they  overlook  the 
circular  or  sacred  enclosures,  which  evidently  were  built  by  sun- 
worshipers,  one  at  Portsmouth  being  connected  with  the  group 
which  was  especially  devoted  to  the  sacrifices  of  the  sun. 

This  solitary  effigy  or  totem  was  apparently  connected  by  a 
"  covered  way"  with  the  central  group,  suggesting  that  the 
effigy-builders  had  received  the  impress  of  the  cult  which  was 
so  prevalent  in  Great  Britain,*  for  in  this  group  we  find  nearly 
all  of  the  symbols  which  were  embodied  in  the  standing  stones, 
as  the  concentric  circle,  the  horseshoe  cove  enclosed  within  a 
series  of  circles,  the  avenues  which  cross  the  river  in  a  south- 
west and  southeast  direction.  A  large  mound  enclosed  in  a 
circle  may  be  seen  to  the  east  of  the  group;  though  whether  it 
may  be  said  to  correspond  to  the  "Friars'  Heel"  of  the  Avebury 
works  is  uncertain.  Each  of  these  is  near  a  group  of  village 
enclosures.     The  alligator  mound  near  the  villages  at  Newark; 


Mg.  S5.— Serpent  Tablet  from  Clark's  Works,  Ohio. 

the  double-headed  serpent  near  the  villages  at  Bourneville;  the 
thunder  bird  near  villages  on  the  Miami;  but  the  great  serpent 
seems  to  be  remote  from  any  such  village  enclosures;  it  m.ay 
have  belonged  to  a  preceding  tribe. 

III.  The  distribution  of  the  serpent  symbol  throughout  the 
continent  is  another  important  point.  This  distribution  is  mainly 
in  the  line  of  relics  which  contain  the  serpent  figure,  though 
there  are  as  we  have  seen  many  effigies  in  earthworks  and  occa- 
sionally an  effigy  carved  out  of  stone,  the  two  serpents'  heads 
which  were  seen  at  the  base  of  the  pyramid  at  Chichen  Itza, 
Yucatan,  being  the  best  specimens  of  the  latter  type.  The 
•inscriptions  which  contain  the  serpent  effigy,  and  the  codices  of 
the  Mayas,  present  the  symbol  under  the  same  general  form,  but 
the  details  show  that  there  were  conventional  elements  con- 
nected with  it  which  were  as  widespread  as  the  serpent  figure 

*Thu  reader  will  find  a  number  of  articles  in  Science  for  August,  1893,  on  the  standing 
stones  of  Great  Britain  by  Mr.  A.  L.  Lewis,  the  result  of  recent  explorations.  Mr.  Lewis 
arrives  at  about  the  same  conclusions  as  the  old  writers,  such  as  Stukely,  Aberry  and 
others,  but  he  finds  that  there  were  several  localities  where  connected  groups  of  circles  and 
avenues  have  about  the  same  general  characteristics,  showing  a  stereotyped  symbolism 
in  tliem  all.  The  question  arises,  did  the  serpent-w  jrshiners  in  their  migrations  bring  their 
sun-worsiiip  to  America,  or  were  the  sun-worshipers  a  different  tribe  from  the  serpent-wor- 
shipers.   The  serpent  is  found  among  the  relics  of  the  sun-worshipers. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


77 


itself.  These  elements  consist  in  the  division  of  the  body  into 
four  parts;  in  the  use  of  the  concentric  circles  for  the  eye;  in  the 
presence  of  the  feather  ornament  over  the  head;  in  the  presence 
of  the  horse-shoe  in  the  mouth,  sometimes  divided  into  four 
parts;  in  the  presence  of  the  loop  or  noose,  or  coil,  and  many 
other  conventional  symbols  of  the  nature  power.  See  Fig.  34. 
(i  )  The  tablets  from  the  North  fork  of  Paint  creek,  enveloped 
in  sheets  of  copper,  represents  the  snake  as  coiled  up  so  as  to 
make  three  folds,  the  folds  reminding  us  of  those  seen  in  the 
great  serpent  effigy  itself.  This  tablet  was  about  six  and  a 
quarter  inches  long  and  one  and  three-eighths  inches  broad 
The  snake  is  carved  very  delicately  upon  it.     Squier  and  Davis 

say  of  the  pipes  and  tab- 
lets that  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  were 
discovered  render  it  like- 
ly that  they  had  a  super- 
stitious origin,  and  were 
objects  ot  high  regard  and 
^i  perhaps  of  worship.     The 

feather-headed  rattlesnake 
was,  in  Mexico,  the  symbol  of  Tezcatlippoca 
otherwise  symbolized  as   the  sun.     Fig.  35. 
(2.)  A  pipe  was  found  in  the  vicinity  of 
Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  and  is  now  in  the 
possession  of  William  S.  Beebe.     The  bowl 
represent  an  eagle's  head  and 
the   stem   four   rattle-snakes 
:ched  in  life-like  attitudes.    On  the 
d  sides  of  the  pipe  are  liliputian  fig- 
men,  carved   in    relief     This  pipe 
seems  to  contain  the  myth 
of    the   serpent   and    the 
bird,  and  at  the  same  time 
represents    the    supersti- 
tion   of  the   serpent  pos- 

Fig.  36.—Ser,,ertt  ri,,c  Iroiii  JS^ew  Mexico.  •  , ,   •  i  •    i 

■^  ^  sessmg  everythmg  which 

has   the  shape.     The  four   serpents   represent   the  superstition 
about  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky.     See  Fig.  36. 

(3.)  The  pipe  which  has  been  described  by  Squier  and  Davis, 
which  represents  a  serpent  coiled  around  the  bowl,  has  been 
supposed  by  some  to  embody  the  East  India  symbol  of  the 
mahadeo,  but  by  others  as  embodying  the  native  American  tra- 
dition of  the  serpent  and  the  stump,  or  Manibozho  and  the  pine 
tree.  This  pipe  was  found  in  an  altar,  and  had  evidently  been 
ofifered  to  the  sun,  as  it  was  cracked  and  smoked.* 

*Squier  and  Davis  say  that  other  sculptures  of  the  serpent  coiled,  in  like  manner, 
round  the  bowls  of  pipes  have  been  found.  One  represents  a  variety  not  recognized.  It 
had  a  broad,  fiat  head,  and  the  body  is  singularly  marked.    See  Chap.  XV.,  Figs.  3  and  4. 


78 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


(4.)  There  is  a  relic  which  was  found  on  the  banks  of  Paint 
creek,  on  which  the  face  of  a  Mound-builder  is  carved,  and 
around  the  neck  a  large  serpent  is  folded,  the  head  and  tail  rest- 
ing together  on  the  breast  of  the  figure.  The  head  is  surmounted 
by  a  knot,  resembling  the  scalp-lock  of  the  Indians,  but  the  face 
has  markings  upon  it,  as  if  to  imitate  the  painting  or  tattooing 
common  with  the  natives.  This  relic  is  a  pipe,  and  yet  it  has  a 
close  relationship  to  certain  stone  idols  which  are  common  in 
this  region.  Thus  we  have  the  idols  connected  with  the  serpent 
symbol  and  the  sun  symbol  in  the  same  region,  showing  a  com- 
bination of  cults.  It  is  carved  in  red  sandstone,  and  is  six  inches 
in  length  and  five  inches  in  height.     See  Fig.  37. 

(5  )  A  pipe  found  in  Kentucky,  now  in  the  Canadian  Institute 
at  Toronto,  represents  the  serpent  coiled  around  the  neck  of  a 
person,  a  tree  growing  by  the  side  of  the  face.     This  at  first 

sight  seems  to  embody 
the  myth  of  the  serpent 
and  the  tree,  but  was 
plainly  designed  to  em- 
body the  myth  about 
Manibozho  and  the  pine 
tree  attacked  by  the  great 
serpent,  his  enemy 

(6.)  On  the  old  crater, 
a  few  miles  southwest  of 
Managua,  in  Nicaragua, 
five  hundred  feet  above 
Lake  Nijapa,  are  num- 
erous figures  painted  in 

Mff.  S7.-i>erpent  and  Mound-buUder.  ^^^      Among  thcse  is  the 

coiled  leathered  serpent  shown  in  the  cut.  It  is  three  feet  in 
diameter  across  the  coil,  forty  feet  up  the  perpendicular  side  of 
the  precipice.  This  would  seem  to  be  identical  with  the  Aztec 
Quetzatlcoatl,  or  the  Quiche  Gucumatz,  both  of  which  names 
signify  "plumed  serpent."     See  Fig.  38. 

(7.)  The  most  numerous  and  suggestive  class  of  relics  is  that 
which  has  been  described  by  W.  H.  Holmes.  They  consist  of  a 
series  of  shell  gorgets  which  contain  the  images  of  serpents  upon 
them.  The  majority  of  these  were  found  in  east  Tennessee, 
others  in  Georgia,  others  from  Knoxville,  Tennessee.  Some  of 
these  are  now  in  the  Peabody  Museum,  others  in  the  Natural 
History  Museum  in  New  York,  others  in  the  National  Collection 
in  Washington.  Mr.  Holmes  says  of  them:  *'From  a  very  early 
date  in  mound  explorations,  these  gorgets  have  been  brought  to 
light,  but  the  coiled  serpent  engraved  upon  their  concave  surfaces 
is  so  highly  conventionalized  that  it  was  not  at  once  recognized. 
Professor  Wyman  appears  to  have  been  the  first  to  point  out  the 
fact  that  the  rattle-snake  was  represented.     Others  have  since 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


79 


■made  brief  allusion  to  this  fact.  Among  the  thirty  or  forty- 
specimens  which  I  have  examined,  the  engraving  of  the  serpent 
is,  with  one  exception,  placed  upon  the  concave  side  of  the  disks, 
which  is,  as  usual,  cut  from  the  most  distended  part  of  the 
Busycon  perversum,  or  some  similar  shell.  The  great  uniformity 
of  these  designs  is  a  matter  of  much  surprise.  At  the  same 
time,  however,  there  is  no  exact  duplication.  There  are  always 
differences  in  position,  detail  or  number  of  parts.  The  serpent 
is  always  coiled,  the  head  occupying  the  center  of  the  disks. 
With  a  very  few  exceptions,  the  coil  is  sinistral.     The  head  is 


Mg.  38.— Plumed  Serpent,  Nicaragua. 

so  placed  that  when  the  gorget  is  suspended  it  has  an  erect 
position,  the  mouth  opening  toward  the  right  hand.  To  one 
who  examines  this  design  for  the  first  time  it  seems  a  most 
inexplicable  puzzle,  a  meaningless  grouping  of  straight  and 
curved  lines,  dots  and  perforations.  We  notice,  however,  a 
remarkable  similarity  of  the  designs,  the  idea  being  radically  the 
same  in  all  specimens,  and  the  conclusion  is  soon  reached  that 
there  is  nothing  hap-hazard  in  the  arrangement  of  the  parts,  and 
that  every  line  must  have  its  place  and  purpose."     See  Plate. 

These  serpent  figures  were  evidently  designed  to  symbolize 
the  nature  powers.  In  them  we  have  the  concentric  circles,  to 
represent  the  sun.  We  find  also  the  rotation  of  the  sun  repre- 
sented by  the  coil  of  the  serpents.  The  coil  is  uniformly  from 
left  to  right.  The  serpents  are  divided  into  four  parts,  to  repre- 
sent the  four  seasons,  or  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky.  The 
neck  of  the  serpent  is  covered  by  a  conventional  figure  in  the 
form  of  a  loop,  with  dots  along  the  side  of  the  loop,  possibly  to 
represent  stars.     The  eye  is  formed  by  concentric  circles,  which 


80  NA  TIVE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

again  is  a  sun  symbol.     The  lines  below  the  mouth  are  in  the 
form  of  squares,  and  were  designed  to  be  symbols. 

These  gorgets  were  buried  with  the  bodies,  showing  that  they 
were  very  sacred,  and  were  evidently  symbols  of  their  religion^ 
perhaps  were  used  as  charms.  Very  few  of  these  gorgets  have 
been  found  in  the  mounds  of  Ohio,  where  the  serpent  effigies 
and  sun  symbols  were  so  numerous  in  the  earth-works,  but  the 
fact  that  serpent  effigies  and  serpent  pipes  are  so  numerous  there, 
would  show  that  the  same  cult  prevailed  in  both  regions.  See 
Plate. 

Here  we  discover  the  various  symbols,  such  as  the  suastika, 
triskelis,  the  phallic  symbol,  and  that  which  corresponds  to  the 
caduceus,  and  a  vast  number  of  symbols  which  seem  to  be  esoteric 
allusions  to  the  planetary  system  and  solar  conceptions  of  the 
remotest  antiquity.  There  are  no  such  symbols  as  the  "chatra 
or  umbrella,"  or  the  "taurines  or  oxheads,"  or  "cervines  or  stag- 
heads,"  or  "nagas  or  serpent  heads"  or  "stupas  or  steelyard,"  but 
there  are  occasionally  symbolic  trees,  crosses,  and  that  which 
resembles  the  mahadeo  and  spectacle  ornament,  and  the  scepter, 
which  is  a  rod  bent  like  the  letter  Z.  with  ornamental  ends. 
The  solar  wheel  may  also  be  recognized,  though  generally  it 
is  a  wheel  without  the  hub;  the  dot  in  the  circle  being  notice- 
able, though  the  spokes  are  generally  four  in  number.  The 
crux-'ansata,  or  Nile  key,  is  sometimes  recognized.  The  sun, 
as  a  round  boss  surrounded  by  rays,  which  forms  a  prominent 
ornament  in  the  east,  and  is  also  found  in  these  shell  gorgets, 
but  there  is  no  rosette  known  in  this  country.  The  union  of 
the  sun  and  moon  is  a  very  natural  one,  either  astronomically  or 
mythologically,  hence  we  find  this  symbol  is  used.  We  con- 
clude from  the  examination  of  the  figures  which  are  inscribed 
upon  the  shell  gorgets,  that  there  was  a  system  of  nature  wor- 
ship in  the  different  pnrts  of  the  continent,  which  embraced  a 
knowledge  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  such  as  the  sun,  moon,  stars, 
four  quarters  of  the  sky,  which  possibly  was  designed  to 
identify  the  revolutions  of  those  bodies  and  perhaps  to  symbolize 
time,  though  the  lack  of  uniformity  in  the  number  of  circles  on 
the  sun  gorgets  and  of  the  dots  in  the  serpent  gorgets  renders  it 
doubtful  whether  there  was  any  calendar  contained  in  them. 


THE  SERPEyr  SYMBOL.  81 


CHAPTER     IV. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL  IN  AMERICA. 


CONTINUED. 

In  a  previous  paper  we  have  considered  the  Serpent  Symbol 
especially  in  regard  to  its  prevalence  in  the  Mississippi  Valley. 
We  found  that  it  was  prominent  in  the  traditions  of  this  region, 
that  the  mounds  and  earth  works  embodied  the  tradition  and  the 
symbol,  and  that  many  Archaeological  relics  contain  the  Serpent 
form. 

We  propose  to  take  it  up  now  in  its  more  extensive  and  wide 
spread  appearance  an  1  shall  consider  the  specimens  of  the  ser- 
pent symbol  which  are  found  in  the  various  parts  of  the  Conti- 
nent. 

The  origin  of  the  symbol  is  the  especial  point  and  the  subject 
of  inquiry  will  be  whether  it  was  derived  from  extraneous  sources 
or  was  the  result  of  a  nature  worship  which  had  its  growth  upon 
this  continent.  The  symbol  appears  among  the  civilized  races 
as  well  as  the  uncivilized,  but  it  is  here  very  elaborate.  There 
seems  also  to  be  a  progress  from  the  simple  to  the  complicated, 
from  the  rude  to  the  highly  finished  ornament.  This  would  indicate 
that  it  had  its  growth,  and  development  upon  the  continent.  But 
there  are,  on  the  other  hand,  certain  peculiarities  about  the  sym- 
bol which  would  indicate  that  it  was  the  embodiment  of  a  world 
wide  tradition,  and  that  there  was  a  common  source  to  the  sym- 
bol as  found  in  this  and  in  other  continents.  There  are  at  least 
two  sides  to  the  subject  and  if  we  would  arrive  at  intelligent  con- 
clusions,we  must  consider  the  arguments  on  both  sides,  and  ignore 
or  reject  nothing  which  may  be  a  hint  in  either  direction. 

We  have  said  that  there  are  grades  of  development  in  this  ser- 
pent symbol  in  America,  but  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that  no  connect- 
ed line  of  growth  has  yet  been  traced,  but  merely  different  stages. 
This,  then,  is  to  be  our  method,  taking  the  lower  stages  first 
we  are  to  study  analogies  as  we  advance  and  base  our  conjectures 
on  the  law  of  development.     There  is,   to  be    sure,   always    an 


82  NA  Tl  VE  A  M ERIC  A  N  S  TMBOLISM. 

uncertainty  attending  this  idea  of  development,  especially 
development  in  separate  localities,  for  the  connecting  links 
can  seldom  be  traced  and  other  factors  may  come  in  which 
would  constitute  the  real  source  rather  than  those  which  we  are 
able  to  present.  The  law  of  development  might,  indeed,  account 
for  the  symbol  but  there  are  questions  of  migration  and  of  an  in- 
truded culture  which  might  seriously  interfere. 

It  should  be  said,  however,  at  the  outset  that  the  symbol  may 
have  sprung  from  several  different  sources  as  follows:  ist.  From 
the  totem  system  which  was  so  prevalent  among  the  native  tribes. 
2nd.  The  system,  of  nature  worship  and  the  presonification  of  nat- 
ure powers.  3rd.  From  the  traditionary  lore  which  may  have 
either  been  handed  down  from  an  aboriginal  ancestry  or  trans- 
mitted in  various  lines  from  people  upon  other  Continents.  These 
three  sources  must  betaken  into  the  account  as  we  follow  up  the 
subject.  Still  we  shall  consider  the  Serpent  symbol  as  found  in 
different  locations  and  shall  follow  geographical  divisions  in  our 
treatment  of  it. 

The  symbol  appears  on  the  two  sides  of  the  American  Conti- 
nent. On  the  eastern  coast  it  is  very  rude  and  primitive.  On  the 
western  coast,  or  rather  at  the  south-west,  it  is  much  more  elab- 
orate. It  has  been  held  that  there  was  an  analogy  between  the 
symbol  as  found  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  Great  Britain,  and 
it  has  been  conjectured  that  there  was  an  historic  connection  be- 
tween the  two.  It  is  however  noticeable  that  there  are  many 
striking  analogies  between  the  symbol  as  found  in  Mexico  and 
Central  America  and  in  the  Buddhists'  temples  of  the  island  of 
Java,  and  the  inquiry  arrises  whether  there  was  not  a  connection 
between  the  western  part  of  this  continent  and  the  Asiatic  coast. 
It  has  been  a  favorite  theory  that  the  serpent  symbol  had  a  sep- 
arate growth  on  this  continent  and  that  there  are  three  centers 
where  its  development  has  appeared.  These  analogies,  however, 
must  be  considered  even  if  the  the  theory  falls. 

We  proceed  then,  to  consider  the  serpent  symbol  as  it  is  found 
in  America  with  special  regard  to  its  origin.  We  shall  first  con- 
sider the  symbol  as  found  in  the  Mississippi  Valley,  next,  as  it 
is  furnished  to  us  by  the  tribes  of  the  Great  West;  and  lastly  as 
it  is  seen  among  the  complicated  and  elaborate  works  of  the  civ- 
ilized races  of  Mexico  and  Central  America.  We  have  in  this 
case  a  succession  of  stages  which  rise  above  one  another  in  the 
line  of  culture;  and  a  succession  of  steps  in  which  the  symbol 
seems  to  come  up  to  a  higher  grade,  though  it  is  a  question 
whether  the  law  of  development  can  account  for  all  the  phenom- 
ena presented. 

I.  The  serpent  symbol  prevailed  as  we  have  already  shown, 
in  the  Mississippi  Valley.     The  question  is,  did   it   .spring    from 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


83 


an  original  nature  worship,  or  was  it  brought  in  by  extraneous 
tradition. 

I.  Our  first  inquiry  will  be  as  to  the  origin  of  the  symbol  among 
the  Mound  Builders.  Was  it  a  universal  symbol  or  did  it  appear 
mainly  among  some  particular  tribe  or  race.  The  extent  of  the 
symbol  is  worthy  of  notice.  The  symbol  is  said  to  prevail  in  the 
State  of  New  York.  It  certainly  does  exist  to  a  certain  extent 
in  Ohio  and  we  shall  leave  it  for  our  readers  to  say  whether  it 
does  not  exist  in  various  States  further  west.  The  author  has 
found  the  serpent  in  many  of  the  effigies  of  Wisconsin.  In  one 
locality  near  Mayville,  a  natural  ridge  had  been  modified  by  art 
so  as  to  resemble  a  huge  serpent.  The  ridge  is  nearly  a  thous- 
and feet  long,  fifty  feet  wide,  and  twenty  feet  high.  The  sides 
had  been  excavated  so  that  it  looked  like  a  tortuous  serpent  with 
the  head  just  resting  upon  the  brow  of  the  bluff  What  is  more 
the  mound-builders  had  placed  a  large  series  of  garden  beds  on 
the  low  land  in  the  angle  between  the  ridge  or  efifigy  and  the 
bluff,  as  if  the  design  was  to  make  the  serpent  serve  for  protection 
to  the  garden  plats. 

Another  place  where  the  serpent  effigy  has  been  noticed,  is  at 
Green  Lake.  Here  the  serpent  is  found  in  two  or  three  different 
shapes.  In  one  place  two  serpents  were  found  on  the  border 
of  a  very  tortuous  stream,  the  folds  of  the  serpent  and  the  bends 
of  the  streams  seeming  to  correspond.     See  Fig.  46. 

These  serpents  are  composed  in  part  of  a  natural  ridge  which 
has  been  modified  by  art  and  a  ridge  which  was  altogether  arti- 
ficial, the  two  blending  together  to  bring  out  the  semblance  in 
a  very  striking  manner.  The  ridge  is  very  tortuous,  and  is  sev- 
ered by  the  stream.  The  two  parts  of  the  ridge  thus  divided  were 
taken  as  serpent  effigies,  but  were  modified  so  that  the  serpents 
should  seem  to  have  their  heads  rest  near  the  stream  but  their 
tails,  which  were  altogether  artificial  run  back,  parallel  with  the 

stream.     These  are 


remarkable  effigies, 
as  they  show  that 
nature  worship  or 
animism,  had  much 
to  do  with  serpent 
worship,  and  sug- 
Fig.  46.-SERPENT  EFFIGIES  NEAR  RiPON,  WIS.  gcsts  onc  mcthod  in 
which  it  could  have  originated. 

It  was  evidently  a  freak  of  nature  which  suggested  the  symbol, 
as  the  stream  and  the  broken  ridge  which  formed  its  borders  both 
resemble  the  serpent  in  their  tortuosity,  but  the  artificial  part 
brings  out  this  semblance  very  clearly,  the  folds  of  the  serpent, 
and  even  the  rattles  being  plainly  seen  in  the  earth-mold. 

There  are  many  effigies  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  representing 
panthers,  buffaloes,  wild-geese,  squirrels,  etc.,  onc,   that   of  a  wild 


84 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


cat,  having^  been  placed  on  a  natural  rise  of  ground,  in  close  prox- 
imity of  the  serpent  effigies.  This  wild  cat  is  a  massive  effigy 
and  so  covers  the  knoll  as  to  be  almost  blended  with  the  earth, 
but  trans-forms  the  isolated  hill  into  an  immense  animal,  the  hill 
itself  is  made  to  assume  the  attitude  of  the  animal  and  to  be  pos- 
sessed with  life  and  activity,  by  the  presence  of  the  effigy  upon 
summit. 

Another  specimen  of  the  serpent  symbol  is  found  in  the  same 
locality.  Fig.  47.  The  serpent  here  is  not  a  mere  symbol,  but  is 
made  to  serve  a  practical  purpose  as  well.  There  are  two  en- 
closures on  two  separate  hills,  between  which  rises  a  mineral 
spring.  The  enclosures  both  have  openings  toward  the  spring. 
One  of  them  contains    the    serpent    symbol,  as  the  wall  is  in  the 

shape  of  a  serpent,  and  the 
opening  or  gateway  is  placed 
between  the  head  of  the  ser- 
pent and  the  tail,  as  if  there 
was  a  charm  in  the  effigy  itself 
which  would  give  a  double  pro- 
tection. The  enclosure  is  a 
small  one,  only  sixty  feet  by 
one  hundred  and  twenty  feet 
in  diameter,  but  the  serpent  is 
plainly  seen  in  the  wall  sur- 
rounding it.  In  measuring  the 
wall  it  was  found  that  the  folds 
of  the  serpent    were    uniform 

Fig,  47.— ENCLOSURE  IN  SHAPE  OF  SERPENT,  throughout     the     wliolc,      the 

mean  distance  between  each  fold  being  exactly  the  same  measure 
which  is  found  to  be  very  common  in  the  breadth  of  the  effigies, 
twenty-two  feet,  the  outside  being  twenty-three  feet,  insi  Je  about 
twenty-one  feet  and  the  distance  across  fifteen  feet  and  the  open- 
ing for  the  gateway  being  about  seventeen  feet. 

A  correspondence  was  noticed  between  the  folds  of  this  ser- 
pent effigy,  and  the  tortuous  line  of  the  bluff  on  which  the  en- 
closure is  placed.  The  bluff  is  about  thirty  feet  high,  and  the 
enclosure  surmounts  its  summit,  but  overlooks  the  stream  beneath 
the  bluff. 

The  effigy  resembles  in  some  respects,  the  serpent  ring  w^hich 
was  discovered  on  the  walls  of  the  gymnasium,  so  called, at  Chich- 
en  Itza,  but  differs  from  it  in  that  it  is  but  a  single  serpent  and  yet 
the  enclosure  upon  the  corresponding  bluff  may  have  contained 
the  companion  to  this,  as  the  serpent  effigies  beside  the  stream 
below  were  companions  to  one  another.  It  has  been  said  that 
venomous  serpents  like  the  rattlesnake  always  go  in  pairs  and  it 
is  noticeable  that  the  symbols  of  the  serpent  frequently  contain 
two,  a  male  and  female.  Such  is  the  case  at  least  in  the  serpent 
ring  just  referred  to.     We  have  noticed  also  that  the  mounds  in 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  85 

Ohio  present  the  symbol  in  its  double  capacity,  the  walls  sur- 
rounding the  enclosure  being  made  in  the  shape  of  two  massive 
serpents,  either  joined  at  the  tail  and  with  an  opening  between  the 
heads,  or  joined  at  the  heads  with  an  opening  between  the  tails. 
In  this  case,  however,  the  effigy  is  a  single  serpent,  and  the  open- 
ing is  between  the  head  and  the  tail. 

2.  These  effigies  found  in  the  earth-works  of  Wisconsin  arc  in- 
teresting as  they  show  the  manner  in  which  the  Mound  Builders 
borrowed  the  serpent  symbol  from  objects  of  nature.  The  serpent  in 
this  case  was  not  a  totem  or  clan  symbol,  for  the  clan  emblem  of 
the  region  was  a  different  animal,  but  it  was  a  fetich  which  was 
suggested  by  the  shape  of  the  ground.  This  was  a  common 
practice  with  the  Mound  Builders.  There  are  many  places 
where  the  objects  of  nature  would  suggest  the  serpent  effigy,  and 
where  the  symbol  was  embodied  in  artificial  structures.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  some  of  the  serpent  effigies  may  have  been  the  embod- 
iment of  tradition  which  prevailed  but  those  to  which  we  have 
referred  were  only  animistic  or  fetichistic  and  were  not  mytholog- 
ical. Mr.  W.  Pidgeon  has  referred  to  a  serpent  i,000  feet  long  with 
a  tortoise  in  his  mouth  as  existing  in  Dakota,  and  has  made  out 
that  many  of  the  effigies  were  but  embodiments  of  certain  myths. 
Those  which  have  been  described  by  reliable  authors  are,  how- 
ever, not  mythological,  or  at  least  they  have  no  such  shape  as 
would  suggest  that  they  were  the  embodiment  of  a  myth,  but 
on  the  contrary  are  so  conformed  to  the  ground  as  to  show  that 
they  were  animistic  or  fetichistic  and  not  mythological.  Yet 
the  two  might    possibly  be  combined. 

Prof  J.  E.  Todd  has  described  certain  effigies  as  existing  in 
Dakota  under  the  title  of  "Boulder  Mosaics."  The  effigies  are 
formed  out  of  standing  stones  resembling  in  this  respect  the  lines 
of  standing  stones  which  exist  at  Avebuiy,  England,  and  other 
places.  The  Dakotas  have  a  tradition  that  they  came  from 
the  far  East.  Some  have  maintained  that  they  brought  into  this 
country  the  symbolism  which  formerly  prevailed  in  Great  Britain 
and  that  on  this  account  the  resemblances  between  the  works  at 
Portsmouth  and  those  at  Avebury  are  very  significant.  The  works 
at  Portsmouth,  however,  arc  mounds  and  ridges  and  not  standing 
stones.     The  description  given  by  Prof  Todd,  is  as  follows: 

"A  typical  example,  and  the  first  to  come  to  the  writer's  knowl- 
edge, was  found  on  the  summit  of  Keya  Kapop,  or  Turtle  point, 
three  miles  north  of  Wessington  springs  in  Jerauld  county.  The 
point  is  a  high  promentory-like  hill,  standing  out  on  the  western 
edge  of  the  James  River  valley,  above  which  it  rises  nearly  500 
feet.  It  is  the  northern  end  of  a  high  ridge  of  drift  constituting 
a  well  washed  interlobular  portion  of  the  principal  moraine.  A 
view  of  Turtle  point,  and  a  portion  of  the  ridge  from  the  north- 
west is  shown  in  Plate  I.  Upon  the  highest  portion  of  the  point 
is  a  low  wood  mound  built  of  earth,  perhaps  fifty  feet  in  diameter 


86  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

and  three  or  four  feet  high.  It  does  not  differ  materially  from 
many  that  are  found  on  the  summit  of  bluffs  along  the  James  and 
Wisconsin.  Its  chief  attraction  is  the  gigantic  figure  of  a  turtle 
upon  its  southern  slope,  as  is  shown  in  Plate  VII.  This  figure  is 
formed  of  boulders,  four  to  si.x  inches  in  diameter,  quite  closely 
and  regularly  set,  so  as  to  describe  its  outline.  The  head,  legs 
and  tail  are  extended.  Its  general  appearance,  position  and  struct- 
ure are  shown  in  No.  3." 

''This  work,  interesting  as  it  is,  sinks  into  insignificance  when 
compared  with  a  similar  work  upon  Paha  VVakan,  or  Medicine 
hill,  near  Blunt,  in  Hughes  county.  This  hill  is  also  a  high  in- 
terlobular portion  of  the  principal  moraine,  and  presents  the  same 
general  features  as  Turtle  point,  as  will  be  seen  in  a  sketch  of  it, 
from  the  east,  in  No.  6.  It  rises  above  the  surrounding  plain 
about  200  feet,  and  nearly  400  feet  above  the  adjoining  valley 
of  Medicine  creek.  Its  summit  is  flat  and  includes  many  acres. 
Granite  and  limestone  boulders  abound  in  profusion.  Tepee  rings, 
i.  e.,  circles  of  boulders  which  \vere  used  in  holding  down  the  cov- 
ering of  the  conical  tents  used  by  the  Dakotas,  are  very  abun- 
dant upon  the  summit.  A  few  mounds  of  ordinary  size,  are  scat- 
tered in  no  apparent  order.  Near  the  northwestern  angle  of  the 
summit  platform  is  the  gigantic  serpent  represented  in  No.  4.  Its 
length  measured  roughly  along  its  central  line,  following  the 
crooks,  is  120  paces.  The  general  form,  with  length,  breadth 
and  number  and  shape  of  crooks,  are  as  faithfully  represented,  as 
a  hasty  sketch  could  give.  The  boulders  comprising  it  arc  from 
six  to  twelve  inches  in  length,  and  are  laid  much  less  closely  than 
in  the  turtle.  The  direction  of  its  northern  half  is  N.  18°  W. 
The  presence  of  the  mound  at  its  side  seems  to  be  accidental. 
The  head  is  more  carefully  represented  in  No.  5,  where  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  express  the  shape,  size  and  position,  of  the  boul- 
ders composing  it.  Tf.e  eyes  are  much  more  expressive,  than  it 
would  at  first  seem  possible;  to  make  them  with  such  material. 
They  have  literally  "a  stony  srare."  They  are  formed  of  two 
oblong  boulders  nearly  a  foot  in  length.  The  angular  head  and 
heavy  body,  suggest  the  lattlesnake  as  the  designer's  model,  but 
there  is  no  clear  representation  of  the  rattles.  Perhaps  that  was 
beyond  the  artist's  inventive  power.  At  C,  in  No.  4,  the  boul- 
ders have  evidently  been  displaced,  probably  by  water  or  frost, 
action,  as  that  portion  is  on  an  inclined  surface. 

This  gigantic  serpent  was  in  good  condition  when  seen  in  1S83. 
Mr.  Todd  further  says:  "Though  this  completes  the  list  of  "boul- 
der mosaics,"  it  may  not  be  out  ot  place  to  speak  of  a  somewhat 
related  work  noted  by  the  writer,  in  188 1,  in  Brown  County  a  few 
miles  northwest  of  Westport.  On  the  right  bank  of  P"lm  River 
were  two  quite  conspicuous  mounds,  270  paces  apart,  upon  two 
symmetrical  knolls.  Beginning  at  the  top  of  the  northwestern 
one,  a  line  of  bones  extended  over  the  center  of  the  other,  and 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


C-OOO 


^ 


6 


PUte  VII.-STANDING  STONES  IN  DAKOTA. 


88  yA  ri VE  AMERICAN  S YMDOLISM. 

146  paces  beyond,  where  it  ended  in  a  small  pile  of  boulders.  The 
bones  were  mostly  the  leg  bones  of  buffalo,  set  up  in  the  ground 
like  stakes.     That  was  before  the  land  was  in  market." 

3.  We  have  given  this  description  because  it  illustrates  how  the 
superstition  of  the  natives  was  connected  with  the  serpent  symbol. 
We  hardly  think  that  any  historical  tradition  or  any  formal  or  in- 
herited serpent  worship  was  here  symbolized  though  the  proxim- 
ity of  the  serpent  to  the  turtle  does  suggest  a  myth  which  was 
common.  We  ascribe  the  effigy  to  that  peculiar  form  of  super- 
stition which  was  ready  to  seize  upon  any  object  in  nature  which 
might  resemble  an  animal  and  then  to  make  a  divinity  out  of  it, 
the  idea  being  that  the  Great  Serpent  or  the  Great  Turtle  Spirit 
dwelt  in  the  hill,  and  was  to  be  worshiped  as  a  divinity  which 
haunted  the  place.  The  same  superstition  prevailed  in  Ohio  and 
embodied  itself  in  the  Great  Serpent  there.  A  description  of  the 
Great  Serpent  Mound  has  already  been  given,  (see  Chap.  Ill,) 
but  as  a  new  exploration  has  been  m.ade  by  W.  II.  Holmes,  and 
a  new  interpretation  offered,  we  here  furnish  the  description  and 
the  plates  given  by  Mr.  Holmes.  "The  valley  of  Brush  Creek  is 
bordered  by  an  extremely  rugged  country  abounding  in  high  hills 
which  reach  an  elevation  of  600  feet  above  the  bed  of  the  Creek." 
The  Great  Serpent  is  upon  one  of  these  hills  which  extends  out  as 
a  narrow  spur,  crescent  shaped,  into  the  gulch  which  borders  the 
stream.  "This  spur  narrows  up  and  terminates  in  an  abrupt  prom- 
ontory, around  the  base  of  which  a  small  branch  from  the  gulch 
turns  making  the  end  of  the  promontory  in  the  midst  of  the  valley 
isolated  and  distinct.  Along  the  rounded  grassy  crest  of  this 
ridge  we  can  detect  the  obscure  serpentine  coils  of  the  earth  work, 
and  descending  a  little  to  the  left,  and  almost  to  the  brink  of  the 
cliff,  we  reach  the  tail  of  the  serpent.  Beginning  with  a  small  pit 
at  the  terminal  point,  we  follow  the  unfolding  coil  for  two  full 
turns  and  then  advance  along  the  body  to  its  highest  point  upon 
the  ridge.  The  curves  are  strong  and  even,  and  the  body  in- 
creases gradually  in  height  and  width  as  we  advance.  Upon  the 
crest  of  the  ridge  we  find  ourselves  at  the  beginning  of  three  great 
double  folds.  Following  these,  we  descend  into  a  slight  sag  in 
the  ridge  caused  by  the  encroachment  of  opposing  drainage,  and 
ascend  again  slightly  to  a  point  where  the  body  straightens  out 
along  the  ridge.  Beyond  this  we  reach  the  curious  enlargement 
with  its  triangular  and  oval  enclosures.  Here  the  body  embank- 
ment is  divided  into  two  parts,  which  respectively  pass  to  the 
right  and  left  of  the  enclosures.  At  the  sides  they  descend 
slightly  upon  the  slopes  of  the  ridge,  and  at  the  widest  part  of  the 
oval  are  somewhat  obscure  on  account  either  of  original  confor- 
mation or  of  subsequent  erosion.  Beyond  these  breaks  they  con- 
tinue, closing  entirely  around  the  oval  embankment  within.  From 
the  point  of  junction  the  body  continues  for  a  short  distance,  per- 
haps forty  feet,  and  then  terminates  in  a  rounded  and  slightly 


THE  SERPEM'  SYMHOL. 


89 


n.itc  VIII  — SKUPENT  EFFIGY,   HOLMES'  SURVEY, 


00 


NATIVE  AMEUICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


widened  point.  This  terminal  elevation  is  entirely  omitted  by 
Squier  and  Davis,  but  is  noticed  by  more  recent  writers;  and  on 
account  of  the  supposed  presence  of  obscure  auxiliary  ridpj^es  of 
earth  extendinr,^  down  the  slopes  to  the  right  and  left,  it  is  likened 

to  the  body  of  a  frofj  by  Mr. 
McLean.  These  auxiliary  ridp^es, 
and  the  minor  appended  features 
recognized  by  .Squier  and  Davis 
and  by  some  recent  visitors,  are 
too  obscure  to  be  identified  with 
absolute  certainty,  and  I  consid- 
er it  unsafe  to  introduce  them 
into  my  illustration;  but  the  en- 
tire body  of  the  serpent,  and  the 
peculiar  features  of  the  enlarged 
portion,  arc  all  distinctly  tracea- 
ble as  shown  approximately  in 
the  accompaning  map,  and  leave 
no  doubt  in  the  mind  as  to  their 
artificial  character." 

"I  wish  now  to  call  attention 
to  a  few  points  bearing  upon  the 
origin  and  significance  of  the 
work  and  its  possible  relation  to 
the  topography  of  the  site.  The 
use  of  the  serpent  by  our  abo- 
riginal races  has  been  well  nigh 
universal,  so  that  we  need  not 
hesitate  to  class  this  specimen 
with  other  products  of  their  re- 
ligion, and  we  should  naturally 
expect  to  find  the  counterpart 
of  each  feature  in  other  represent- 
ations, ancient  and  modern.  Most 
of  the  attempts  to  throw  light 
upon  the  m.ore  extraordinary  fea- 
tures of  the  work  have  been  made 
through  the  medium  of  oriental 
philosophy;  but  it  is  manifestly 
wrong  to  go  thus  out  of  our  way 
to  seek  a  symbolism  for  the  oval 
enclosure  as  do  5quier  and  Davis, 
who  liken  it  to  the  symbolic  egg 

Fig.  48.-ROCK  IN  SHAPE  OF  SERPENT,     ^^    ^j^j     ^^,q,.,^|       philosophy;     HOr 

need  we  make  a  serious  effort  to  combat  the  idea  that  the 
terminal  portion  is  a  frog  as  suggested  by  Mr.  McLean.  It  would 
not  seem  unreasonable  that  the  former  feature  should  be  simply 
the  eye  of  the  effigy;  but  we  have  another  explanation    more    in 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  91 

accord,  perhaps,  with  the  analogies  of  native  ceremonial  art.  The 
heart,  which  represents  the  hfe,  is  made  a  prominent  feature  in 
all  superstitious,  delineations  of  living  creatures  as  shown  by  a 
multitude  of  examples.  When  we  restore  the  neck  and  head 
of  the  reptile,  omitted  by  Squier  and  Davis  and  misinterpreted 
by  others,  the  strange  oval  takes  the  position  of  the  heart  and  in 
all  probability  marks  the  site  of  the  ceremonies  that  must  have 
been  connected  with  this  work.  This  leads  to  a  consideration 
of  the  proper  identification  of  the  head  of  the  effigy,  and  the  re- 
lations of  the  natural  to  the  artificial  features  of  the  site.  From 
the  point  of  view  of  my  second  illustration  we  have  a  comprehen- 
sive view  of  the  serpent  ridge.  Having  the  idea  of  a  great  ser- 
pent in  the  mind,  one  is  at  once  struck  with  the  remarkable  con- 
tour of  the  bluff",  and  especially  of  the  exposure  of  rock  which 
readily  assumes  the  appearance  of  a  colossal  reptile  lifting  its  front 
from  the  bed  of  the  stream.  The  head  is  the  point  of  rock,  the 
dark  lip-like  edge  is  the  muzzle,  the  light-colcred  under  side  is 
the  white  neck,  the  caves  are  the  eyes,  and  the  projecting  masses 
to  the  right  are  the  protruding  coils  of  the  body.  The  varying 
effects  of  light  must  greatly  increase  the  vividness  of  the  impres- 
sions, and  nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  that  the  Sylvan 
prophet,  secluding  himself  in  this  retired  part  of  the  wilderness, 
should  recognize  this  likeness  and  should  at  once  regard  the  prom- 
ontory as  a  gj-eat  manito.  His  people  would  be  led  to  regard  it 
as  such  and  the  celebration  offcasts  upon  the  point  would  readi- 
ly follow.  With  a  mound-building  people,  this  would  result  in 
the  erection  of  suitable  enclosures  and  in  the  elaboration  of  the 
reptile,  that  it  might  be  the  more  real.  The  natural  and  artificial 
features  must  all  have  related  to  one  and  the  same  conception. 
The  point  of  naked  rock  was  probably  at  first  and  always  recog- 
nized as  the  head  of  both  the  natural  and  the  modified  body.  It 
was  to  the  Indian  the  real  head  of  the  great  serpent  manito." 

3.  In  reference  to  this  interpretation  we  would  quote  from  Mr. 
E.  G.  Squier's  work  on  "Serpent  Symbol."  He  says:  "We  may 
expect  to  find  the  strongest  signs  of  affinity  in  religious  beliefs, 
and  conceptions,  in  traditions,  and  in  such  customs  as  are  arbi- 
trary, and  not  the  spontaneous  or  the  natural  growth  of  a  peculiar 
condition  of  things.  Upon  the  plains  of  the  West,  nature's  grand 
pasture  ground,  we  find  the  roving  hunter,  chasing  the  buffalo, 
from  one  extremity  of  its  vast  range  to  the  other,  and  in  his  habits 
and  equipments  exhibiting  an  entire  harmony  with  his  condition 
and  circumstances.  His  necessities  require  fleetness,  and  all  ac- 
commodating nature  has  bestowed  upon  him  a  form  of  proper 
muscular  development,  and  capable  of  the  requisite  endurance. 
The  skins  of  the  buffalo  he  has  slain,  form  the  covering  of  his 
lodge,  his  bed,  and  his  robe;  its  flesh  sustains  liim,  and  from  its 
hoofs,  horns,  and  bones,  he  fashions  his  implements  of  the  chase, 
his  ornaments  and  domestic  utensils.     Its  white  skull,  bleaching 


93  :NA  TIVE  AMFAilCAN  SYMBOLISM. 

on  the  open  plain,  has  become  his  "medicine;"  shadowy  buffaloes 
fill  his  wild  legends;  and  the  black  bull  is  an  emblem  of  evil  and 
malignant  portent,  while  the  white  cow  is  a  token  of  auspicious 

si"-nificance." "In  the  gloom  of  the  "medicine 

lodge,"  are  taught  the  mysteries  of  the  Wabcno,  and  the  potency 
of  the  mnemonic  signs  by  which  the  supreme  powers  may  be  suc- 
cessfully invoked,  and  their  traditional  songs  perpetuated."  .   .    . 

"As  the  result  of  a  pretty  extended  investigation  of  the  subject, 
it  may  be  affirmed  that  the  predominant  religious  conceptions 
of  America  have  found  their  expression  in  some  modification 
of  what  is  usually  denominated  "Sun  Worship,"  (nature  worship) 
but  which  might,  with  more  propriety  be  defined  to  be  an  adora- 
tion of  the  Powers  of  Nature.  This  seems  to  have  been,  through- 
out the  globe,  the  earliest  form  of  human  superstition,  dating  back 
far  beyond  the  historical,  and  even  beyond  the  traditionary  period 
of  man's  existence.  It  seems  to  lie  at  the  basis  of  all  the  primi- 
tive mythological  systems  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  and  may 
still  be  found  under  a  complications  of  later  engraftments  and  re- 
finements, derivative  and  otherwise  in  all  the  religious  of  Asia. 
It  may  be  traced,  in  America,  from  its  simplest  or  least  clearly 
defined  form,  among  the  roving  hunters  and  squalid  Esquimaux 
of  the  North,  through  every  intermediate  stage  of  development, 
to  the  imposing  systems  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  where  it  took  a  form 
nearly  corresponding  with  that  which  it  at  one  time.sustained  on 
the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  on  the  plains  of  Assyria."  .... 
"In  the  absence  of  a  written  language,  or  of  forms  of  expression 
capable  ot  conveying  abstract  ideas,  we  can  readily  comprehend 
the  necessity,  among  a  primitive  people,  of  a  symbolic  system. 
That  symbolism  in  a  great  degree  resulted  from  this  necessity,  is 
very  obvious;  and  that,  associated  with  man's  primitive  religious 
systems,  it  was  afterwards  continued,  when  in  the  advanced  stage 
of  the  human  mind  the  previous  necessity  no  longer  existed,  is 
equally  undoubted.  It  thus  came  to  constitute  a  kind  of  sacred 
language,  and  became  invested  with  an  esoteric  significance,  un- 
derstood only  by  the  few." 

This  view  of  Mr.  E.  G.  Squier  is  worthy  of  notice  as  it  shows 
how  the  serpent  symbol  may  have  arisen  in  America.  Still,  the 
interpretation  of  the  effigy  and  the  generalization  of  Mr.  Squier 
do  not  necessarily  preclude  the  idea  which  we  have  advanced  else- 
where that  there  may  have  been  an  historic  connection  between 
some  of  the  serpent  symbols  in  Ohio  and  those  in  other  countries. 
Mr.  Squier  himself  has  advanced  this  idea  and  in  the  same  work 
from  which  we  have  quoted,  refers  to  the  analogy  between  the 
works  at  Portsmouth  and  those  at  Avebury  in  Great  Britain. 

II.  The  prevalence  of  the  serpent  worship  among  the  tribes 
of  the  far  West  will  next  engage  our  attention.  We  have  here 
very  few  archaeological  tokens  but  we  have  the  traditions  of  the 


TUE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  9?. 

people  and  the  customs  which  perpetuate  the  system.  It  is  hardly 
known  from  what  source  these  strange  customs  came  but  they 
seem  to  be  sacredly  observed.  The  Moquis  have  the  most  re- 
markable forms  of  serpent  worship.  They  are  not  alone  for  there 
are  other  tribes  which  have  modified  forms  of  the  same  supersti- 
tion and  these  are  taken  as  the  best  representatives. 

The  description  of  the  Moqui  snake  dance,  has  been  given  by 
a  writer  in  Sicence.  It  is  as  follows:  "  There  were  two  cos- 
tumes, that  of  the  Antelope  gens,  under  whose  auspices  the 
dance  was  performed,  and  that  of  the  Snake  order,  the  performer. 
The  legend  of  this  dance  is  the  legend  of  the  first  arrival  of  the 
Moquis,  at  their  present  habitat.  The  Antelope  gens,  were  the 
first  to  arrive,  and  were  guided  to  their  present  location  by  the 
snake  woman.  The  snake  order  was  instituted  to  commemorate 
this  event,  each  performer,  both  the  antelopes  and  the  snakes,  wore 
two  or  more  strings  of  shell  beads  around  his  neck,  and  suspend- 
ed from  them  a  brilliant,  haliotis  shell.  The  breasts  and  upper 
arms,  were  decorated  ia  pink  clay,  with  the  conventional  snake 
design,  in  its  zigzag  line.  Suspended  from  the  back  of  the  sash, 
hung  a  coyote  skin,  with  a  tail  which  just  reached  the  ground. 
At  the  knee  they  wore  the  regular  garter,  and  just  below  the  knee 
a  rattle  consisting  of  a  tortoise  shell,  with  attached  antelope  hoofs. 
The  dance  itself  was  very  weird.  Each  dancer  held  a  live  snake 
in  his  mouth,  while  a  companion  followed  with  a  feather  wand 
in  his  hand,  distracting  the  attention  of  the  snake.  "The  low 
chant  of  the  antelopes,  the  dismal  though  rythmical  clack  of  the 
rattles,  the  peculiar  motions  of  the  dancers,  the  breathless  atten- 
tion of  the  spectators,  all  gave  this  part  of  the  performance  a  wierd 
character."  At  the  close  of  the  dance,  the  snakes  were  dropped 
in  a  circle  and  then  seized  and  carried  out,  and  down  to  the  foot 
of  the  Mesa,  and  there  released.  The  object  of  this  part  of  the 
ceremony,  was  that  they  might  find  a  raingod,  whose  form  is  that 
of  a  gigantic  cerpent.  The  snakes  which  were  released  at  the  four 
quarters  of  the  earth,  and  were  supposed  to  act  as  messengers  to 
the  raingod.  The  part  of  the  heavens  from  which  rain  came  indi- 
cated the  region  where  the  god  was  at  the  time,  that  he  received 
the  message.  One  part  of  the  performance  was  to  draw  in  the 
form  of  a  circle  with  sacred  meal  and  two  diameters  in  the  form 
of  a  cross,  representing  the  cardinal  points,  and  another  oblique 
line  to  represent  the  zenith  and  nadir." 

The  underlying  ideas  which  have  given  rise  to  this  dance  are 
unknown,  but  in  the  minds  of  the  Moqui  Indians,  it  is  simply  an 
invocation,  a  ceremony  having  for  its  sole  purpose,  the  procuring 
of  rain,  yet  the  fact  that  there  is  an  esoteric  idea  connected  with  it, 
seems  to  point  to  another  and  a  deeper  signification.  The  rites 
connected  with  serpent  worship,  have  always  been  secret,  and, 
while  it  has  been  so  widely  distributed  in  one  form  or  another, 
that  there  is  hardly  a  nation  or  tribe,  which  does  not  carry  traces 


94  iV.l  TI VE  A MEUICA  N  S  \ 'M HOLISM, 

of  it  in  its  liistory,  but  little  is  known  about  its  details  or  origin. 
The  worship  of  the  serpent  has  been  associated  with  the  strangest 
conceptions  of  the  baibarous,  and  semi-civilized  minds,  as  for  ex- 
ample the  principles  of  reproduction,  among  the  Hindoos,  and 
with  the  idea  of  divine  wisdom  among  the  Egyptians  There  is 
some  evidence  that  these  ideas  were  held  as  a  part  of  the  esoteric 
system,  which  has  been  so  secret,  and  which  has  not  yet  been 
penetrated,  so  as  to  be  explained.  The  singular  part  of  the  sym- 
bol, and  the  myth  is  that  there  is  so  much  of  the  primitive  nature 
worship,  Avhich  seems  to  be  indigenous  to  the  soil  and  at  the  same 
time  so  much  similarity  to  the  sacred  mysteries,  which  prevailed 
in  historic  countries.  It  would  seem  from  this  that  a  double  sys- 
tem existed,  one  part  of  it, — that  part  which  is  best  known, — be- 
ing conformed  to  the  superstitious  notions  of  the  common  people 
among  which  it  prevailed,  but  a  part  of  it,  and  that  the  most,  elab- 
orate and  complicated,  being  still  held,  by  the  priests  or  "medicine 
men,"  in  great  secrecy,  as  an  inherited  legacy  which  can  possibly 
be  traced  to  historic  countries.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Eleu- 
sinian  mysteries  contain  much  that  was  derived  from  a  primitive 
nature  worship,  and  it  is  supposed  that  the  druidical  rites  were 
derived  from  the  same  source.  We  do  not  know  that  the  rites 
or  symbols,  which  we  have  described  as  so  common  in  variou.s 
parts  of  America,  can  be  traced  to  either  the  Druids  or  the  Hin- 
doos, but  there  are  points  of  resemblance,  which  suggest  an  his- 
toric origin.  The  progress  of  thought,  and  the  growth  of  relig- 
ion may  however  account  for  these,  and  the  parallel  development 
may  be  the  important  subject  to  study  rather  than  the  historic 
connection,  yet  we  cannot  deny  the  fact,  that  the  civilization 
of  America,  was  influenced  by  the  symbolism  of  other  countries. 
Until  we  have  accounted  for  these  remarkable  resemblances,  by 
the  theory  just  proposed,  denial  can  be  practiced  in  one  direc- 
tion as  well  as  in  another,  at  the  same  time  one  hypothesis  is  as 
good  as  another." 

"That  the  serpent  was  intimately  connected  with  Sabaeism,  can- 
not be  doubted,  for  the  prevailing  emblem  of  the  solar  god  was 
the  serpent;  and  wherever  the  sabaean  idolatry  was  the  religion, 
the  serpent  was  the  sacred  symbol." 

"But  the  universality  of  serpent  worship,  and  the  strong  traces 
which  it  has  left  in  astronomical  mythology,  seem  to  attest  an 
origin,  coeval  with  idolatry  itself"*  "It  entered  into  the  myth- 
ology of  every  nation,  it  consecrated  almost  every  temple,  it  sym- 
bolized almost  every  deity,  was  imagined  in  the  heavens,  stamped 
on  the  earth,  and  ruled  in  the  realms  of  everlasting  sorrow."t 
"When  the  Egyptians  would  represent  the  universe,  they  deline- 
ated a  serpent,  bespeckled  with  variegated  scales,  devouring  the 
emblem  of  the  sun.     The  dragon  was  also  used  as  a  symbol  of  the 

*See  Science  article  on  the  Snake  Dance. 
tSee  Deane's  Serpent  Worship,  page  39. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  95 

same  form  of  worship.  The  three  symbols,  the  sun,  the  phallus, 
and  the  serpent  are  sometimes  combined.  All  of  these  facts  go 
to  show  that  there  was  at  least  a  common  conception  at  the  basis 
of  the  symbol,  even  if  a  common  historical  origin  cannot  be  dis- 
covered. It  would  seem  from  the  snake  dance  that  nature  wor- 
ship was  the  source  of  the  symbol.  The  same  idea  is  conveyed 
by  the  traditions  and  myths  prevalent  among  the  wild  tribes.  The 
Shoshoni  philosopher  believes  that  a  monster  serpent  god  sup- 
ports the  sky  with  his  back.  But  the  sky  itself  is  ice,  as  it  bears 
the  color  of  ice,  which  the  serpent  abraids  with  his  scales  and 
causes  the  ice  dust  to  fall  upon  the  earth.  In  the  winter  time  it 
falls  as  snow  but  in  the  summer  time  it  melts  and  falls  as  rain. 
The  form  of  this  serpent  is  seen  in  the  rainbow  of  colors,  it_^is 
then  the  serpent  of  the  storm." 

This  conception  of  the  serpent  is,  however,  not  confined  to  the 
Shoshonis,  it  is  a  common  belief  that  the  lightning  is  a  serpent. 
This  symbol  is  frequently  useS  to  signify  the  rain  god  or  the 
storm  god.  The  gesture  sign  for  rain  is  made  by  holding  the 
hands  before  the  shoulders  with  the  fingers  pendant  as  if  to  rep- 
resent the  drops;  but  for  lightning  the  forefinger  points  upward 
and  is  brought  down  with  great  rapidity  with  a  sinuous  undulat- 
ing motion.  This  sign  was  common  among  the  Apaches,  Shos- 
honis, and  other  Indians  of  the  West.  There  are,  also,  pictures 
which  contain^the  serpent  as  a  symbol  for  lightning  much  more 
distinctly  than  this  gesture  language.  Pictures  were  discovered 
by  Mr.  N.  H.  Jackson  on  the  decorated  walls  of  an  estufa  in  the 
Pueblo  de  Jemez  which  symbolized  lightning;  one  of  them  as  an 
arrow  shooting  from  the  sky,  but  the  other  as  a  crooked  feather 
headed  serpent,  both  of  them  shooting  from  two  semi-circles 
which  were  symbolical  of  the  sky  or  cloud.  The  inscribed  rocks 
of  Colorado  contain  pictures  of  the  serpent  associated  with  hu- 
man and  animal  figures,  though  it  is  unknown  whether  these  were 
designed  to  symbolize  nature  powers,  or  whether  they  were  the 
representatives  of  the  totems  of  the  tribes,  or  were  the  records 
of  the  people,  or  mere  figures  which  were  drawn  by  the  fancy 
of  the  people.'''  [See  Fig.  49.]  The  pictographs  discovered  by 
Lieut.  Whipple  of  the  Pacific  Railroad  survey  on  the  Rocky  Dell 
Creek  in  the  Stake  Plains,  [See  Fig.  50.]  contain  a  figure  of  a  non- 
descript animal.  It  was  interpreted  by  the  Pueblo  Indians  as  the 
great  water  snake  created  by  Montezuma  to  give  rain  and  preserve 
the  lives  of  those  who  should  pray  to  him.  They  described  the 
snake  as  being  as  large  around  as  a  man's  body  and  of  exceeding 
great  length,  slowly  gliding  upon  the  water.  They  say  they  smoke 
and  pray  to  the  sun.  The  moon  is  the  younger  sister  of  the  sun; 
the  stars  are  their  children;  all  are  worshiped.  Besides  these  is 
the  great  snake  to  whom  they  are  to  look  for  life.     Rattlesnakes, 

*3ee  N.  H.  Holmes'  account  of  Rock  Inscriptions,  Hayden's  Survey,  1S76,  p.  402,  PI.   XLIII, 
Nos.  2  and  3. 


96 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


frogs,  and  all  animals  living  near  the  water  are  sacred  among  the 
Puebloes  because  of  their  association  with  the  water  which  is  re- 
garded as  a  great  blessing.  Apaches,  however,  do  not  regard 
these  animals  as  sacred  but  they  pay  particular  veneration  to 
bears. t     The  Zunis  have  the  serpent  as  a  common  symbol. 


Fig.49.— SERPENT  IN    ROCK  INSCRIPTIONS. 

III.  We  now  turn  to  the  serpent  symbol  as  found  in  Mexico 
and  Central  America.  Serpent  worship  seemed  to  prevail  through- 
out this  entire  region  and  was  common  both  among  the  Nahua 
and  Maya  races.     It  is   well  known  that  there  were  two  great 


Fig.  50.-SERPENT  ON  AN  INSCRIBED  ROCK  IN   COLORADO. 

centres  of  population  in  prehistoric  times,  and  two  parallel  lines 
of  history  and  civilization,  namely,  in  Mexico  and  Central  Ameri- 
ca. It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  as  we  examine  the  monuments 
in  both  sections,  we  find  the  serpent  symbol  very  prominent.  ;^It 
is  supposed  that  the  Toltecs  were  the  more  ancient  people  and 

tSee  Report  upon  the  Indian  Tribes  by  Lieut.  Whipple,  p.  38. 


rilE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  97 

that  the  Maya  history  and  civilization  preceded  that  of  the  Na- 
huas,  but  in  both  the  serpent  symbol  appeared,  and,  so  far  as 
we  can  ascertain,  had  the  same  general  significance.  We  do  not,  to 
be  sure,  find  the  serpent  as  conspicuous  in  the  architecture  of  the 
northern  city  of  Mexico  as  in  the  more  ancient  cities  of  the  South, 
such  as  Uxmal,  Palenque,  Chichen  Itza,  but  we  find  it  very  promi- 


''^*-<||l!lllllii^^ 


Fig.  -I. -HUMAN  FIGURES  ENVELOPED  WITH  THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 

nent  in  the  relics  of  art  such  as  the  calendar  stones,  the  vases, 
and  vessels  of  pottery  and  other  sculptured  stone  relics.  The 
manuscripts  or  codices  which  have  been  transmitted  through  the 
hands  ot  the  Nahua  scribes  have  the  serpent  symbol  in  great 
profusion.  But  on  the  other  hand  the  bas-relief  stucco  ornaments 
and  hieroglyphic  tablets  of  the  southern  kingdom  have  the  sym- 
bol very  prominently  represented.  It  would  seem  from  this  that 
the  serpent  worship  was  very  prominent  in  both  races  and  was 
transmitted  from  one  race  to  the  other,  or  was  drawn  either  from 
primitive  customs  and  superstitions  and  developed  in  parallel 
lines. 

[I.]  We  propose  to  describe  the  various  specimens  of  ancient 
art,  which  contain  the  serpent  symbol,  and  shall  give  a  number  of 
cuts  to  illustrate  the  point.  There  are  many  relics  in 
Mexico  which  contain  the  serpent  symbol.  Dr.  Rau  says  of  these 
relics:  "the  particular  attention  paid  to  snakes  by  the  inhabitants 
of  Anah'iac  is  exemplified  in  the  collection  by  a  number  of  mould- 
ings and  relics  in  clay  representing  those  reptiles  in  various  atti- 


98 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  bYMBOLlSM. 


tudes.  Several  specimens  show  a  snake  coiled  on  the  back 
of  a  turtle  and  in  the  act  of  biting  its  head.  In  some  of  these 
representations  the  lower  part  of  the  neck  of  the  turtle  exhibits  a 
human  face.  This  curious  group  is  quite  typical  and  probably 
refers  to  some  tradition  or  to  a  religious  conception  of  the  Aztecs. 
A  coiled  snake  with  uplifted  head  is  likewise  frequently  met 
among  the  Mexican  terra-cottas,  and  a  number  of  productions 
of  their  character  can  be  seen  in  the  National  Museum."  He 
says  "one  of  the  most  elaborate  Mexican  figures  of  the  col- 
lection represents  a  man  seated  with  the  hands  resting  on  the 
knees  and  bearing  on  his  back  another  human  figure  is  so 
placed  that  its  head  surmounts  that  of  the  first,  while  its  hands 
press  against  the  forehead  and  its  feet  rest  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
lower  figure.  The  most  conspicuous  feature  consists  in  two 
serpents  which,  descending  from  the  head-dress  of  the  upper 
figure,  encompass  the  group  on  both  sides  and  rest  their  heads 
beneath  the  feet  of  the  upper  figure."     [See  Fig.  51.] 

A  still  more  adniirable  specimen  of  Mexican  pottery,  and  as  far 

.•501 


Fig.  52.— VASE  WITH  SERPENT  ORNAMENT. 

as  the  general  outline  is  concerned,  might  readily  be  taken  for  a 
vessel  of  Etruscan  or  Greek  origin.  The  peculiar  ornamenta- 
tion, however,  stamps  it  at  once  as  a  Mexican  product  of  art. 
The  vessel  may  be  compared  to  a  pitcher  with  two  handles 
standing  opposite  to  each  other,  and  with  two  mouths  projecting 
between  them.  Each  handle  is  formed  by  two  snakes  crossmg 
their  tails  and  resting  their  heads  on  the  rim,  and  the  flat 
base  of  the  vessel  is  moulded  in  the  shape  of  a  coiled  serpent. 
Another  beautiful  Mexican  vase  [See  Fig.  52.]  of  somewhat  glob- 
ular shape  is  remarkable  for  its  elaborate  raised  ornamentation 
which  consists  of  four  entwined  snakes  and  four  masks  placed  at 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


99 


equal  distances  from  each  other.  The  vessel  stands  on  three  feet, 
presenting  beautifully  executed  eagle's  heads. 

There  arc  many  other  specimens  of  art  adornments  besides 
these.  Bancroft  speaks  of  the  specimens  of  art  at  Tezcuco,  the 
ancient  rival  of  Mexico,  in  the  northwest  part  of  the  town.  He 
says:  "Mayer  found  a  shapeless  heap  of  bricks,  adobes  and  pot- 
tery. In  the  top  were  several  large  basaltic  slabs.  The  rectan- 
gular stone  basin  with  sculptured  sides  shown  in  the  cut,  was 
found  in  connection  with  this  heap  and  preserved  in  the  Penasco 
collection  in  Mexico."     [See  Fig.  53.] 


Fig.  53.— WATER  TROUGH  WITH  SERPENT  ORNAMENT. 

This  has  been  described  as  representing  a  conflict  between  a 
serpent  and  a  bird,  and  attention  has  been  called  to  the  cross  as 
a  symbol  of  nature  worship.  The  serpent  was  a  symbol  of  the 
lightning,  the  bird  of  the  winds,  and  the  cross  of  the  point  of  the 
compass,  and  it  is  possible  that  this  was  what  was  intended.* 

Bradford  states  that  lying  directly  under  the  gate-way  an  idol 
has  been  preserved  nearly  perfect  and  representing  a  rattlesnake 
painted  in  bright  colors,  and  Dupaix  mentions  the  following 
specimens.  At  Xochicalco,  on  the  western  shore  of  the  lake  is  a 
coiled  serpent  in  red  porphyry  i  ^  feet  in  diameter,  and  9  feet 
long  if  uncoiled.  A  serpent  cup,  or  a  cup  in  the  shape  of  a  coiled 
serpent  with  the  head  projecting  for  a  handle,  was  found  at  Santa 
Catolina;  the  material  of  black  porous  volcanic  stone,  and  a 
rattle-snake,  81^2  feet  long  and  8  inches  in  diameter  near  Atlixco 
sculptured  in  high  relief  on  the  flat  surface  of  a  hard  brown  stone. 
In  the  cloisters  behind  the  Dominican  Convent  is  a  noble  speci- 
men of  the  great  idol,  almost  perfect  and  of  fine  workmanship. 
This  monstrous  divinity  is  represented  as  swallowing  a  human 
victim  which  is  seen  crushed  in  its  horrid  jaws."  "The  corner 
stone  of  the  Lottery  Office  is  described  as  the  head  of  the  serpent 
idol,  not  less  than  70  feet  long  when  entire."     "A  house  on  the 

*See  Prehistoric  World,  p.  iS3. 


103 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  STMBOLTSM. 


street  corner  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  Plaza  rested  on  an 
altar  of  black  bay  salt,  ornamented  with  the  tail  and  claws  of  a 
reptile."  Mayer  dut^  up  in  the  court  yard  of  the  University  two 
feathered  serpents  of  which  he  gives  cuts  as  well  as  several  other 
relics  found  within  the  city  limits.  Senior  Gondra  gives  plates 
from  nine  Mexican  musical  instruments,  one  of  which  is  of  very 
peculiar  construction;  the  top,  shaped  like  a  coiled  serpent,  is  of 
burnt  clay  resting  on  the  image  of  a  tortoise  carved  from  wood, 
and  that  on  a  base  of  tortoise  shell.  These  various  specimens 
of  art  in  Mexico  illustrate  one  point.  The  myth  of  the  serpent 
and  the  tortoise  was  evidently  familiar  to  the  Nahua  races. 

Besides  these,  may  be  mentioned  the  Aztec  calendar  stone, 
which  always  had  a  serpent  around  its  edge,  and  generally  a  face 
representing  the  sun  in  the  center,  and  various  figures  and  hiero- 
glyphics the  division  of  tin^e.  There  are  many  specimens  of 
calendars  in  Mexico,  the  chief  of  which  is  the  one  which  has  been 
so  often  described,  situated  at  present  in  the  National  Museum 


Fig.  54.— AZTEC  CALEND.\R  STONE. 

in  Mexico.  A  simpler  calendar  than  this  has  been  found  and 
described.  We  furnish  a  cut  Fig.  54,  taken  from  Biart's  "History 
of  the  Aztecs,"  and  kindly  loaned  to  us  by  A.  C.  McClurg  &  Co., 
The  author  says  "the  Aztec  cycle  was  represented  by  a  circle 
with  a  picture  of  the  sun  in  the  center;  around  this  circle  from 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


101 


right  to  left  t?iere  were  representations  of  the  four  symbolic  signs 
of  the  year.  The  first  year  was  called  Tochtli,i\\c  rabbit;  the 
second,  y^r^//,  the  rcccl ;  the  third  Tecpatl,  the  flint ;  the  fourth, 
Calli,  the  house.  It  will  be  noticed  tliat  the  folds  of  the  serpent 
which  surrounds  the  cycle,  divide  it  into  four  periods  of  thirteen 
years,  and  that  these  rings  at  the  same  time  mark  the  car- 
dinal points.  Tiiis  is  a  very  remarkable  figure.  It  shows  how 
the  serpent  symbolized  the  cycle  of  time.  It  seems  to  have  come 
a  conventional  us2,  and  to  have  hzQW  taken  out  from  the  range 
of  the  nature  powers.  Yet  the  serpent,  and  the  sun  are  almost 
always  associated  together  in  the  calendars;  as  if  the  powers  of 
nature  were  to  be  symbolized  by  tliem  as  well  as  the  divisions 
of  time. 

This  brings  up  the  suggestion  that  much  of  mythology  was 
embodied  in  the  calendar  stone.  The  cosmic  serpent  has  been 
extensively  symbolized  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  and  the 
question  is  whether  the  same  conception  and  myth  were  em- 
bodied in  these  calendars. 


Fig.  55 —SERPENT  ORNAMENT  ON  FACADE  AT  P\LENQUE, 

[II.]  We  next  take  up  the  line  of  Architecture.  -'One  peculiari- 
ty of  the  serpent  symbol  is  noticeable  here.  The  serpent  is  repre- 
resented  in  relief  as  a  prominent  ornament.  This  is  the  case 
in  the  facade  of  the  so-called  "  House  of  the  Nuns,"  at  Uxmal. 
[See  Fig.  55,]  We  quote  from  Bancroft  who  says:  "Two  serpents 
each  witli  a  monstrous  head,  between  the  open  jaws  of  which  a  hu- 
man fice  appears,  and  the  tail  of  a  rattle-snake  placed  near  and 
above  the  head  of  either  end  of  the  building,  almost  entirely  sur- 
round the  front  above  the  lower  cornice,  dividing  the  front  surface, 
by  folds  and  interlacing  of  their  bodies,  into  square  panels,  that 
is,  it  seems  to  have  been  the  aim  ot  the  builders  to  form  these 
panels  by  the  folds  of  these  two  mighty  serpents,  and  the  work 


102 


NATIVE  AMEBIC  AN  SYMBOLISM 


is  so  described  by  all  visitors;  but  it  appears  from  an  exanination 
of  the  folds,  that  the  serpent  whose  head  and  tail  are  shown  on 
the  right  only  encloses  really  the  first  panel,  and  that  each  other 
panel  is  surround  by  the  endles  body  of  a  serpent  without  head 
or  tail.  The  scales  or  feathers  on  the  serpent's  body  are  some- 
what more  clearly  defined  than  indicated  in  the  engraving,  as  is 
proved  by  Charnay's  photograph."  .  ,  .  "They  are  put  together 
by  small  blocks  of  stone  exquisitely  worked  and  arranged  with 
the  nicest  skill  and  precision.  The  heads  of  the  serpents  are 
adorned  with  pluming  feathers  and  tassels."  At  Chichen-ltza 
there  is  a  pyramid  which  has  a  stairway  whose  balustrade  is 
formed  by  a  pair  of  immense  serpents;  its  base  is  197  by  202  ft., 
its  height  75  ft.,  and  its  sunnnit  platform  61  by  64  ft.  A  stairway 
leads  up  the  northern  slope  44  ft.  wide  containing  90  steps,  hav- 
ing solid  balustrades  which  terminate  at  the  botton  in  two  im- 
mense serpent's  heads  10  ft.  long,  with  open  mouths  and  pro- 
truding tongues.  Near  this  pyramid  is  the  building  which  is 
called   by  Stephens  the  Gym.nasium.     It  consists  of  two  parallel 


Fig.  56.— SERPENT  RING  AT  CHICKEN  ITZA. 

walls  50  by  274  ft.,  26  ft.  high  and  120  ft.  apart.  The  inner 
walls  facing  each  other  present  a  plain,  undccorated  surface;  but 
in  the  center  of  each,  about  20  ft.  from  the  ground,  is  a  stone 
ring  4  ft.  in  diameter  and  13  in.  tiiick  with  a  hole  19  in.  in  di- 
ameter through  the  center ;  surrounded  by  two  sculptured  ser- 
pents as  in  the  above  cut.  [See  Fig.  56.]  This  .structure  is 
very  similar  to  the  one  at  Uxmal,  which  was  covered  with  sculp- 
tured   decorations,  including  two  entwined  serpents,  while  from 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  103 

the  center  of  each  of  the  facades  projected  a  stone  ring  fixed  in 
the  wall  by  means  of  a  tenon. 

It  may  be  a  mere  coincidence  yet  it  is  worthy  of  notice  that 
serpents  are  arranged  in  pairs  in  many  places.  The  calendar 
stone  of  Mexico  contains  two  serpents  which  form  the  outer  cir- 
cle of  the  stone  and  which  surround  the  complicated  symbols  in 
the  center  of  which  is  the  face,  supposed  to  be  the  face  of  the  sun. 
These  serpents  are  regarded  by  some  as  the  symbol  of  the  great 
cycle  of  time  and  the  ornaments  or  .symbols  enclosed  by  them 
are  supposed  to  represent  the  years  in  the  cycle,  the  days  of  the 
year,  the  number  of  days  in  the  month,  and  the  week  days.  There 
are,  however,  many  places  where  the  serpent  is  single,  and  again 
in  other  places  it  is  four  fold,  so  that  we  cannot  press  this  point 
too  closely.  And  yet  in  the  architecture  the  double  serpent  is 
noticeable. 

2.  Another  peculiarity  of  the  architecture  of  this  region  is  that 
the  serpent  symbol  is  frequently  found  connected  with  temples 
and  religious  edifices.  Bancroft  says  in  reference  to  the  Gym- 
nasium and  the  building  at  Uxmal  where  the  serpent  ring 
was  found,  "it  is  easy  to  imagine  that  the  grand  promenade  be- 
tween the  northern  and  southern  palaces  or  temples  was  along 
a  line  between  these  walls,  and  that  these  sculptured  fronts  and 
rings  were  important  in  connection  with  religious  rites  and  pro- 
cessions of  priests." 

There  was  in  Mexico  also  a  famous  temple  dedicated  to  the 
god  of  war.  OfthisAcosta  says:  "it  had  a  very  great  circuite, 
and  within  a  faire  court.  It  was  built  of  great  stones,  and  in 
fashion  of  snakes  tied  one  to  another."  Solace  describes  the  tem- 
ple: "The  top  of  the  truncated  pyramid  on  which  the  idols  of 
Huitzilopochtli,  the  god  of  war,  and  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain,  were 
placed,  and  was  40  ft.  square,  and  reached  by  a  stair  way  of  120 
steps.  On  this  was  the  chapel  wherein,  behind  curtains,  sat 
Huitzilopochtli  on  a  throne  supported  by  a  blue  globe.  From 
this,  supposed  to  represent  the  heavens,  projected  four  staves 
with  serpent's  heads  by  which  the  priests  carried  the  god  when 
he  was  brought  before  the  public.  The  image  bore  on  its  head 
a  bird  of  wrought  plumes  whose  head  and  beak  were  of  burnished 
gold.  Its  right  hand  leaned  upon  a  staff  His  body  was  girt 
with  a  large  golden  snake  and  adorned  with  various  lesser  fig- 
ures of  animals  made  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  which  orna- 
ments and  msigna  have  each  their  peculiar  meaning.  One  of 
the  names  of  Quetzalcoatl,  the  chief  god  of  the  Mexicans,  was 
the  feathered  snake.  The  entrance  to  his  round  temple  in  Mexico 
represented  the  jaws  of  a  tremendous  snake.  Quetzalcoatl  disap- 
peared in  Goatzacoalco,  the  snake  corner ;  and  a  ship  of  snakes 
brought  him  to  Tlapalla.  The  driving  away  of  Quetzalcoatl  by 
Tezcktlipoca,  his  enemy,  was  symbolized  by  the  figure  of  the 
god  cutting  up  a  snake.     This  may  have  been   intended   to  rep- 


104  NA  ri VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

resent  the  conflict  between  the  sun  god,  or  the  god  of  h'ght,  and 
the  night  god,  or  the  god  of  darkness.  Or  the  other  snake  may 
be  the  symbol  of  moisture  and  the  god  of  death  and  drouth, 
fights  the  snake,  as  the  symbol  of  the  plant  life.  Dr.  Brinton  and 
Mr.  Edward  T\-lor  maintain  that  Quetzalcoatl  was  the  sun, and  that 
the  history  of  th-i  god  was  designed  only  as  personifications  of  the 
sun  and  its  various  qualities.  Bancroft  seems  to  think  that  both 
of  the  divinities  of  the  Aztecs,  Quetzalcoatl  the  sun  god,  and  the 
god  of  war,  had  a  nature  basis,  and  as  Mars  was  regarded  as  the 
god  of  Spring,  so  the  Aztec  god  of  war  was  associated  with  the 
rain  god,  and  was  the  source  of  the  yearly  life  of  the  plant  world. 
If  the  snake  signifies  in  one  place  time,  in  another  world,  in  one 
other  instance  water  or  rain,  the  yearly  rejuvenation  of  germs 
and  blossoms,  the  eternal  circle  of  nature,  domination,  soothsay- 
ing, it  is  quite  proper  that  all  these  qualities  are  found  united 
in  one  god.  Just  as  the  snake  changes  its  skin  every  year,  so 
does  Huitzilopochtli  whose  mother  Flora,  is  a  snake  goddess, 
the  idea  of  the  yearly  renewal  of  nature  being  also  connected  with 
that  of  time  iorever  young,  and  the  Aztecs  therefore  encircle 
their  cycle  with  the  snake  as  the  emblem  of  time. 

[III.]  We  turn  now  to  the  hierogI\'phics  which  contain  the  .•-ser- 
pent symbol. 

The  serpent  in  Mexico  was  used  to  symbolize  three  things: 
1st.  The  cycle  of  time.  2nd.  The  Lightning  as  one  of  nature's 
powers.  3rd.  The  attribute  of  a  divinity  and  the  name  of  an  an- 
cestry. 

In  its  first  use  it  often  appeared  in  the  codices.  In  some  cases 
four  serpents  were  coiled  so  as  to  form  the  sides  of  a  square. 
Four  squares  were  brought  together,  possibly  to  represent 
the  four  quarters  of  the  globe,  or  four  great  divisions  of 
tmie.  In  the  midst  of  the  figure  was  the  face  of  the  sun;  the  eye, 
protruding  tongue  and  fiery  rays  emanating  from  the  face,  all  of 
them  being  significant  of  the  nature  powers.  Dr.  Thomas  thinks 
that  the  serpents  represented  the  four  divisions  and  counts  13 
rings  on  the  body  of  each  serpent,  making  52  years  out  of  the 
combined  figure.  The  position  of  the  four  serpents  might,  how- 
ever, be  designed  to  represent  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky,  and  the 
whole  figure  might  be  considered  a  constellation,  the  sun  being 
the  central  object,  the  two  purposes  being  combined,  namely, 
to  symbolize  the  divisions  ofthe  celestial  regions  and  to  enumer- 
ate the  years  ofthe  calendar.  Astronomy  and  chronology  were 
connected  in  the  oriental  countries  and  \»e  may  suppose  that  they 
were  in  this  country.  The  calendar  stone  in  Mexico  has  been  the 
subject  of  much  study.  [See  Fig.  57.]  Dr.  Philip  Valentini  regards 
it  as  a  symbol  of  chronology.  The  four  figures  in  the  center  sur- 
rounding the  face  signifies  the  four  periods  of  time.  The  animal 
heads  in  the  second  circle  give  the  names  ofthe  months,  twenty  in 
number.     The  dots  in  the  next  circle  and  the  grain  of  corn  in  the 


rilE  SERPENT  SYMBOL. 


105 


fourth  circle,  tog-ether  make  the  days  of  the  year.  The  figures 
in  the  fifth  circle  between  the  towers  and  the  pointers,  he  thinks 
signify  the  52  years  of  the  cycle,  and  the  two  serpents  surround- 
ing the  whole  signify  that  it  was  a  calendar,  the  serpent  being  a 
symbol  of  the  great  cycle.  In  this  respect  the  calendar  stone 
and  the  Dresden  codex  would  agree,  both  being  significant  of 
divisions  of  time,  and  the  serpents  in  both  cases  signifying  the 


Fig.  57.— THE  CALENDAR  STONE. 

great  cycle.     There  are  codices,  however,  which  differ  from  this 
one  and  yet  they  contain  the  serpent  symbol. 

We  present  a  cut  from  the  manuscript  Troano.  [See  Plate  IX.] 
This  is  supposed  to  be  a  record  offcasts,  a  sort  of  priest's  calen- 
dar, and  the  symbol  on  the  plate  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
such  was  the  case.  It  was  the  custom  at  the  feast  to  bear  certam 
images  around  the  city  or  the  courts  of  the  temple  and  to  deposit 
them  at  the  different  gates.  We  ha\'j  in  this  plate  the  figure 
of  a  man  with  a  grotesque  fice  and  head  bearing  an  image 
on  his  back.  Below  this  we  have  a  priest  sitting  in  the  door  of  a 
house  apparently  depositing  certain  offerings  before  an  altar;  the 
house  being  indicated  by  the  flat  roof  and  the  altar  by  tongues  of 
fire,  and  the  offerings  by  the  round  objects  before  the  priest. 
The  serpent  figure  is  found  in  the  lower  division.  It  seems  to  be 
twined  around  a  column.     It  has  four  tails  and  a  plumed  head. 


riatc  IX. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  lOT 

The  priest  stands  before  the  serpent  holding  a  decapitated  bird  in 
his  hand.  Between  the  priest  and  the  serpent  are  several  figures 
which  are  difficult  to  make  out. 

Dr.  Thomas  makes  all  of  these  figures  symbols  of  time.  He 
says  :  "I  think  it  probable  that  these  are  cinerary  urns  given  as 
symbolic  indications  of  the  idea  that  the  years  have  closed;  as  the 
ashes  of  the  dead  rest  in  the  urns,  so  the  ashes  of  the  years  may 
be  said  to  rest  in  these  vessels.  The  idea  seems  to  be  borne  out 
by  the  fact  that  the  vessel  in  the  middle  division  of  another  plate,"' 
has  on  it  the  figure  of  a  cross-bones,  on  top  of  which  are  placed 
three  other  symbols.  Possibly  they  may  represent  ears  of  maize 
or  tortillas  cast  into  the  v^essels.  A  vessel  in  the  same  division 
on  this  plate  IX  contains  fruits  or  goards,  and  a  fish  with 
bread  seems  to  be  offered  to  the  serpent.  Dr.  Thomas's  essay 
is  so  obscure  as  to  be  difficult  to  make  out  and  yet  it  is  possible 
that  the  interpretation  of  the  figures  as  symbols  of  time  may  be 
the  correct  one.  The  serpent  at  any  rate  may  represent  the 
great  Divinity  as  it  does  in  the  Idols  and  in  the  calendars. 

[IV.]  We  turn  now  to  the  Mexican  idols  and  the  symbols  which 
they  contain,  i.  We  would  first  call  attention  to  the  resemblance 
between  the  idols  in  Mexico  and  the  culture  heroes  of  the  Iroquois. 
Both  were  represented  as  covered  with  snakes.  The  hair  and 
shoulders  of  Atotarho  bristled  with  snake  heads  as  that  of  Medusa 
did.  The  idols  of  Mexico  were  wreathed  with  snake  heads,  but  the 
hair  and  face  of  the  divinity  are  not  so  manifestly  human  as  in 
the  case  of  the  culture  hero.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  the 
superstition  fastened  itself  upon  the  form  of  divinity  everywhere, 
and  made  the  serpent  the  sj-mbol  of  the  supernatural  power  both 
with  the  culture  hero  and  the  war  god.  It  would  seem  as  if  there 
was  a  progress  in  nature  worship,  and  that  the  same  symbol, 
which  among  the  Iroquois  was  so  expressive,  became  among  the 
Mexicans  very  complicated  and  still  more  significant. 

The  first  idol  which  we  shall  describe  is  one  found  in  connec- 
tion with  the  goddess  of  death  in  Mexico.  [Plate  X.]  This  is 
described  by  Bancroft  as  follows:  "The  idol  was  first  brought  to 
light  in  grading  the  Plaza  in  August,  1790.  It  is  an  immense 
block  of  bluish  grey  porphyry,  about  10  ft.  high,  6  ft.  wide  and 
thick,  sculptured  on  front,  rear,  top  and  bottom  in  a  most  com- 
plicated and  horrible  combination  of  human,  animal  and  ideal 
forms.  Vasco  de  Gama  first  expressed  the  opinion  in  which 
other  authors  coincide,  that  the  front  shown  in  the  cut  represents 
the  goddess  of  death,  Teoyaomiqui,  whose  duty  it  was  to  bear 
the  souls  of  dead  warriors  to  the  house  of  the  sun.  The  rear 
view  of  the  idol  represents  Huitzilopochtll,  god  of  war,  and  hus- 
band of  the  female  divinity  whose  emblems  are  carved  on  the 
front.  The  bottom  of  the  monument  bears  various  sculptured 
designs  not  shown  in  the  cut,  which    are  thought    to  represent 

*See  Plate  XXVIII  Dresden  Codex  contributi  jns  to  N.  A.  Ethnolo-'v,  Vol.  V. 


^08 


liATIVE  AMFAUCAN  SYMBOLISM 


Plate   X-MEXICAN  GODDESS  OF  DEATH. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  109~ 

Mictlantecutli,  god  of  the  infernal  regions,  the  last  of  this  cheer- 
ful trinity;  goddess  of  death,  god  of  war,  and  god  of  hell,  three 
distinct  deities  united  in  one  idol  according  to  the  Aztec  cate- 
chism. Tlie  idol  was  removed  to  the  Univer.'^ity  and  until  1821 
was  kept  buried  in  the  court  yard,  that  it  might  not  kindle  anew 
the  aboriginal  superstitions. 

The  analysis  of  this  idol  and  the  examination  of  its  different 
parts  will  bring  out  the  following  remarkable  features,  i.  The 
shape  of  the  idol  is  that  of  the  cross.  2.  It  is  a  combination  of 
a  human  figure  and  a  serpent  form;  no  other  animal  is  represented. 

3.  There   is   a  combination  of  kingly  drapery  and  serpent  folds. 

4.  There  are  four  hands  plainly  visible  with  the  palms  extended 
and  turned  out,  with  figures  of  rattles  between  the  hands.  5. 
There  seem  to  be  two  heads,  the  serpent  head  above  and  the 
human  head  below  ;  the  serpent  head  having  teeth  and  fangs  visi- 
ble; the  human  head  being  a  death  head.  The  eyes  are  made 
with  rings  around  them  the  same  as  Tlaloc  the  god  of  rain  always 
has.  7.  The  serpent  head  consists  of  massive  folds  bound 
together  and  fringed,  but  with  cross  hatchings  to  represent  the 
serpent's  skin.  8.  The  shoulders  of  the  idol  or  the  arms  of  the 
cross  are  adorned  witli  the  teeth  of  a  serpent  and  the  forked 
tongue  below  the  teeth.  9.  The  fringe  which  forms  a  skirt  to 
the  idol,  contains  serpents'  heads  covered  with  a  cross-hatching 
which  represent's  a  serpent's  skin.  Between  the  serpents'  heads, 
tails  all  of  them  containing  ratttles.  10.  Below  these  horrid 
tassels,  is  a  serpent  with  its  four  folds  covered  with  cross  hatch- 
ings which  are  dotted  like  that  on  the  serpents  heads  above, 
the  eyes  and  teeth  and  forked  tongue  resembling  those  in  the 
shoulders  and  head  above.  11.  On  either  side  of  this  serpent 
head  are  figures  that  look  like  claws,  though  they  may  be  intend- 
ed for  serpent's  eggs. 

Mr.  E.  S.  Holden  has  drawn  the  comparison  between  this 
Mexican  idol  and  others  found  in  Yucatan.  He  discovers  a 
similar  combination  of  serpent's  heads  and  tails  with  human  faces,, 
arms  and  limbs  but  with  the  addition  of  crotalus  jaws  and  many 
other  symbols,  and  thinks  that  there  are  so  many  striking  du- 
plications and  coroborative  resemblances  that  the  Yucatec  figures 
and  the  Mexican  idols  may  be  supposed  to  represent  the  same 
personage,  Huitzilipochtli,  the  god  of  death.  The  identification  of 
the  Yucatec  and  Mexican  or  Aztec  religions  seem  to  be  quite 
complete.     See  plate  XI. 

[v.]  A  comparison  of  the  tradititions  and  myths  of  the  serpent 
and  the  serpent  symbol  will  be  in  place  here.  There  are  many 
myths  of  the  serpent  as  well  as  of  the  tortoise,  and  these  seem  to 
be  very  wide-spread. 

On  this  point  we  quote  from  Mr.  Edward  Tylor.  He  says: 
"In  the  Old  World  the  tortoise  myth  belongs  especially 
to  India,  and  the  idea  is  developed  there  in  a  variety  of  forms. 


110 


NATIVE  AMERICA X  SYMBOLISM 


Plate  XI-IUOL  PILLAR  WITH  SERPENT  SYMBOLS. 


THE  SERPENT  SYMBOL.  Ill 

The  tortoise  that  upholds  the  earth  is  called  in  the  Sanskrit 
Kurmaraja,  King  of  the  Tortoises,  and  the  Hindoos  believe 
to  this  day  that  the  earth  rests  upon  its  back.  Sometimes 
the  snake  Sesha  bears  the  world  on  its  head,  or  an  elephant 
carries  it  upon  its  back,  and  both  snake  and  elephant  are 
themselves  supported  by  the  great  tortoise.  The  earth,  res- 
cued from  the  deluge  which  destroys  mankind,  is  set  up  with 
the  snake  that  bears  it  resting  on  the  floating  tortoise,  and  a  del- 
uge is  again  to  pour  over  the  face  of  the  earth  when  the  world- 
tortoise,  sinking  under  its  load,  goes  down  into  the  great  waters." 
"According  to  Varaha-Mihira,  the  Indians  represented  to  them- 
selves the  inhabited  part  of  the  world  under  the  form  of  a  tortoise 
floating  upon  the  water;  it  is  in  this  sense  that  they  call  the 
world  Kaunna-cJiakra;  that  is  to  say,  "the  wheel  of  the  tortoise." 
"  The  striking  analogy  between  the  tortoise  myth  of  North 
America  and  India  is  by  no  means  a  matter  of  new  observation; 
it  was  indeed  remarked  upon  by  Father  Lafitau  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half  ago.  Three  great  features  of  the  Asiatic  stories  are 
found  among  the  North  American  Indians  in  the  fullest  and 
clearest  development.  The  earth  is  supported  on  the  back  of 
a  huge  floating  tortoise,  the  tortoise  sinks  under  water  and  causes 
a  deluge,  and  the  tortoise  is  considered  as  being  itself  the  earth 
floating  upon  the  face  of  the  deep.  In  the  last  century,  Loskiel, 
the  Moravian  missionary  remarked  of  the  North  American  Indi- 
ans that  "some  of  them  imagine  that  the  earth  swims  in  the  sea, 
or  that  an  enormous  tortoise  carries  the  world  on  its  back." 
Schoolcraft,  an  unrivalled  authority  on  Indian  mythology  within 
his  own  district,  remarks  that  the  turtle  is  an  object  held  in  great 
respect  in  all  Indian  reminiscence.  It  is  believed  to  be  in  all 
cases,  a  symbol  of  the  earth  and  is  addressed  as  a  mother.".  .  . 
"Among  the  Mandans,  Catlin  found  a  legend  which  brings  in  the 
same  notion  of  the  world-tortoise,  but  shows  that  by  differ- 
ence of  the  accessory  circumstances  that  it  was  not  in  America 
a  mere  part  of  a  particular  story,  but  a  mythological  conception 
which  might  be  worked  into  an  unlimited  variety  of  myths.  The 
tale  that  the  Mandan  doctor  told  Catlin,  was  that  the  earth  w^as  a 
large  tortoise,  that  it  carried  dirt  upon  its  back,  and  that  a  tribe 
of  people  who  are  now  dead,  and  whose  faces  were  white,  used 
to  dig  down  very  deep  in  the  ground  to  catch  badgers.  The 
myth  of  the  world-tortoise  is  one  of  those  which  have  this  great 
value  in  the  comparison  of  Asiatic  and  American  mythology, 
that  it  leaves  not  the  least  opening  for  the  supposition  of  its 
having  been  carried  by  modern  Europeans  from  the  Old  to  the 
New  World."  The  Scandanavian  myth  is  that  the  serpent  en- 
compassed the  globe.  In  Mexico,  the  serpent  is  frequently  seen 
encompassing  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  and  we  cannot  help  con- 
necting the  symbols  on  the  calendar  stones  with  myths  which 
prevailed  in  the  Old  World.     The  same  is  true  of  the  ornamen- 


112  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

tation  of  the  pottery.  The  serpent  and  the  tortoise  seem  to 
embody  the  m\'th  which,  according  to  Mr.  Tylor  is  so  wide 
spread.  The  serpent  symbol  in  the  south-west  portion  of  the 
continent  is  more  comphcated  and  conventional  than  elsewhere. 
We  close  this  article  by  referring  to  the  mythological  record 
of  the  creation  as  contained  in  the  tablets  of  the  creation  series 
found  in  Nineveh,  and  described  by  Geo.  Smith  in  his  "Chaldean 
Genesis."  The  subject  was  the  fight  between  Tiamat  and  the  god 
Marduk.  Tiamat,  the  personification  of  darkness,  chaos,  disor- 
der, and  so  of  the  powers  of  evil,  is  the  prototype  of  the  serpent 
of  Genesis.  Marduk,  chosen  by  the  gods  for  the  conflict,  and 
armed  with  sword  and  bow,  engages  in  fierce  fight  with  Tiamat. 
and  eventually  dashes  out  the  brains  of  the  dragon,  a  particular 
which  at  once  calls  to  recollection  "the  bruising  of  the  serpent's 
head,"  as  described  in  Genesis.  There  is,  however,  this  note- 
worthy difference  between  the  Babylonian  and  the  Chaldean  ac- 
counts. Tiamat  is  a  sea-monster,  the  sea  being  regarded  appar- 
ently as  a  great  hostile  power,  and  so  associated  with  darkness 
and  evil.  Tiamat  is,  moreover,  a  dragon,  a  composite  creature, 
not  a  serpent.  The  conflict,  however,  both  in  the  cuneiform  text 
and  as  depicted  on  Babylonian  seals,  always  takes  place  on  the 
land.  And  it  may  be  observed  that  this  same  conflict,  portrayed 
on  a  large  scale,  may  be  seen  on  a  projecting  part  of  the  wall  in 
the  Assyrian  Gallery  of  the  Museum.  Here  the  dragon  Tiamat 
is  seen  retreating,  but  still  threatening,  with  claws  and  her  wide- 
opened  mouth.  Tiamat  has  a  pair  of  wings  and  a  scale-covered 
body.  Marduk  is  advancing  to  the  attack.  He  has  two  pairs 
of  wings,  and  is  armed  with  cimeter,  and  is  brandishing  a  pair 
double  tridents,  which  possibly  represent  liglitning.  On  the  seals 
he  is  represented  either  equipped  and  ready  for  the  conflict,  or 
attacking  the  dragon  with  bow  and  cimeter.  On  one  seal,  how- 
ever, the  dragon  is  represented  as  a  serpent,  as  in  the  biblical 
story,  and p2irs2icd  by  Marduk.  It  will  seem  from  this  that  the 
serpent  in  oriental  countries  was  representative  of  a  nature  power 
and  that  is  was  attended  with  symbols  of  the  lightning,  and  other 
processes  of  nature.  Our  conclusion  is:  whether  there  was  any 
connection  between  the  two  continents,  the  serpent  symbol  in 
both  hemispheres  was  associated  with  nature  worship,  yet 
there  were  traditions  associated  with  it  which  have  very  striking 
analogies.  The  serpent  evidently  represented  a  nature  power, 
but  it  was  more  than  this.  It  is  possible  that  we  shall  find  the 
oriental  tradition  still  connected  with  the  American  Symbol. 


AyL]fAL   WO RSIIfP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP.  n:j 


CHAPTER  V. 
ANIMAL   WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP  COMPARED. 

The  prevalence  of  sun  worship  throughout  the  different  parts  of 
the  globe  is  impressed  upon  us  as  soon  as  we  enter  upon  the  subject 
of  primitive  religions.  The  early  historic  records  show  that  it  ex- 
isted extensively  at  a  very  ancient  date.  Traditions  and  mythol- 
ogy are  full  of  allusions  to  it,  showing  that  it  prevailed  before 
historic  times.  Language  seems  to  have  been  affected  by  it. 
The  ve:  y  form  of  letters  and  the  phonetic  signs  in  certain  lan- 
guages contain  tokens  of  it.  The  earliest  forms  of  art  were  also 
impressed  and  influenced  b}^  it.  The  symbols  on  coins  are 
frequently  symbols  of  the  sun,  as  well  as  of  the  serpent  and  the 
tree.  Ancient  architecture  exhibits  sun  worship  as  prevalent. 
The  very  forms  of  the  temples  were  constructed  so  as  to  make 
the  worship  of  the  sun  more  impressive.  The  symbol  of  the 
sun  is  also  found  in  the  clothing  of  the  priest  and  in  the  furniture 
of  the  temples,  as  well  as  in  the  adornments  of  the  idols. 
Hieroglyphics  are  everywhere  full  of  the  same  kind  of  symbol- 
ism. AH  of  these  tokens  convince  us  that  it  was  a  most 
extensive  system  and  one  out  of  which  other  religious  systems 
have  grown. 

This  sun  worship  may  have  been  preceded  b}'  more  primitive 
S3'stems,  viz.:  animal  worship,  fetichism,  animism,  shamanism, 
etc.,  but  it  seems  to  have  been  more  powerful  and  more  extensive 
than  any  of  these,  and  therefore  is  worthy  of  especial  stud3\ 

We  may  regard  it  as  a  form  of  universal  religion,  a  form 
which  reached  the  stage  of  universalit}^  before  historic  times.  We 
may  also  consider  it  as  a  connecting  link  betweien  the  historic 
and  prehistoric  ages;  a  system  which  survived  into  historic 
times,  but  grew  out  of  a  prehistoric  cult,  the  product  of  the 
highest  stage  which  had  been  reached,  but  at  the  same  time  the 
blossom  out  of  which  the  fruit  grew  for  the  next  stage  of  cul- 
ture. 

How  long  sun  worship  may  have  continued  during  prehistoric 


1 14  NA TI VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

times  no  one  knows,  but  there  are  so  many  grades  of  it  that  we 
may  conclude  that  it  had  continued  for  a  long  time.  The  change 
from  sun  worship  to  anthropomorphic  systems  was  evidently 
slow.  In  some  countries  it  took  centuries  to  reach  the  first  stage 
of  idolatry,  the  animal  figure  changing  slowly  to  the  idol  as  a 
human  semblance.  Animal  worship  and  sun  worship  were, 
however  closely  associated  in  prehistoric  times,  and  these  were 
perpetuated  in  parallel  lines  even  long  alter  history  began.  The 
human  semblance  seemed  to  have  been  a  late  conception,  and 
yet  we  can  trace  in  this  country  the  idolatry  which  contains  the 
human  semblance  back  into  prehistoric  times.  It  is  probable 
that  all  three  of  these  types  of  nature  worship  were  even  in  the 
East  quite  prevalent  before  the  historic  period. 

I.  We  turn  now  to  consider  the  connection  between  animal 
worship  and  sun  worship.  Why  are  animal  figures  and  sun 
symbols  so  closel}^  associated? 

In  answering  this  question  we  shall  compare  the  symbols 
of  the  East  and  the  West,  but  begin  with  those  of  the  East. 
The  symbols  of  Egypt  are  first  to  be  considered: 
Let  us  consider  the  different  animals  which  were  sacred  to 
the  sun.  (i).  The  phoenix.  This  was  a  bird  of  the  sun.  Its 
general  appearance  was  similar  to  the  eagle.  It  had  a  gold 
collar  about  the  neck,  the  breast  was  purple,  its  tail  blue  varied 
with  red  feathers,  its  head  richly  feathered  with  a  tuft  at  the 
top.  According  to  the  fable  there  is  only  one  on  the  whole 
globe.  It  lives  660  years.  When  it  grows  old  it  builds  a  nest 
and  dies.  A  worm  is  produced  from  its  bones  which,  having 
become  a  young  bird,  takes  the  nest  and  carries  it  to  the  city  of 
the  sun  and  deposits  it  on  the  altar.  (2).  The  bull  was  a  sacred 
animal  and  received  divine  honors  as  representing  a  divinity. 
His  prolific  character  was  considered  a  divine  attribute.  The 
bull  was  sacred  to  the  sun  and  carried  the  globe  on  its  head 
between  its  horns.  The  bull  was  a  symbol  of  x\pis,  one  of  the 
chief  divinities  of  Egypt.  The  ox-headed  divinity  Sarapis 
(Osiris  Apis)  was  also  a  great  divinity;  the  pefsonal  and  the  an- 
imal nature  of  the  god  being  represented  both  by  the  name 
Sarapis  and  the  idol,  which  was  a  human  form  with  an  ox-head. 
(3).  The  hawk  was  a  symbol  of  the  sun  in  Egypt.  The  god 
Ra  was  usually  represented  with  a  hawk's  head  surmounted 
by  a  globe  or  disk  of  the  sun  f'rom  which  the  asp  issued.  The 
hawk  was  a  symbol  because  it  was  able  to  look  into  the  face  of 
the  sun. 

(4).  Lions  were  considered  solar  animals.  Ra,  ihe  hawk- 
headed  divinity,  was  sometimes  supported  on  the  back  of  lions. 
We  shall  hereafter  speak  of  the  lions  whose  bodies  formed  a 
throne.  Sometimes  these  lions  were  separated  and  were  repre- 
sented as  lying  down  with  their  heads  in  opposite  directions,  the 
disk  of  the  sun  between  them.  The  lion  represented  strength 
and  so  was  a  symbol  of  the  sun. 


ANIMAL   WORSHIP  AXD  SUX   WORSHIP.  115 

(5).  The  scarabeus  or  beetle  was  in  Egypt  a  symbol  of  the 
sun.  Some  suppose  this  was  owing  to  the  habit  of  the  beetle 
of  rollin<r  the  ball  of  dirt  or  dung  to  its  nest.  Others  say  that 
the  scarabeus,  with  its  many  claws,  symbolized  a  month,  thirty 
claws  for  thirty  days.  The  scarabeus  was  worn  on  the  head 
ot  Ptah,  the  Egyptian  Vulcan,  or  Hephaestus.  A  symbol  for 
Ptah  is  given  by  a  combined  figure,  yiz.:  a  man  kneeling  and 
supporting  the  four-armed  symbol  or  emblem  of  stability  on  his 
head.  Above  this  emblem  is  a  beetle  with  wings  spread,  hold- 
ing up  in  its  claws  a  globe  or  sun.  The  scarabeus  was  the 
commonest  ornament  in  Egypt,  and  shows  how  prevalent  sun 
worship  was  there.  (6)  The  frog  was  used  as  a  symbol  of  the 
sun.  There  are  divinities  having  frog  heads,  but  generally  the 
heads  are  surmounted  by  a  scarabeus.  Ka,  father  of  the  fathers  of 
the  gods,  is  a  frog-headed  deity.  The  frog-headed  divinity  was 
probably  the  ruler  of  the  water.  Horopollo  tells  us  that  "Man 
in  embryo  was  represented  by  a  frog."  Diodorus  Siculus  says 
that  "man  was  created  out  of  the  mud."  The  frog  was  the 
father  of  the  gods  and  men.  (7)  The  goose  was  a  S3'mbol  of 
the  sun.  Set,  the  great  cackler,  was  one  of  the  divinities  of 
Eg3'pt.  He  is  identified  with  the  earth.  There  is  a  myth  that 
the  sun  is  discharged  from  the  earth  as  an  agg  from  the  goose. 
(8.)  The  cow  was  worshiped  in  Egypt.  Athor  was  a  cow. 
She  is  represented  by  a  cow's  head  bearing  the  disk  of  the  sun 
between  her  horns.  Her  eyes  were  supposed  to  be  symbolic.  Her 
right  eye  represented  the  sun;  her  left  eye  the  moon.  S3'mbolic 
e3^es  were  common  in  Eg3^pt.  The3^  were  used  as  ornaments  or 
amulets,  very  much  as  beetles  and  lions  were.  Ear-rings,  brace- 
lets and  necklaces  having  eyes  in  them  were  worn  as  ornaments. 
(9.)  The  vulture  was  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  The  body  of  the 
vulture  was  w^orn  by  the  goddess  Nephthys,  "daughter  of  the 
sun,"  "lady  of  heaven".  The  vulture  with  the  wings  spread  was 
placed  over  the  heads  of  queens  to  denote  generative  power, 
motherhood.  Besides  these  animals,  the  ram,  the  fox,  the  jackal, 
the  dog,  the  hippotamus,  the  goat,  the  eagle,  the  crocodile,  were 
sacred  in  Egypt  and  most  of  them  were  symbols  of  the  sun. 
The  elephant,  the  bufTalo,  the  camel  were  sacred  in  India,  but 
not  in  Egypt.  The  stag,  the  panther  and  the  lion  were  sacred 
among  the  Hittites,  but  not  among  the  Hindoos.  The  leopard, 
the  lion,  the  dolphin,  were  sacred  in  Assyria.  The  vulture  and 
eagle  were  very  ancient  S3'mbols  in  Babylonia. 

II.  We  ask  the  question  here,  how  about  the  history  of  animal 
worship  and  sun  worship  in  the  old  world?  We  come  back  to 
the  new  world  for  the  answer.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  animal 
worship  and  sun  worship  in  America  passed  through  man3^ 
stages,  but  in  these  stages  we  see  a  constant  association  of 
S3'mbols.  One  thing  is  noticeable  about  this  association  in 
America;  the  animals  are  first  made  rulers  of  the  sk3' before  the 
sun  divinity  is,  or  at  least  the  animal  fetiches  are  supposed  to 


IK)  XI  7717;  .l.l//-;/.7C.-l.V  SYMnOLISM. 

rule  the  difTerent  quarters  of  the  sky  in  a  more  primilive  stage 
of  religion  than  are  the  sun  divinities. 

Animal  worship  was  in   the  ascendenc}^  among  all  the  un- 
civilized tribes,  but  sun  worship  was  prevalent  among  the  civilized 
and  a  combination  of  the  two  may  be  also  discovered  among 
certain  barbaric  tribes.    The  primordial  germs  of  the  two  systems 
are  found  in  America.     We  propose  to  consider  the  association  of 
animals  with  sun  symbols  as  they  are  found  in  America,    i.  This 
association  is  found  in  the  mounds.     We  have  already  in  pre- 
vious articles  shown  the  prevalence  of  animal  worship.     We 
propose  to  show  now  the  prevalence  of  sun  worship.     It  is  well 
known  that  the  sun  symbol  is  found  in  the  mounds.     The  shell 
gorgets  which  have  been  taken  from  mounds  in  Tennessee  and 
other    stales    have    been    described    by    W.   H.  Holmes  and 
others.     These  contain  four  concentric  rings.     In  the  outer  ring 
are  found  circles  to  represent  the  sun,  numbering  from  ten  to 
twelve,  corresponding  to  the  months.     In  the  second  ring  are 
found  four  or  five  other  circles,  corresponding,  perhaps,  to  the 
seasons.     In  the  inner  circle  are  three  crescents  to  represent  the 
moon,  and  at  the  center  is  a  circle  which  represents  the  sun. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  these  gorgets  were  sun  symbols.     There 
are  no  animal  figures  upon  these,  but  there  are  other  gorgets 
in  which  birds  and  sun  symbols  do  appear.     We  give  cuts  of  these 
to  illustrate  the  points.     It  will  be  noticed  that  the  birds'  heads 
are  attached  to  a  four  sided  figure  which  has  loops  in  the  cor- 
ners.    These  possibly  ma}'  have  symbolized  the  four  quarters  of 
the  sky  or  the  four  seasons.     See  Plate  I.     Within  the  four- 
sided  figure  is  a  symbol  of  the  sun,  which  in  one  case  is  a  single 
circle  with  a  dot  in  the  center  ;  in  another  case  four  rings  to 
symbolize  four  suns  ;    in  another    case  a  ring  with  four  dark 
spots  surrounded  by  a  ring  with  eight  radiating  points;  another 
with  birds'  heads,  and  one  figure  has  no  birds'  heads  or  sun 
symbol.     The  number  four  seems  to  have  been  sacred,  as  it 
symbolized  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky,  but  it  is  in  every  case 
attended  with  the  symbol  of  the   sun.     These   gorge's    were 
taken  from  a  mound  in  Tennessee.     They  show  that  sun  wor- 
ship had  reached  a  very  considerable  height  among  the  Mound 
builders. 

2.  The  association  of  animal  figures  with  sun  symbols  is 
found  on  the  northwest  coast.  Here  we  have  totem  posts  sur- 
mounted b}'  the  thunder  bird.  Below  this  are  bears'  heads 
to  represent  the  totem  of  the  person  who  erected  the  post. 
Along  with  the  bears'  heads  are  human  f^ices  and  pjirts  of 
the  human  form  to  represent  the  ancestors.  The  sun  S3'mbol  is 
not  found  here,  but  the  human  form  is  found.  A  primitive  form 
of  animal  worship  as  the  embodiment  of  nature  powers  is  seen 
in  the  thunder  bird.  We  give  a  cut  to  illustrate  this.  See  Fig. 
I.  Here  the  thunder  bird  is  a  guardian  divinitv  to  a  house;  it 
hovers  over  the  door.     This  was  a  form  of  worship  which  pre- 


I'latc  I.    Shell  Oonjrtu  contai ning  San  Symbols. 


118 


NATURE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


vailed  in  the  forests.  It  was  not  the  worship  of  the  sun,  but  of 
tlie  elements.  The  bird  which  personified  the  lightning  hovers 
darkl}^  over  the  forest.  It  shows  how  animal  divinities  began 
to   rule 


I 


over 
the  sky,  and 
were  trans- 
ferred to  the 
heavens.  If 
we  would  see 
the  sun  sym- 
bol and  ani- 
mal figu  res 
and  the  hu- 
man f  o  r  m 
combined  we 
must  turn  to 
the  Z  u  n  i  s . 
Here  we  find 
on  the  shield 
of  the  Priest-  !  '        ;  V  ^ 

hood    of    the  .  -,,. 

Bow  a  wing-  '  . -- .. .-.,-,.....  -, -.,::,„:  ,■  '^^^~-.,    . . .,  --^.y,,- ,,-,-^.-,  ,...^-   ] 

ed  human  fig-  FIc/.  l.     TJumder  Bird  of  the  Thlinkits. 

ure  with  an  animal  on  either  side  and  a  curved  body  above  the 
figure  with  a  crooked  serpent  below  ;  the  serpent  to  represent 
the  lightning;    the    body  represents   the   rainbow;    the  shield 

itself  represents  the  sun  ; 
the  wings  represent  the 
clouds,  and  the  bears  the 
presiding  fetiches  or  ani- 
Tc\^\  divinities.  See  Fig.  2. 
3.  A  better  illustration 
of  the  manner  in  which 
animals  came  to  symbol- 
ize the  sun  and  sun  sym- 
bols came  to  be  associated 
with  animals  is  found 
among  the  Zunis.  Here 
we  find  that  different  ani- 
mals presided  ever  the 
difTerent  parts  of  the  sk}'. 
Plate  II.  The  mountain 
Fia.^.  The shiriti  uf  iiir  PrirsiiKx,,! ,,/ ihr  p.ov'.  liou  (i)was  the  guardiao 
of  the  north;  (2)  the  black  bear,  master  of  the  west;  (3)  the  badger, 
master  of  the  south ;  (4)  the  white  wolf,  master  of  the  east ;  (5)  the 
bald  eagle,  master  of  the  upper  regions;  (6)  the  mole,  master  of 
the  lower  regions.  These  different  animals  had  colors  which  cor- 
responded to  the  natural  colors  of  the  regions  over  which  they 
presided.     The  mountain  lion  yellow  to  correspond  with  the 


riidi'  II. 


1 20  NA  TIVE  A  MER ICA  N  SYMBOLISM. 

auroral  hues ;  the  black  bear  had  a  black  coal  to  represent  the  color 
ot  the  land  ol" night;  the  badger  was  black  and  white  and  cor- 
responded to  the  land  of  summer;  the  coat  of  the  wolf  was 
white  and  gray,  the  color  of  the  day  and  dawn;  the  eagle  was 
speckled  like  the  clouds;  the  mole  was  black,  the  color  of  the 
caves  of  the  earth.  The  figures  or  fetiches  of  these  animals 
were  kept  very  sacred.  They  were  wrought  out  of  different 
kinds  of  stone;  and  were  painted  to  represent  the  colors  of  the 
sky.  Sometimes  different  varieties  or  species  of  the  same  animal 
were  supposed  to  be  the  masters  of  the  different  parts  of  the  sky, 
but  in  that  case  they  were  wrought  out  of  different  kinds  of 
stone  to  show  the  part  of  the  sky  over  which  they  ruled.  One 
mountain  lion  was  made  of  yellow  lime  stone  to  represent  the 
north;  another  of  white  lime  stone  to  represent  the  east;  an- 
other of  serpentine  nodules,  which  were  blue,  to  represent  the 
west,  the  color  of  the  ocean.  The  spotted  lion  was  made  from 
a  white  and  blue  arragonite  to  represent  the  sky,  and  the  fetich 
of  the  lower  regions,  made  of  gypsum,  was  painted  black. 
This  use  of  colors  along  with  the  animal  fetiches  is  very  signifi- 
cant. In  Egypt  the  animals  and  idols  are  of  different  colors. 
Each  color  was  significant  not  so  much  of  the  quarter  of  the 
sky  as  of  the  character  of  the  divinity,  and  yet  it  possibly  may 
have  come  from  the  same  source. 

4.  Mexico  furnishes  another  stage  of  animal  worship  and 
sun  worship  combined.  We  have  now  the  four  quarters  of 
the  sky  symbohzed,  but  in  a  different  way.  There  is  a  dragon 
which  rules.  The  days  are  also  taken  into  account.  Every 
day  has  an  animal  divinity.  The  months  are  named  after 
animals  and  so  are  the  years.  There  is  a  constant  round  of 
animal  symbols.  There  "is  a  complicated  way  of  counting  time. 
The  days  of  the  month  change  names.  A  new  symbol  is  given 
to  every  day  of  the  month  as  it  passes,  but  most  of  them  animal 
names;  i,"fish;  2,  wind;  3,  house;  4,  lizard;  5,  serpent;  6, 
death;  7,  deer;  8,  rabbit;  9,  water;  10,  dog;  11,  monkey; 
12,  hay;  13,  reed;  14,  tiger;  15,  eagle;  16,  bird;  17,  the 
sun;  18,  flint;  19,  rain;  20,  the  flower  month.  See  Fig.  3.  We 
have  also  in  Mexico  colors— south,  yellow  ;  east,  red  ;  north, 
white  ;  west,  black.  We  have  the  elements,  earth,  water,  air, 
fire.  We  have  the  chief  divinities,  Quetzatlcoatl,  Huitzilo- 
puchtli,  Tezcatlipoca,  Tlaloc,  corresponding  to  the  elements  and 
to  the  colors  as  well  as  to  the  gods  of  the  skies  and  a  most  elab- 
orate system  of  symbolism  to  express  chronology  and  to  mark 
out  the  sacred  feasts.  The  symbolism  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America  is  very  elaborate  and  shows  a  great  advance  upon  the 
symbolism  of  New  Mexico,  the  Aztecs  and  Toltecs  having 
been  much  more  civilized  than  the  Zunis  and  other  Pueblo 
tribes,  but  sun  worship  was  the  religion  of  all  three  districts. 
Animal  figures  are  also  used  as  symbols  in  all  of  the  above 
metioned  regions. 


ANIMAL   WORSHIP  AND  SUN    ]V011SI1IP. 


121 


5.  There  are  many  figures  of  animals  in  Mexico  and  Cen- 
tral America  which  are  evidently  used  as  S3'nibols  of  the  sun. 
M.  Habel  has  described  the  figures  which  he  found  in  the 
Cosumalhuapa.  These  are  very  remarkable  figures.  We 
shall  describe  only  two.  The  main  feature  of  one  is  a  bird  with 
huge  wings  in  a  very  contorted  attitude.  The  bird  wears  on 
his  breast  a  flaming  sun,  but  carries  in  his  beak  a  human  body 
in  a  very  contorted  shape.  Two  serpents  hang  below  the  head. 
The  whole  figure  conveys  the  idea  of  violence.  Its  significance 
is  unknown,  but  it  is  purely  American.      It  is  tinged  by  the 


Circle  irifh  Siimbols  ,,/  Daijs 


savage  thought  of  America  and  yet  it  reminds  us  of  the  Asiatic 
figures.  It  has  probably  represented  the  thunder  bird  as  pre- 
siding over  or  carrying  the  sun  symbol.  There  is  another  fig- 
ure which  also  reminds  us  of  the  Asiatic  symbols.  A  face 
shines  out  from  the  sky,  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  Flames  issue 
from  the  face  to  represent  the  heat  of  the  sun.  Behind  the 
face  are  massive  wings,  perhaps  to  represent  the  clouds. 
Below  the  wings  are  arnis  with  bird  claws  for  hands.  Below 
the  hands  is  a  circle  with  flames  issuing  from  it.  A  serpent  is 
intertwined  through  the  circle.  Below  the  circle  is  a  suppliant 
with  his  hands  held  up  in  adoration  to  the  winged  figure.  Here 
we  have  also  the  component  parts  of  the  sun  symbol;  the  human 


122 


.V. I  7717;  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


face,  the  sun  circle,  the  overshadowing^  wings,  the  intertwined 
serpent,  but  we  have  also  animal  lif:jures  associated  with  it. 

The  Aztec  cycle'--  was  represented  with  a  circle  with  a  pic- 
ture of  the  sun  in  the  center.  SeeFit^.  4.  There  were  symbols 
for  the  months  around  this  sun  circle,  as  follows:  i,  water;  2, 
tent;  3,  bird;  4,  tower;  5,  ^ace;  6,  vase;  7,  flower;  etc. 

6.  This  furnishes  another  point  of  comparison.  There  were  in 
Egvpt  four  suns:  the  rising  sun,  the  mid-day  sun,  the  setting 
sun.  and  the  sun  at  rest  or  the  night  sun.  A  divinity  was  as- 
signed to  each  of  these  portions  of  time  and  a  different  animal 
represented  each  divinity  or  typified  each  sun.  These  are  as 
we  remember  them,  the  lion  for  the  rising  sun,  the  ox  for  the 


Fi<j.  ',.    Sim  Circle,  ivitli  SinnholH  of  Months. 

mid-day  sun,  the  hawk  for  the  setting  sun,  and  the  cow  for  the 
night  sun  or  the  sun  at  rest.  We  find  in  Egypt  also  animals 
presiding  over  different  parts  of  the  country  :  Anubis,  or  the 
jackal,  over  the  south;  Sebo,  the  ram,  over  the  north;  Buto, or 
the  winged  asp,  over  the  west;  Apis  and  Osiris  over  the  east. 
We  have  also  animals  and  gods  which  preside  over  specific 
towns — Thebes,  Memphis,  Dendera,  etc, — others  over  two 
countries.  We  have  animal  gods  which  preside  over  feasts  and 
and  funerals,  etc.     This,  to  a  degree,  is  common  in  America. 

*For  names  of  the  months  and  the  divisions  of  the  year  and  days  see  "  The  Aztecs, 
by  Lucien  Biart,  pages  02  and  Oo."  We  are  indebted  to  A.  C.  MeClurg  &  Co.,  for  the 
use  of  these  cnts. 


AXLUAL   WOR.^IIIP  AND  sex  WORSHIP. 


123 


There  were  different  kinds  of  suns  and  different  animals  to 
tvpity  those  suns.  The  points  of  compass  were  also  typified  b^'- 
difl'erent  animals  and  different  colors  were  "iven  to  the  animals 
to  signify  the  parts  of  the  sky  over  which  they  ruled.  There 
were  different  districts  and  different  animal  divinities  which  pre- 
sided over  those  districts,  the  same  as  in  Egypt  and  Assyria. 

III.  We  are  to  consider  next  the  significance  of  the  animal 
lorms  which  are  found  in  the  symbols  of  the  east  and  west.  It 
has  been  maintained  that  the  animal  heads  and  other  parts 
of  the  animal  form  which  are  associated  with  human  bodies 
and  faces  in  the  gods  of  Egypt,  Assyria  and  Farther  India 
were  but  the  symbols  of  divine  attributes.  This  ma}-  be 
so,   and    vet   there   is    another   view    which    may    be     taken 


Fig.  ■'.     Tree  and  Oi'oss  as  Si/mhoLi  of  (he  Sun. 

of  them.  In  America  animal  worship  preceded  sun  worship 
ana  was  perpetuated  after  sun  worship  came  into  vogue,  and  so 
we  have  the  means  of  interpreting  the  system,  which  others  do 
not  have. 

We  do  not,  however,  learn  that  the  animal  forms  which 
are  combined  with  human  semblances  in  America  had  anything 
to  do  with  the  attributes  of  the  divinity,  but  we  do  learn  that 
they  were,  in  a  measure,  Totemic,  that  is,  they  s^-mbolized  the 
relation  of  guardian  which  was  contained  in  divinity  and  at  the 
same  time  expressed  the  personification  of  nature  powers. 

I.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  different  parts  of  the  human  form  in 
America  symbolized  nature  powers.  The  eye  of  Tlaloc,  the 
Mexican  god,  shows  that  he  was  a  ram  god,  the  tongue  and  face 
of  Quetzacoatl  show  that  he  was  a  sun  god,  while  the  dress  and 
ornaments  of  Huitzapochtli  show  that  he  was  the  god  of  war 
and  death.     This  use  of  ornaments  and  the  parts  of  the  costume 


124  NA  Tl  VE  A  ME  RICA  N  S  YMBOLISM. 

and  head-dress  to  symbolize  the  elements  over  which  a  divinity 
ruled  was  very  common.  It  is  well  known  that  the  serpent  and 
the  cross  were  symbols  in  Mexico  and  in  Central  America. 
There  were,  however,  weather  symbols,  the  one  si^nifyin^;  the 
lightning  and  the  other  the  winds  or  the  points  ot"  the 
compass.  There  is  evidence  that  the  tree  is  used  as  a  sym- 
bol in  America,  but  singularly  enough  the  branches  of  the  tree 
are  frequently  made  to  represent  the  cross,  and  so  the  tree 
becomes  a  weather  symbol.  The  cross  and  the  tree  is  generall}^ 
surmounted  by  the  thunder  bird  and  is  sometimes  decorated  with 
a  mask  and  medallion,  and  with  spiral  ornaments,  each  part  of 
the  cross  and  its  decoration  having  a  significance  and  the  whole 
being  symbolic  of  the  sun  and  ot  nature  worship.     See  Fig.  5. 

None  of  the  American  symbols  represent  personal  attributes, 
but  they  do  represent  the  office  of  the  divinity,  and  in  this 
they  differ  from  the  Egyptian  and  Asiatic  symbols.  In  Egypt 
the  animals  symbolized  ihe  attributes  ol  the  divinity,  in  America 
they  symbolized  the  office.  In  Asia  they  symbolized  the  per- 
son, but  in  America  the  elements  or  nature  power.  This 
distinction  is  worthy  of  notice,  because  it  shows  that  in  America 
the  religion  was  mere  nature  worship  and  was  less  advanced 
than  in  Egypt. 

We  give  a  cut  to  illustrate  this  point,  Plate  III.  It  is  a  pic- 
ture of  the  bas  relief  on  the  inside  of  the  adoratorio  discovered 
by  J.  L.  Stephens  at  Copan.  This  adoratorio  was  a  shrine  or  altar 
devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  sun.  Inside  of  the  shrine  a  mask, 
which  represented  the  face  of  the  sun,  was  suspended  upon  two 
cross  sticks  or  poles,  while  beneath  the  cross  was  an  elabo- 
rately carved  beam  supported  by  crouching  human  figures. 
The  whole  temple  or  shrine  symbolized  sun  worship,  each 
separate  part  and  article  of  furniture  and  ornament  having  a 
significance.  The  sun  was  symboHzed  by  the  face,  the  eye, 
tongue  and  lips  of  the  face  being  distorted  to  make  it  expressive. 
It  was  situated  in  front  of  the  door  of  the  shrine,  so  that  it 
might  catch  the  rays  of  the  sun,  and  was  supported  by  the  cross 
bars,  which  symbolized  the  points  of  the  compass.  It  was 
suspended  above  the  heavy  beam,  on  which  was  the  skull, 
which  symbolized  the  rain,  and  that  was  supported  by  figures 
which  also  sj^mbolized  the  different  nature  powers.  On  the 
facade  of  the  shrine  were  two  figures,  one  of  which  is  repre- 
sented in  Plate  IV.  This  was  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  this  god  has  a  peculiarly  bulging  eye  resembling 
a  huge  rain  drop;  that  he  has  on  his  head  a  head  dress  made  up 
in  part  of  the  beak  of  a  bird,  in  part  of  a  branch  of  leaves  and 
cones,  and  in  part  of  spiral  fines  or  vine  stalks  ;  that  he  is  blow- 
ing through  a  tube,  and  that  spiral  lines  issue  from  the  tube.  A 
crooked  serpent  is  intertwined  between  his  legs,  but  with  the 
tail  and  head  both  bent  upward,  while  tassels  hang  from  the 
neck  of  the  serpent.     Thus  the  divinity  is  surrounded  by  the 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUX  WORSHIP. 


125 


J'la/c  IV.     T)ic  God  Tlaloc. 


120  iV.l  Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

symbols  of  his  power — the  eye  to  signify  the  rain,  the  serpent 
to  represent  the  lightning,  the  spiral  lines  to  signify  the  winds, 
the  thunder  bird  to  signify  the  sky,  the  leaves  to  signify 
the  vegetation,  and  other  ornaments,  to  signify  the  nature 
powers,  over  which  he  ruled.  The  picture  is  sugges- 
tive. It  is  not  certain  whether  the  form  represents  the  god 
Tlaloc,  or  his  priest,  for  priests  were  frequently  clothed 
with  the  same  kind  of  garments  on  their  person  and  had  in 
their  faces  the  same  symbols  that  the  god  himself  did.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  the  figure  has  a  tiger  skin  resting  upon 
his  shoulders.  This  was  in  Egypt  ihe  official  dress  of  the 
Driest  of  the  sun,  and  the  fashion  seems  to  have  prevailed  in 
America.  We  do  not  find  in  the  adoratorio  many  figures  of 
animals,  but  the  tiger  skin,  the  thunder  bird,  and  the  serpent 
are  animal  symbols.  We  have  also  plants  represented,  and  so 
the  three  kingdoms  were  drawn  upon  for  symbols.  Nature 
worship  in  America  combined  the  solar  symbol  with  animal 
symbols,  and  made  many  of  the  elements  symbolic. 

2.  Another  point  is  brought  out  by  this  comparison  of  the 
symbols.  In  the  old  world  the  animals  which  were  worshiped 
were  domestic,  while  in  America  they  were  wild.  This  shows 
that  the  symbolism  in  America  either  originated  among  the 
races  when  they  were  in  the  wild  state  or  was  borrowed  from 
civilized  people  and  accommodated  to  a  wild  condition.  Animal 
worship  in  Asia  continued  long  after  the  people  reached  a  civil- 
ized condition  and  was  evidently  modified  by  civilization.  Animal 
worship  in  America  found  its  highest  development  among  the 
wild  hunter  tribes,  but  it  remained  among  the  civilized  races. 
Sun  worship  was  incorporated  with  animal  worship  among  the 
American  Indians.  The  Mound-builders  had  a  kind  of  nature 
worship.  It  was  rude  and  primitive,  and  yet  it  was  attended 
with  sun  symbols.  Some  of  the  mound  relics  evidently 
present  the  tokens  of  a  combined  animal  and  sun  worship,  and 
some  even  of  combined  sun  worship  and  idol  worship.  The 
thought  contained  within  these  systems  we  are  not  familiar 
with,  but  we  judge  from  the  symbols.  The  progress  in  America 
was  from  shamanism  to  fetichism,  and  from  fetichism  to 
animal  worship,  and  from  animal  worship  to  sun  worship,  and 
from  sun  worship  to  anthropomorphic  figures.  The  symbols, 
however,  represented  the  elements  and  were  symbols  of  the 
nature  powers 

In  Asiatic  countries  local  animals  were  used  for  symbols 
and  represented  the  attributes  of  the  divinity.  The  animals 
differed  in  different  countries,  but  they  were  the  animals  which 
abounded  in  those  countries.  In  Egypt  the  animals  used  for 
symbols  were  the  ox  and  the  cat  and  dog  ;  in  Assyria,  the 
ox,  the  eagle,  the  lion  ;  in  India,  the  ov,  the  elephant,  and  the 
horse  ;  in  Arabia,  the  ass,  the  ostrich,  and  the  elan  ;  in  America, 
the  wolf,  the  bear,  the  panther.     There  are  also  certain  animals 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SCX  WOnSIHP. 


127 


which  are  everywhere  found,  as  the  hare,  the  deer,  the  stag, 
the  eagle,  and  the  hawk,  but  this  is  because  these  aninr.als 
abound  in  all  countries.  In  the  same  countr}'  the  animals  difler 
according  to  locality;  the  crocodile  and  hippopotamus  in  Egypt  ; 
the  lion  and  the  deer  in  Syria  among  the  Hittites  ;  the  fish  and 
the  hawk  in  Assyria  ;  the  elephant  in  India.  This  is  the  case 
in  America  :  on  the  northwest  coast  the  whale  ;  on  the  south- 
west coast  the  monkey;  on  the  gulf  coast  the  crocodile  ;  in  the 
interior  the  panther. 

3.  The  use  of  compound  figures  is  significant.  Composite 
animals  are  discovered  among  the  emblematic  mounds  of 
Wisconsin.     The  ancestor  posts  of  the    northwest   coast  are 


Fi(/.  6.     The  Water  Spider,  u-'Uh  S/jniboLs  of  the  Sun  on  i/.v  back. 

remarkable  specimens  of  composite  figures.  They  are  made 
up  of  the  beaks  of  hawks,  the  bodies  of  bears,  human  faces  and 
many  other  shapes,  each  part  being  significant  of  the  ancestry 
and  of  the  divinities  which  the  family  regarded  as  sacred,  the 
totems  of  the  family  for  many  generations  being  carved  into  a 
single  pillar.  Compound  figures  were  common  among  the 
mounds. 

There  are  gorgets  taken  from  mounds  in  Missouri,  which 
contain  the  figures  of  a  spider  (which  was  the  divinity  of  water) 
with  a  circle  (the  symbol  of  the  sun)  upon  its  back,  and  a  cross 
within  this  circle  to  symbolize  the  points  of  the  compass.  This 
reminds  us  of  the  beetle  in  Egypt  whose  claws  symbolized  the 
days  of  the  month  and  was  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  It  is  quite 
wonderful  that  the  Mound-builders  should  reach  so  high  a  stage 
of  symbolic  development.     See  fig.  6. 


1 28  NA  TIVE  A  M  ERIC  A  N  S  YMB  OLISM. 

There  is  a  temple  built  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  in  Casi, 
Hindoostan,  the  body  of  which  is  built  in  the  shape  of  St. 
Andrew's  cross,  with  a  very  high  cupola  in  the  center.  At  the 
extremity  of  every  one  of  the  four  arms  of  the  cross  is  a  tower, 
probably  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  Inside  the  temple  is  an  altar, 
and  on  the  right  side  of  the  altar  is  a  strange  figure,  a  com- 
pound of  the  different  parts  of  an  elephant,  a  horse  and  a  mule. 
This  shows  that  the  elements  or  the  attributes  were  symbolized 
by  domestic  animals. 

4.  The  use  of  masks  is  significant.  It  is  noticeable  that 
masks  are  worn  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  in  America,  Africa 
and  in  Asia.  A  hideous  mask  is  worn  by  the  priest  of  Thibet. 
It  represents  a  human  face  with  horns  and  other  animal  parts 
attached  to  it.  Huge  masks  are  carried  by  the  Chinese  in  the 
feast  of  lanterns.  Masks  are  very  common  on  the  northwest 
coast  of  America.  They  are  worn  in  the  dances  and  symbolize 
the  mythical  history  of  the  dances  and  of  the  divinities  in  whose 
honor  the  dances  are  held.  We  do  not  know  as  any  of  the  masks 
referred  to  have  any  connection  with  sun  worship,  but  they  are 
suggestive  as  they  convey  a  thought  in  reference  to  mythology 
and^history.  The  heads  of  animals  which  appear  on  the  bodies 
of  men  in  "Egypt  and  Assyria  symbolize  animal  divinities  and 
the  ornaments  upon  them  symbolize  the  sun  divinity,  but  they 
resemble  masks. 

It  is  probable  that  the  attributes  of  the  divinity  were  repre- 
sented by  these  animal  head.  In  America  the  animals  them- 
selves were  regarded  as  divinities. 

IV.  The  progress  of  the  people  in  prehistoric  times  in  religious 
culture  is  our  next  point.  The  transition  of  animal  worship  into 
sun  worship  and  from  sun  worship  into  a  reverence  for  the 
personal  attributes  is  the  thought  now  before  us.  The  figures 
of  wild  animals  are  found  among  the  emblematic  mounds  of 
Wisconsin  protecting  villages,  guarding  caches,  forming  game 
drives,  marking  burial  places,  and  showing  where  the  clans  and 
tribes  lived,  and  to  what  points  their  tribal  bounds  extended. 

We  have  here  the  first  stage,  that  is,  the  totem  system, 
which  consisted  in  fhe  worship  of  animals.  We  have  second, 
the  sun  worship,  which  prevailed  extensively  among  the 
Mound-builders  and  the  Pueblos  of  Central  America.  We 
have  also  the  ancestor  worship,  which  prevailed  on  the  north- 
west coasts  with  about  as  much  force  as  it  does  now  in  China. 
We  have  also  the  anthropomorphic  system,  which  prevailed  m 
Mexico  and  Central  America  with  almost  the  force  it  prevailed 
in  Egypt,  Greece  and  Assyria. 

Allthe  systems  are  exhibited  by  the  symbolism  of  America. 
We  have   also  mysteries  and  magic  arts,  and  secret  societies 
which  remind  us  of  the  east.     The  progress  of  the  totem  sys- 
tem into  the  magic  arts  was  manifest  in  the  new  world  as  wel 
as  the  old.     The  "magician"  and  the  "medicine   man"  were 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP.  r2!» 

similar  or  had  similar  offices.  The  Eleusinian  mysteries  and 
the  mysteries  of  the  Priesthood  of  the  Bow  have  many  points 
of  resemblance.  Both  came  out  of  an  elaborate  system  ot  sun 
worship,  and  both  were  expressive  of  the  operations  of  nature. 

We  take  sun  worship  everywhere  as  the  keystone  of  an 
arcn,  the  animal  fi^^fures  ibund  in  America  to  represent  totems 
formincT  one  side  of  the  arch  and  animal  figures  in  Egypt  to 
represent  attributes  forming  the  other  side.  We  learn  a  lesson 
from  the  comparison.  In  the  first  place  it  is  probable  that  ani- 
mal worship  preceded  sun  worship  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 
Second,  the  progress  of  religion  from  a  low  stage  lo  a  high  and 
still  higher  stage  is  manifest  by  this  comparison.  Animal  wor- 
ship, sun  worship  and  the  worship  of  idols  bearing  human  names 
and  having  human  attributes,  were  the  different  grades  in  the 
progress.  Third,  the  personification  of  nature  powers  led  to 
much  of  the  symbolism  of  the  civilized  races,  the  sun  being  often 
represented  as  a  person  having  personal  attributes.  Fourth,  the 
question  is  as  to  monotheism.  Here  scholars  divide.  Some  of 
them  maintain  that  this  is  the  latest  product  of  a  continuous 
series  of  advancing  thought,  while  others  maintain  that  the 
thought  of  God  is  latent  in  all  minds  and  it  is  the  earliest  of  all 
religions.  Fifth,  the  point  which  we  set  out  to  illustrate  is  that 
totemisni  and  animal  worship  were  the  sources  of  very  much  of 
the  symbolism  in  the  old  world  as  well  as  in  the  new.  We  do 
not  know  as  we  have  proved  it,  but  the  subject  is  certainly  sug- 
gestive. 

We  begin  in  America,  far  back  in  the  superstitions  about  ani- 
mals, but  we  end  in  a  very  high  stage  of  symbolism  in  which 
personal  attributes  are  represented  b}-  the  combined  figures.  A 
system  almost  equal  to  the  heraldry  of  the  East  prevailed  here. 

The  primitive  heraldry  and  the  introduction  of  magic  are 
known  in  America.  The  totem  system  is  nothing  but  a  modified 
heraldry.  Shamanism  was  the  beginning  of  magic.  These 
are  anterior  to  sun  worship  and  various  degrees  of  religious 
culture  intervene  between  them.  Sun  worship  is  the  first  stage 
apparent  in  Egypt  ;  after  that  there  is  an  anthropomorphic  ten- 
denc}'.  There  is  an  esoteric  significance  to  the  gods  in  Egypt. 
Isis  and  Osiris  and  Horus  present  an  esoteric  system.  They 
were  different  from  Ra  and  Set  and  Neph,  as  different  as  the 
intellectual  is  from  the  physical.  The  story  of  Isis,  Osiris  and 
Horus  is  allegorical. 

This  cult  prevailed  in  the  palmy  days  of  Egypt  ;  still  there 
was  a  progress  in  religion,  even  though  there  was  a  decline  in 
power.  The  hieroglyphics,  tablets  and  disks,  which  belong  to 
a  later  stage  of  history,  show  that  there  was  a  progress  ;  still 
animal  forms  and  sun  symbols  were  perpetuated  in  Egypt  not- 
withstanding the  changes  that  came  over  history.  This  is 
seen  in  the  Hypocephali ;  an  animal-headed  divinity  stands  in 
the  boat  in  which  the  soul  is  ferried  over  to  the  land  of  spirits  ; 


130  NA  TI VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  boat  contains  an  ark  which  reminds  us  of  the  ark  in  Jeru- 
salem. The  boat  or  ark  is  always  in  the  center  of  the  sphere 
or  disk.  The  soul  is  conveyed  in  the  ark  to  the  land  of  the 
setting  sun.  Here  is  a  psychological  idea,  and  yet  the  sx'mbolism 
of  the  old  m3'thology  is  perpetuated.  We  might  speak  of  the 
survivals  of  the  symbols  of  the  old  mythologic  system.  The 
form  of  the  disk  and  its  divisions  and  hemispheres  are  survivals 
from  sun  worship.  The  animal  heads  upon  human  forms  in  the 
divinities  are  survivals  of  animal  worship. 

Another  illustration  of  progress  and  perpetuity  may  be  found 
in  the  animal  myths  which  prevail  throughout  the  whole 
world.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  hare  and  the  owl  are  every- 
where regarded  as  mythologic  creatures.  Some  make  these 
animals  to  be  symbolic  of  the  various  movements  of  the  sun. 
We  read  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archteol- 
ogy  that  "this  was  owing  to  the  ambiguous  use  of  the  word 
hare."  We  doubt  whether  this  is  the  case.  The  Egyptian 
word  for  hare  may  have  several  different  significations:  to  "start 
up ;"  to  "open ;"  to  "transgress,"  "overleap,"  etc. ;  but  what  has  the 
Egyptian  word  to  do  with  American  symbolism  ?  The  historic 
connection  between  different  countries  is  not  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  universality  of  this  myth  about  the  rabbit  or  the  hare. 
It  is  only  because  this  animal  is  everywhere  found  and  is  taken 
as  either  a  tribal  totem  in  all  countries  or  because  it  fitly  S3'm- 
bolizes  or  represents  a  nature  power.  The  progress  of  thought 
may  be  recognized  in  the  history  of  this  single  animal  myth,  for 
the  hare  itself  has  passed  through  all  the  stages  from  the  simple 
totemism  up  to  the  psychological  symbolism,  and  is  the  best  in- 
stance of  a  "survival  of  the  fittest"  which  we  have  on  record. 

If  wetake  the  seals  and  cylinders  discovered  at  Babylonia  by 
Dr.  W.  H.  Ward  and  compare  them  with  the  Hypocephali 
discovered  in  Egypt  recently  we  shall  see  the  contrasts.  Many 
of  the  seals  and  cylinders  are  very  ancient,  but  the  Hypocephali 
are  comparatively  recent  ;  the  first  dating  back  as  far  as  220a 
B.  C;  the  last  having  dates  as  recent  as  the  twenty-sixth  dynas- 
ty. The  interpretations  of  the  cylinders  given  by  Dr.  W.  H. 
Ward  and  Prof.  A.  L.  Frothingham  in  the  yoiirnal  of  Archceol- 
ooy  and  in  Scribner's  Magazine.,  as  well  as  in  The  Sunday 
School  Times,  are  verv  interesting.  The  interpretation  of  the 
Hypocephali  are  found  in  the  "Proceedings  of  the  Society  of 
Biblical  Archaeology"  for  1885  and  1886.  As  connecting  links 
between  these  two  extremes  we  have  also  the  S3'mbols  and  in- 
scribed animal  figures  which  have  been  found  at  Jerabis  and  at 
Sindjirli.  These  are  supposed  to  be  Hittite  and  stand  between 
the  Assyrian  and  Egyptian  symbols.  Two  things  are  noticea- 
ble in  all  of  these  symbols,  whether  ancient  or  comparativelv 
modern,  viz.:  the  sun  S3'mbol  is  ever3' where  present,  but  it  is 
attended  by  animal  figures.  This  is  the  main  point  of  our 
paper.     Sun  worship  and  animal  worship  appear  at  the  very 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP.  131 

introduction  of  histor}  in  a  combined  capacity,  and  the  symbol- 
ism of  both  is  prominent  in  the  most  ancient  tokens.  Sun 
worship  and  animal  worsiiip  continued  long  after  the  early  em- 
pires had  run  their  race.  History  and  mytholog}^  make  a  record 
of  these,  but  not  so  complete  a  record  as  archteology  does.  We 
are  discovering  more  about  the  symbolism  of  the  east  and  tinding 
that  these  two  systems  of  worship  were  very  powerful.  There 
are  several  stages  of  progress  which  might  be  marked  out,  but 
we  have  not  time  to  dwell  upon  them. 

We  have  then  first  the  Totem  system  with  animals  as  the 
symbols  ;  second,  sun  worship,  with  rude  figures  of  the  sun  for 
symbols  ;  third,  we  have  the  combination  of  the  two,  animal 
figures  and  sun  symbols  being  combined  ;  fourth,  we  have  the 
nature  powers  introduced  as  an  adjunct  to  sun  worship,  the 
nature  powers  being  symbolized  by  animals  ;  fifth,  we  have  the 
personification  of  the  sun,  the  sun  being  symbolized  by  an  idol 
in  human  shape,  but  tha  nature  powers  surrounding  the  human 
form  symbolized  in  various  ways.  These  views  in  reference  to 
the  growth  of  idolatry  in  America  are  not  altogether  speculative. 
We  regard  them  as  suggestive  of  the  source  of  idolatiy  in  all 
countries.  The  Totem  system  was  the  first  source  in  all  coun- 
tries. The  Totem  S3'stem  in  America  was  generally  limited  to 
the  hunter  races,  and  did  not  go  beyond  the  stage  of  savagery 
and  barbarism.  We  would  not  expect  to  find  the  Totem  system 
in  historic  countries.  Still  there  are  hints  of  it  even  there. 
Lenormant  says  that  "the  cherubim  of  the  scriptures  and  the 
flaming  sword  in  the  garden  of  Eden  were  symbols  derived 
from  prehistoric  times.  They  are  the  remains  of  the  primitive 
sun  worship.  There  are  those  who  ascribe  the  symbols  which 
were  placed  on  the  escutcheons  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  a  prim- 
itive animal  worship.  The  lion  was  the  animal  symbol  for 
Judah,  the  ass  for  Issachar,  the  wolf  for  Benjamin,  the  serpent 
for  Dan,  the  hind  for  Gad.  Certain  writers  think  that  the  word 
Elohim  originally  represented  nature  powers,  and  that  the  word 
Jehovah  represented  the  personal  god  or  national  divinity.  They 
would  thus  make  the  Jewish  worship  to  originally  have  sprung 
from  sun  worship,  being  the  result  of  the  last  stage  of 
development.  The  idea  of  one  God,  however,  appears  in  the 
very  first  chapter  of  Genesis,  and  it  is  probable  that  this  was  as 
^arly  as  sun  worship. 

V.  Some  would  argue  from  this  a  possible  development  upon 
the  two  continents.  There  is  considerable  plausibility  to  it,  but 
we  call  attention  to  the  resemblances  in  detail.  The  case  of  the 
Peruvians  is  cited  as  proof.  They  thought  that  there  was  not 
a  beast  or  bird  on  the  earth  whose  shape  or  image  did  not  shine 
in  the  sky.  They  seem  to  transfer  the  animals  to  the  sky 
and  worshiped  them  there,  making  constellations  of  them  which 
remind  us  of  the  constellations  which  originated  in  the  east. 
They  considered  that  the  luminaries  and  the  constellations  were 


J 31'  NA TI VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

guardian  divinities.     The  sons  ot  the  moon  and  the  sons  of  the 
panther  stood  in  a  similar  relation.     This  is  significant. 

They  worshiped  both  beings  and  regarded  them  both  as  an- 
cestors and  put  the  symbols  of  both  into  one  divinity.  The 
signs  of  the  Zodiac  came  in  this  way.  The  stars  were  com- 
bined into  constellations  which  represented  animals.  In  Asia 
animals  were  mere  m3'thologic  creatures,  f^ibled  monsters. 
And  yet,  it  is  probable  that  they  were  originally  nature  powders 
and  possibly  ma}'  have  symbolized  Totems.  There  are  myths 
concerning  the  Pleiades  in  America,  and  we  believe  that  othei 
myths  will  be  found  which  were  derived  from  the  old  world, 
but  we  in  America  may  learn  how  these  myths  and  constella 
tions  and  astronomical  divinities  arose. 

The  serpent  is  to  be  considered  in  this  connection.  Serpent 
worship  and  sun  worship  are  everywhere  associated.  In 
America  the  serpent  is  a  very  common  symbol,  and  a  symbol 
very  frequently  connected  with  sun  worship.  The  serpent  was 
a  sign  of  kingly  power  as  well  as  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  In 
Egypt  the  head  of  the  serpent  issues  from  the  orb,  which  is 
worn  upon  the  head  of  certain  divinities.  In  Assyria  the  ser- 
pent forms  a  circle  in  which  the  king  or  the  divinity  seems  to 
stand.  The  king  has  a  crown  upon  his  head,  while  he  holds  a 
small  serpent  circle  in  his  hand.  In  some  ot  these  figures  the 
wings  of  a  bird  issue  from  either  side  of  the  circle  and  the  tail 
of  the  bird  is  below  the  circle.  The  caduceus,  or  emblem  of 
Mercury  was  a  double  serpent  twined  around  a  stafi.  The 
caduceus  with  two  wings  at  the  head  of  the  stafi'  overshadow- 
ing the  serpents  was  a  symbol  of  royalty  with  the  Romans 
Thus  we  have  the  survival  of  the  serpent  symbol  late  in  his- 
tory. 

The  winged  globe  is  another  symbol  which  shows  a  sys- 
tem of  progression.  The  winged  globe  in  Egypt  was  a 
symbol  of  the  sun.  The  winged  globe  is  found  in  America. 
In  Eg3'pt  the  winged  orb  was  a  symbol  of  the  kingly  office 
and  was  frequently  placed  over  the  head  of  the  king.  In  As- 
syria the  king  was  placed  in  the  circle  of  the  sun  with  a  crown 
where  the  head  of  the  bird  should  be,  but  below  him  is  the 
spread  fan-shaped  tail  of  the  bird.  In  America  there  is  no  king 
in  the  circle,  but  the  bow  is  seen  spread  across  the  face  of  the 
circle  just  beneath  the  spread  wings  and  so  made  significant  of 
the  warrior  office.  The  golden  *i:gg  is  to  be  considered  in  con- 
nection with  this  S3'mbol  of  the  globe.  Mr.  Renouf  says  that 
"the  golden  ^t^g  has  undergone  considerable  change,  but  in  its 
earliest  form  the  god  of  the  golden  egg  is  only  a  name  for  Sa- 
vatri,  the  sun,"  and  here  the  Hindoo  and  the  Egyptian  myths 
agree.  We  do  not  know  whether  the  cosmogonic  &gg  was 
ever  introduced  as  a  symbol  into  America. 

We  will  refer  next  to  the  bird  on  a  Proto-Ionic  capital  found  in 
Messopotamia.     Prof.  Frothingham  says:     "This  bird  is  evi- 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP. 


133 


134  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

dently  the  symbol  of  the  seated  divinity.  Toward  these  ap- 
proach two  worshipers,  each  with  a  hand  raised  in  adoration. 
Behind  them  are  two  animals,  a  hare  and  a  kangaroo  (we  should 
say  ibex).  The  seated  divinity  in  dress  and  type  takes  us  back 
to  the  Babylonian  cylinders  of  2000  and  3000  B.  C."  Notice 
the  dates  ascribed  to  this  cylinder  and  the  figures  upon  it. 
Prof.  Frothingham  says  "kangaroo."  It  looks  to  us  more  like 
a  mountain  goat  or  ibex.  We  have  taken  the  position  tliac 
some  of  the  earliest  inscriptions  indicate  that  animal  worship 
prevailed  before  the  first  ancestors  migrated  from  their  early 
home  among  the  mountains  of  Thibet  to  the  plains  of  Shinar; 
that  they  had  a  Totem  system  similar  to  that  of  the  North 
American  Indians  before  they  migrated.  The  hare  and  the 
ibex  on  this  cylinder  seem  to  confirm  our  position.  The  bird  re- 
minds us  of  the  thunder  bird  of  the  Thlinkits  and  of  the  Aztecs; 
but  it  may  have  been  a  mere  sign  of  royalty.  The  question  is 
whether  the  symbols  on  these  early  seals  and  cylinders  had 
reached  the  stage  where  heraldry  was  adopted  and  under- 
stood. We  think  that  the  Totem  system  would  account  for 
them  and  yet  they  may  be  ascribed  to  a  system  of  heraldry. 
There  is  another  seal  or  cylinder  in  the  De  Clerq  collection  in 
which  a  bird  with  spread  wings  is  represented  as  in  the  air 
three  times  repeated  with  the  symbols  of  the  sun  and  moon  be- 
neath, and  seated  divinities  facing  these  symbols.  Here  we 
have  heraldry,  for  the  bird  with  the  spread  wings  may  have 
been  the  ensigns  of  power,  and  yet  we  have  mythology,  for  the 
sun  and  moon  are  there,  and  evidently  were  objects  of  worship. 
Layard  says  that  "sacred  birds  belong  to  the  Babylonian  and 
Assyrian  religion  and  were  connected  with  sun  worship." 

Itwould  seem  from  these  facts  that  there  had  been  a  progress 
from  a  primitive  animal  worship  and  sun  worship  to  the  various 
systems  of  heraldry  and  a  formal  religious  symbolism  in  all 
countries.  We  may  say  that  the  Totem  system  was  the  begin- 
ning, or  at  least  an  early  stage  in  the  progress.  Even  the  as- 
trology of  the  old  world  may  be  traced  back  to  the  primitive 
animal  worship. 

VI.  We  now  turn  to  consider  the  correspondence  between 
these  symbols  of  the  east  and  west,  especially  those  found  in 
Asiatic  countries,  and  the  American  continent.  This  is  an  im- 
portant point.  How  came  America  to  have  symbols  so  resem- 
bling those  in  the  eastern  hemisphere?  They  resemble  them 
not  only  in  generic  lines  but  in  specific  points;  the  details  of  the 
symbols  being  as  suggestive  as  the  symbols  themselves.  In 
Asiatic  countries  this  correspondence  has  been  ascribed  to  an  in- 
terchange of  thought  and  intercourse  between  the  nations.  Is 
it  possible  that  the  same  transmission  of  thought  has  extended  as 
far  as  America,  and  shall  we  ascribe  it  to  an  intercourse  between 
the  two  continents?  We  take  up  the  point  because  it  is  an  in- 
teresting and  important  one.     The  figures  in  which  correspond- 


AXI^fAL  WORSHIP  AXD  SUN  WORSHIP.  135 

encc  are  to  be  found  are  generally  composite  figures,  but  as  we 
analyze  the  different  parts  we  find  remarkable  resemblances. 

1.  We  shall  take  up  the  symbol  which  represents  the  sun  as  a  cir- 
cle or  disk  or  orb  with  wings  issuing  from  it.  This  is  called  the 
S(jlar  orb,  or  the  winged  circle.  I'his  is  a  very  significant  figure. 
We  call  attention  to  the  resemblances  in  detail  of  this  figure. 
There  is  a  striking  resemblance  between  the  American  and  the 
Egyptian  symbol.  The  main  difference  is,  that  in  America  the 
feathers  of  the  wings  are  turned  upward,  while  in  Egypt  they  are 
turned  downward.  In  America  there  is  a  bow  which  extends 
across  the  face  of  the  semi-circle.  In  Egypt  there  is  no  such 
bow,  and  yet  in  Egypt  the  moon  is  sometimes  represented  as  a 
bow,  and  the  myth  is  that  the  sun  was  shot  from  the  bow. 

There  are  two  specimens  of  the  winged  circle  in  America. 
Both  of  them  are  imperfect,  but  the  one  supplements  the  other, 
and  so  we  have  the  perfect  figure.  They  were  found  by  J.  L. 
Stephens.  They  were  both  placed  over  the  adoratorios,  in  which 
were  tablets  containing  symbols  of  the  sun,  and  were  evidently 
intended  to  symbolize  sun-worship.  See  Plate  V.  In  Assyria 
there  is  a  winged  circle  which  has  the  crowned  head  of  a  king 
issuing  from  the  circle.  In  America  we  have  no  such  figure  of 
the  king,  but  we  have  the  figure  of  the  winged  orb  or  circle,  re- 
sembling that  in  Egypt,  with  this  difference:  that  the  feathers  are 
turned  up  instead  of  down.  This  is  seen  from  the  fragment  pre- 
served on  the  corner  of  the  adoratorio  at  Copan.  In  the  other 
specimen  discovered  by  Stephens  there  is  a  large  circle  in  the 
center  and  a  bow  stretched  across  from  one  end  of  the  wings  to 
the  other;  there  is  no  bow  on  the  Egyptian  or  Assyrian  symbol, 
but  instead  the  crescent  of  the  moon  is  seen.  The  conception  is 
the  same.  The  sun  seems  to  have  been  shot  out  from  the 
moon  as  from  a  bow.  There  is  a  bow  and  a  bow-string 
stretched  across  the  wings,  but  there  is  no  bow  in  the  Assyrian 
symbol.  The  history  of  the  winged  orb  is  not  known,  but  the 
earliest  and  most  primitive  form  of  the  figure  of  overshadowing 
wings  is  found  in  the  northwest  coast  of  America.  We  give  a 
cut  to  illustrate  it.  It  was  probably  a  totem  and  yet  was  a 
thunder  bird.     See  Fig.  4. 

2.  The  sun  symbol  in  nearly  all  countries  is  a  disk  or  circle  or 
globe.  Disks  are  found  in  the  mounds  in  America.  These  disks 
or  shell  gorgets  are  inscribed  with  figures  of  the  sun  in  the  shape 
of  circles;  symbols  of  the  moon  in  the  shape  of  crescents,  and 
symbols  of  the  stars  in  the  shape  of  dots.  There  is  nothing  very 
remarkable  about  this.  There  are  disks  among  the  Pueblos  in 
which  the  sun  is  represented  as  a  human  figure,  crowned  with  a 
turreted  helmet  and  with  a  many  colored  bow  above  the  figure. 
These  are  acknowledged  to  be  symbols. 

There  are  disks  in  Egypt.  Sometimes  the  disks  arerepresented 
with  faces,  sometimes  vvith  arms  issuing  from    them  and  with 


136 


NATIVK  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


hands  at  the  ends  of  the  arms.  There  are  disks  in  Assj-ria  and 
in  India.  In  all  these  countries  the  sun  is  symbolized  by  the 
disk. 

The  winged  orb  is  a  modification  of  the  disk.  The  over- 
shadowing wings  are  found  in  Egypt,  in  Assyria,  in  India, 
and  in  America.  In  all  these  countries  there  is  a  circle  or  a 
globe  with  wings  issuing  from  it,  and  generally  some  animal 
head  is  connected  with  the  circle.  In  Egypt  the  asp  issues  from 
the  circle.  In  Assyria  the  head  of  an  eagle  is  seen  above  the 
circle  and  the  tail  below.     In  America  the  head  and  wings  of  an 


Fi(/.  7.    Doubl-e  Ihronc  (tnd  Plallic  S)imbol. 

eagle  are  sometimes  seen  hovering  over  the  circle  as  we  hav^e 
described  above.  Sometimes  the  circle  has  wings  without  any 
animal  heads,  as  at  Copan  and  at  Palenque.  The  serpent  is 
combined  with  the  disk.  In  Assyria  the  solar  orb  or  circle  is 
formed  by  a  serpent.  The  king  holds  a  small  serpent  circle  in 
his  hand.  In  America  the  serpent  also  frequently  forms  the 
circle  of  the  sun.  We  have  referred  to  this  already.  It  is  seen 
in  the  calendar  stones.  The  caduceus,  or  emblem  of  Mercury, 
was  a  double  serpent  twined  around  a  staff  and  overshadowed  by 
two  wings  at  the  head  of  the  staff.  There  is  no  caduceus  in 
America.  The  serpent  in  the  shield  of  the  Priesthood  of  the 
Bow  reminds  us  of  the  Assyrian  symbol,  but  it  is  in  a  different 
position  and  has  no  such  significance. 


NATURE   POWER   PERSONIFIED. 


MOON  WORSHIP  SYMBOLIZED. 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP,  137 

3.  There  is  another  symbol  in  America  which  is  quite  import- 
ant, because  of  its  resemblance  to  those  common  in  Egypt  and 
Babylonia,  and  especially  because  of  its  connection  with  sun 
worship.  We  refer  to  the  animal  headed  throne,  three 
specimens  of  which  have  been  found  in  Central  America: 
one  at  Chichen,  and  two  at  Palenque.  That  at  Chichen  is  a 
simple  seat,  rudely  cut  out  of  a  single  block  of  stone,  and  yet 
from  its  situation  in  front  of  the  palace  and  from  its  form,  it  has 
been  supposed  to  be  used  as  a  sort  of  sun  symbol.  The  sun- 
light may  have  fallen  upon  it  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year, 
and  made  it  suggestive  of  the  kingly  power  of  the  sun.  The 
second  figure  is  the  one  described  by  Waldeck  and  Stephens. 
The  principal  figure  sits  cross-legged  in  an  easy  attitude,  with 
a  calm  and  benevolent  expression.  He  wears  a  necklace  of 
pearls,  to  which  is  suspended  a  medallion  containing  a  face, 
perhaps  intended  as  the  face  of  the  s.un.  The  form  of  a  woman 
is  sitting  in  front  of  him,  cross-legged  on  the  ground.  She  is 
richly  dressed  and  is  apparently  offering  to  the  king  a  head- 
dress, in  which  is  seen  a  plume  of  feathers,  the  headdress  of 
the  principal  person  being  deficient  of  feathers.  A  third  speci- 
men is  the  one  which  was  found  by  Stephens  on  the  tablet 
within  the  shrine  at  Palenque— a  shrine  which  has  been  called 
the  Temple  of  the  Beau-relief,  because  of  the  beautiful  figure 
which  was  seen  in  relief  on  the  tablet.  This  represents  a  king 
or  warrior  seated  in  a  graceful  attitude  upon  a  richly-sculptured 
globe,  but  wearing  a  sort  of  helmet  on  his  head,  greaves  upon 
his  feet,  and  gloves  upon  his  hands;  pointing  with  one  hand  to 
the  hieroglyphs  in  front  of  him,  and  with  the  other  to  the  sky. 
The  throne  itself  is  apparently  a  simple  heavy  bar  of  wood, 
supported  by  the  massive  feet  and  claws  of  two  leopards,  the 
heads  projecting  up  on  either  side  of  the  globe.  The  whole 
figure  gives  the  impression  of  strength  and  beauty  combined, 
and  is  suggestive  of  kingly  power,  as  well  as  of  religious 
thought. 

The  best  illustration  of  sun  worship  is  found  at  Cosumal- 
huapa  in  Central  America.  Here  the  system  seems  to  have 
developed  into  a  stage  where  the  sun  and  moon  and  celestial 
bodies  were  personified  and  represented  under  human  figures, 
especially  under  human  faces,  and  were  worshiped  with  the 
same  faith  apparently  that  the  personal  divinity  is  at  the 
present  time.  This  is  illustrated  by  some  remarkable  tablets 
discovered  by  M.  Habel.  Very  little  is  known  of  their  origin 
or  history. 

The  following  is  the  description  of  them  :  The  most  con- 
spicuous object  is  the  representation  of  a  human  face  in  a 
circle,  resembling  the  ordinary  pictures  of  the  full  moon.  The 
two  central  staves  pass  downward,  and  are  differently  orna- 
mented. In  the  lower  part  of  the  sculpture  appears  an  indi- 
vidual, with  face  upturned  and  an  elevated  hand,  imploring  the 
deity.     The  supplication  is  indicated  by  a  ciirved  vine,  knotted 


138 


NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


on  the  sides.  The  breast  is  adorned  with  a  globe  similar  to  that 
on  the  breast  of  the  goddess;  around  the  wrist  of  the  right 
hand  is  a  plain  cuff,  while  the  left  hand  is  covered  with  a  skull. 
A  stiff  girdle,  with  a  boar's  head  ornamenting  its  back  part, 
surrounds  the  waist.  In  front  of  the  adorer  is  a  small  altar, 
and  on  the  altar  a  head,  from  the  mouth  of  which  issues  a 
curved  staff  " 

Now  this  is  a  very  remarkable  tablet,  for  it  shows  that  the 
moon  was  personified  or  worshiped  as  a  personal  divinity,  and 
that  the  symbolism  connected  with  moon  worship  was  very 
elaborate. 

Another  tablet  discovered  by  M.  Habel  represents  the  sun, 
or  some  other  Nature  power,  as  personified  under  the  figure  of 
an  old  man.  The  following  is  a  description  :  "  The  sole  orna- 
ment of  the  head  consists  of  staves  in  different  directions,  the 
bearers  of  the  deities'  mandates  expressed  in  picture  language. 


_■.•;!  J  -rPT- 


Fig.8.--\Vi7iged  Circle  from  Palcnque. 

From  the  ears  depend  large  rings;  the  hair  hangs  down  in  a 
braid  on  either  side  of  the  head;  a  single  row  of  discs  adorn 
the  neck;  both  wrists  are  covered  with  bracelets;  from  them 
emanate  two  staves  bearing  nodes  and  buds,  which  divide  the 
staff  into  triangular  spaces.  These  triangles  seem  to  be  mystic 
signs  for  a  religious  expression.  On  the  left  shoulder  of  the 
deity  is  a  sheaf  of  the  maize  from  which  emblems,  we  con- 
clude that  this  figure  is  the   God  of  Fertility. 

The  head  of  the  person  standing  beneath,  with  face  upturned, 
is  ornamented  with  a  cap,  a  kind  of  helmet,  with  a  disc  and 
three  peaks.  From  the  heads  of  the  person  the  loose  hair  floats 
down  the  back,  and  to  this  a  skin  resembling  a  tiger  is  attached. 
The  right  wrist  is  covered  with  a  wristlet,  while  the  skull  of  a 
wild  animal  serves  as  a  gauntlet  to  the  left  hand.  The  waist  is 
encircled  by  a  stiffened  girdle,  on  the  back  of  which  appears 
the  head  of  a  wild  animal.  From  the  waist  ascend  curved 
lines,  seeming  to  indicate  the  feelings  of  the  individuals,  not 
by  language  but  by  inspiration.     From  the  mouth  come  vines^ 


ANIMAL  WORSHIP  AND  SUN  WORSHIP.  139 

with  nodes  which  express  in  cipher  the  prayer  of  the  indi- 
viduals. 

Now,  it  appears  from  these  tablets  that  the  moon,  perhaps 
the  sun,  and  Celestial  powers,  were  regarded  as  presiding  over 
nature  and  terrestrial  bodies.  The  human  beings  were  depend- 
ant upon  the  sky  divinities,  and  made  their  wants  known  by 
prayer,  which  was  symbolized  by  the  vine.  The  most  singular 
part  of  these  tablets  is  represented  below. 

An  explanation  of  the  cut  is  that  it  represents  a  sick 
man  lying  prostrate,  though  clad  in  the  usual  apparel  of  a  well 
person,  but  apparently  faced  by  the  image  of  death,  toward 
which  he  is  extending  his  arm,  as  if  in  fear.  The  body  of 
death  shows  bones  and  ribs  and  joints,  and  the  skull  and  open 
mouth;  while  from  the  shoulders  and  head  there  seem  to  be 
rising  flames.     It  is  a  most  remarkable  pictograph,  and  ex- 


Fig.  g. — Figure  of  Death. 

presses  more  than  can  be  told.  There  is  no  evidence  of  sun 
worship,  other  than  the  circles  which  appear  above  the  upper 
part  of  the  picture,  but  taken  in  connection  with  the  other 
tablets,  we  may  conclude  that  there  was  the  same  dread  of  death 
prevailing  among  this  unknown  people  that  exists  at  the  present 
time,  but  the  only  object  which  presented  hope  was  the  solar 
sphere  which  seemed  to  roll  in  the  sky  and  send  down  its  rays 
upon  the  living  and  the  dying. 

4.  Another  representation  of  sun  worship  is  given  by  the 
human  sacrifices  which  were  made  to  the  sun  in  Mexico,  and 
have  been  described  by  a  writer  in  Globus.*  He  says  that 
the  bloody  rites  of  the  sprmg  festivals  occurred  on  the  fifth  of 
May  while  the  sun  was  at  its  zenith  over  the  city.  The  demon 
of  winter  is  overcome  by  the  advancing  season.  The  feast  in 
May  resulted  in  the  killing  of  Tezcatlipoca,  identified  by  the 

*  See  Globus,  Jftnuary,  1904, 


140  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

seeds,  but  was  appeased  by  the  blood  of  the  altar.  This 
forms  a  spring  and  harvest  feast  which  the  Mexicans  celebrated 
at  Tlascala.  There  was  a  feast  of  the  rising  sun.  At  midnight 
the  priest  bored  the  fire  with  the  fire-drill  out  of  the  intestines 
of  the  Fire  God  Mixcoatl,  and  immediately  a  prisoner  was 
offered  up  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Sun  God,  by  tearing  out  his 
heart.  The  flesh  of  the  victim  was  eaten  by  the  priests  and  by 
the  people,  from  religious  motives. 

There  is  a  pictograph  contained  in  the  Borgian  Codex, 
which  is  explained  by  this  writer,  as  follows  :  Quetzalcoatl,  the 
Wind  God,  bored  the  new  fire  out  of  the  vitals  of  Xiahtecatli; 
the  sunlight  was  dependent  upon  the  success  of  the  fire-boring. 
The  myth  tells  us  that  there  were  two  gods,  Nanoatzin  and 
Teciztecatl,  who  were  to  become  the  sun  and  moon.  They 
were  pushed  into  a  great  fire  upon  which  they  went  into  the 
sky  as  the  day  and  night  constellations.  Therefore  it  is,  that 
at  the  annual  feast  the  old  fire  is  allowed  to  go  out  and  the  new 
fire  is  created. 

The  winter  solstice  is  an  occasion  for  celebration.  Every 
fourth  year,  the  living  prisoners  of  war,  slaves,  and  among 
them  women,  were  offered  on  the  sacrificial  stone.  Four 
slaves  apparently  represented  the  sacredness  of  the  numlaer 
four,  as  symbols  of  the  cardinal  points.  They  also  showed  the 
sacredness  of  the  colors,  for  they  wore  blue,  yellow  and  white 
colors  upon  their  persons. 

At  the  end  of  fifty-two  years  the  fire-boring  sacrifices  were 
noteworthy.  It  was  found  that  the  sun  would  not  come  up, 
that  night  would  continue  forever,  and  that  men  might  have  a 
sudden  end,  except  as  the  spark  should  result  from  the  fire- 
drill.  The  celebration  of  making  the  new  fire  took  place  when 
the  Pleiades  were  at  the  zenith.  This  writer  believes  there  was 
a  connection  between  the  sacrifices  and  the  volcanic  fires. 

The  mountains  were  like  altars,  and  the  fires  within  were 
like  the  fires  upon  the  altars.  The  volcanic  fires  found  their 
response  in  the  sky  above,  so  the  sacrifices  which  were  upon 
the  high  places  found  a  response  in  the  heavenly  bodies— the 
sun  and  moon  and  stars. 

This  is  a  somewhat  fanciful  interpretation,  and  yet  it  shows 
that  the  superstition  of  the  sun  worshipers  embraced  all  the 
powers  of  nature  and  made  them  significant  of  their  own 
destiny,  and  so  increased  the  importance  of  the  various 
religious  ceremonies. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
AMERICAN  ASTROLOGY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP. 

We  now  turn  from  sun-worship  to  another  system  which 
resembled  it  in  some  respects,  and  yet  was  so  different  as  to 
involve  another  series  of  symbols  and  another  line  of  customs 
and  traditions.  We  refer  to  the  Sabaeanism  or  sky  worship, 
which  prevailed  in  America  as  well  as  in  the  lands  of  the  East. 
This  system  existed  among  the  different  tribes — the  wild  tribes 
of  the  Mississippi  Valley;  the  various  tribes  of  the  Interior, 
especially  the  Pueblos  and  Navajoes,  and  the  civilized  tribes  of 
Southwest.  There  was  associated  with  it  a  particular  regard 
to  the  cardinal  points  and  the  divinities  supposed  to  dwell  at 
these  points. 

I.  The  arch  of  the  sky  is  also  often  represented  by  the  sym- 
bols. Sky  worship  seemed  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Mound- 
Builders,  for  there  are  pipes  which  represent  the  human  form 
seated,  with  the  face  turned  up 
towards  the  sky,  and  holding 
in  the  hands  the  bowl,  as  if 
suggesting  the  idea  that  the 
tobacco  smoke  was  offered  as 
incense  to  the  sun.  There  are 
also  many  pieces  of  pottery 
ornamented  with  spiral  lines, 
and  many  shell  gorgets  which 
suggest  the  revolution  of  the 
sky.  ^ 

I.  The  same  system  existed 
among  the    Pueblos.     This  is 
illustrated     by    their    various 
ceremonies,  as  well  as  by  their 
pictographs    and   relics.     One 
of  the  most  interesting  speci- 
mens is  a  bowl   (See  Fig.  2), 
which  has  a  very  graceful  form 
and  is  decorated  upon  the  out- 
side by  figures  of  arches,  be-  „.  .   ^      ,^^     ,  .^ 
neath  which  is  seen  the  figure           ^'^-  '•'^'^  Sun- Worshiper. 
of  a  stag,    the    heart  of  the  stag  being  visible,  as  well  as  the 
mouth,  which  s3mbolized  the  passage  ot  life.    There  are  many 
other  symbols  which  indicate  the  prevalence  of  sky  worship. 

Various  writers  have  described  this  system,  but  the  earliest 
and  in  some  respects  the  best  description,  was  that  given  by 
Catlin,  the  celebrated  painter,  and  was  illustrated  by  four  paint- 
ings, of  which  two  are  still  in  existence  and  are  represented 
in  the  plates. 


i4- 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM, 


It  appears  that  there  was  a  ceremony,  which  took  place  at 
the  time  of  the  initiation  of  the  young  men  as  warriors  into 
the  Sacred  Lodge.  In  this  ceremony  a  peculiar  lodge,  which 
is  called  the  "  Big  Canoe,"  forms  the  central  object.  Around  it 
are  gathered  the  eight  men,  divided  into  pairs,  who  take  their 
position  on  four  sides,  representing  the  four  cardinal  points; 
four  of  the  men  having  buffalo  horns  on  their  head,  a  bunch 
of  green  willow  boughs  on  their  back,  and  each  having  a  staff 
in  his  hand.  Four  other  men  engaged  in  the  same  dance;  two 
of  them  painted  black  with  white  spots,  the  black  to  symbolize 
the  sky  at  night,  the  white  to  repiesent  the  stars.  Beside  the 
big  canoe  were  men  with  skins  of  grizzly  bears  thrown  over 
them.  Among  the  dancers  an  evil  spirit  appears,  pa'nted 
black;  strangely  clad;  white  around  its  mouth  and  red  teeth; 
having  a   hideous   appearance,     This   picture    dramatizes   the 


Fig.  2 --Pottery  Orna7nents  Representing  the  Sky. 

Deluge  myth  and  sky  divinity;  the  other  picture  represents 
the  ceremony  in  which  the  warriors  undergo  a  fearful  ordeal. 
The  flesh  from  each  shoulder  was  cut  and  skewers  placed  under 
it,  cords  lowered  from  the  top  of  the  lodge  were  fastened  to 
the  skewers;  the  body  was  raised  by  these  and  suspended  from 
the  ground,  and  then  was  turned  faster  and  faster,  until,  faint- 
ing under  the  agony,  the  person  hung  apparently  a  still  and 
lifeless  corpse  and  the  medicine  bag  drops  from  his  hand,  and 
he  is  finally  let  down. 

There  was  no  particular  symbolism  in  this  ceremony,  but 
symbols  are  found  in  the  arrangement  of  the  lodge,  as  the  four 
sacks  were  typical  of  the  four  divisions  of  the  earth;  the  four 
buffalo  skulls  and  the  four  human  skulls  fastened  to  t'ne  posts 
of  the  lodge  were  also  symbols.  The  use  of  four  colors  in  the 
cloth  over  the  door  of  the  medicine  lodge  symbolized  the  divi- 
sion of  the  sky.    The  colors  with  which  the  sky  was  decorated 


AMERICAN  ASTROLOG  Y  OR  SKY  WORSHIP.  J 45 

bodies  were  decorated  symbolized  the  colors  of  the  sky;  other 
objects  symbolize  the  different  elements,  and  the  whole  ceremony 
was  a  dramatization  under  the  lead  of  a  secret  society,  not  only 
of  the  creation  and  the  deluge,  but  also  of  the  traditions  about 
the  astrological  myths  and  the  supernatural  divinities  which  ruled 
the  earth  and  the  sky. 

2.  We  notice  that  the  same  superstitions  prevailed  among  the 
Eskimos  and  the  Ojibwas.  In  the  belief  of  the  Ojibwas  there  is 
a  place  of  shadows,  a  hereafter,  and  a  shadowy  spirit;  each  per- 
son also  had  a  guardian  spirit,  or  tutelar  demon,  who  appears, 
after  a  fast  of  a  number  of  days,  in  a  dream,  generally  in  the 
shape  of  a  bird  or  animal.  The  future  course  of  life  is  marked 
out  by  the  dream,  exactly  as  in  the  ancient  world  it  was  marked 
out  by  the  horoscope,  or  the  situation  of  the  stars.  Schoolcraft 
has  given  a  chart  which  represents  this  sky  worship.  In  this 
we  find  the  mida  tree,  which  symbolized  the  spiritual  power, 
the  wabeno  tree,  the  charmed  arrow,  the  sacred  dish,  the  stuffed 
crane,  the  ghost  lodge,  the  great  spirit  filling  all  space  with  his 
beams  and  lighting  the  world  by  the  halo  of  his  head.  The 
hawk  is  the  guardian  spirit.  The  great  spirit  begins  and  ends 
the  chant.  This  first  figure  was  that  of  a  bird  in  the  lodge,  the 
last  is  a  figure  of  the  face,  or  sun,  under  the  arch  of  the  sky.* 

3.  The  tribes  situated  in  the  Gulf  States  also  had  a  system  of 
symbolism  which  was  based  upon  sky  worship,  and  which  intro- 
duced a  symbolical  geography  into  their  villages  and  influenced 
even  their  architecture  and  the  arrangements  of  their  houses, 
tribal  organizations,  and  their  feasts  and  dances.  The  following  is 
the  description  given  by  Bartram  of  their  public  square  and 
council  house:  "The  public  square  is  the  highest  part  of  the 
town.  It  consists  of  four  square  buildings  ol  one  story,  so  as  to 
form  an  exact  rectangle,  covering  half  an  acre.  One  of  these  is 
the  council  house,  where  the  chief  or  Mico  decides  cases  and 
receives  ambassadors.  This  building  is  divided  into  two  parts, 
the  back  part  perfectly  dark,  with  three  small  arched  apertures 
opening  into  it.  This  is  a  sanctuary,  where  they  deposit  all  the 
sacred  things,  the  imperial  standard,  calumet,  and  rattles.  The 
front  of  the  building  is  divided  into  three  apartments.  The 
pillars  supporting  the  front  are  formed  in  the  likeness  of  speckled 
serpents  climbing  upwards.  The  other  buildings  which  compose 
the  square  are  decorated  with  paintings,  sculptures  and  hiero- 
glyphics, men  having  heads  of  some  kind  of  animals,  bear,  wolf, 
fox,  turkey,  ducks  and  deer,  and  again  these  creatures  have 
human  heads.  The  rotunda  is  different  from  the  public  square; 
this    is    built    upon   a   conical    mound  and  has  a  conical  roof. 

♦Another  chart  has  been  furnished  by  Dr.  W.  H.  Hoffman,  which  represented  the  cre- 
ation by  an  "orientated"  circle,  the  initiation  by  four  rectangular  lodges,  also  orientated, 
their  entrances  guarded  by  serpents  and  animals,  the  "end  of  lite"  by  a  circle,  and  the 
"future  life"  by  a  square  lodge,  and  a  circle  for  a  "ghost  lodge,"  and  the  path  of  the  dead 
between  them. 


146  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

There  is,  in  the  center  of  it,  a  post  or  pillar.  Around  this  post 
the  spiral  circle  of  faggots  v\^as  placed,  the  circle  of  faggots  turn- 
ing from  right  to  left,  extending  to  a  distance  of  ten  or  twelve 
feet  from  the  center,  rising  a  foot  or  eighteen  inches  from  the 
ground.  This  spiral  circle  was  lighted  at  the  time  of  an  opening 
of  the  council.  The  blaze  creeps  around  the  center  pillar,  follow- 
ing the  course  of  the  sun,  illuminating  the  entire  chamber. 
When  the  fire  burns  out  the  council  ceases.  After  the  illumina- 
tion takes  place  the  warriors  are  seated  on  their  sofas  in  three 
ranks,  the  king  in  front  and  the  young  warriors  to  the  rear. 
The  great  war  chief's  seat  is  to  the  left  hand  of  the  king,  the 
elders  and  head  men  to  the  right.  The  king  smokes  the  great 
pipe,  puffing  the  whiff  to  the  four  cardinal  points.  It  is  then 
carried  to  the  different  persons  and  smoked  by  them  in  turn."* 

The  account  which  Bartrarti  has  given  of  one  of  the  dances  is 
very  suggestive.  The  dance  was  held  in  the  rotunda.  "In  this 
dance  the  musicians  were  seated  near  the  great  pillar,  where  was 
the  central  fire,  but  around  the  building  was  a  row  of  seats,  one 
above  the  other,  like  an  amphitheater.  A  company  of  girls,  hand 
in  hand,  dressed  in  clean,  white  robes,  and  ornamented  with  beads, 
began  to  sing  their  responses  in  a  gentle,  low,  sweet  voice,  and 
formed  themselves  in  a  semicircular  file  or  line  in  two  ranks,  back 
to  back,  facing  the  spectators  and  musicians,  moving  slowly 
round  and  round.  Afterward  a  company  of  young  braves,  painted 
and  ornamented  with  silver  bracelets,  gorgets  and  wampum, 
moccasins  and  high  waving  plumes  in  their  diadems,  formed 
themselves  in  a  semi-circle  or  rank.  There  was  something  sin- 
gular and  diverting  in  their  step  and  motion.  The  motion  began 
in  one  end  of  the  semi-circle,  the  dancers  rising  up  and  down^ 
and  continued  to  the  other  end.  At  the  same  time,  and  in  the 
same  motion,  the  dancers  moved  obliquely,  so  that  a  revolving 
circle  was  formed  by  the  complex  movement.  At  stated  times 
a  grand  or  universal  movement  instantly  occurred,  each  rank 
turning  to  right  and  left,  taking  each  other's  places,  accompanied 
with  a  sudden  and  universal  elevation  of  the  voice  in  a  shrill, 
sharp  whoop."  Whether  the  motion  of  the  heavenly  bodies  was 
symbolized  by  this  dance  or  not.  it  was  a  very  significant  cere- 
mony and  one  which  was  carried  out  with  great  exactness  and 
managed  with  inconceivable  alertness  and  address.  Bartram 
gives  no  interpretation  of  the  dance  or  of  the  arrangement  of 
the  houses  or  villages,  or  of  the  other  customs  which  he  observed, 
but  we  imagine  that  all  of  these  buildings  were  orientated  and 
arranged  after  the  model  of  the  celestial  spaces,  that  the  rotunda 
symbolized  the  dome  of  the  sky  and  the  spiral  fire  symbolized 
the  motion  of  the  sky,  that  the  dances  even  symbolized  the 
opening  and  the  shutting  of  the  day,  and  that  the  system  of  sky 

*See  p.  365,  Bartram's  Travels.    See  also  the  spiral  path  on  the  Ohio  mound,  Fig.  6. 


AMERICAN  ASTROLOGY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP.  147 

worship  will  account  for  all  these  customs  and  ceremonies.  We 
have  no  record  that  there  were  secret  societies  and  sacred  mys- 
teries among  these  tribes,  but  a  natural  inference  is  that  all  of 
these  ceremonies  were  under  the  direction  of  such  a  society. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  there  was  an  esoteric  significance  to  all 
these  customs  and  that  they  embodied  the  myths  and  traditions 
which  had  regard  to  the  sky  divinities,  myths  which  resemble 
those  held  by  the  Cherokees. 

II.  We  next  turn  to  the  ancient  Mound-builders.  We  have 
already  referred  to  different  religious  systems  which  prevailed 
among  them.*  We  have  shown  that  animal  worship  or  totemism 
prevailed  in  one  district;  fire  worship  in  another;  the  water  cult 
in  another;  the  moon  cult  in  another,  and  the  solar  cult  in  still 
another.  The  thought  now  before  us  is  that  sky  worship  was 
the  predominant  religion  of  the  Mound-builders  and  these  local 
cults  were  associated  with 
it  or  were  the  component 
parts  of  it.  i.  As  evidence  of 
this  we  would  refer  to  the 
relics  which  have  been  dis- 
covered in  the  mounds,  es- 
pecially those  situated  in 
the  Ohio  Valley  and  the 
Gulf  States,  a  region  which 
was  occupied  by  the  sun 
worshipers.  Among  these 
relics  we  notice  many  shell 
gorgets  in  which  there  are 
circles,  and  in  the  circles, 
discs  and  dots  and  cres- 
cents, the  arrangement  of       Fiff-s.-Mound-buUders^  Mapo/ theSky. 

the  figures  on  the  concave  shell  gorgets  suggesting  the  thought 
that  there  was  an  attempt  to  make  them  represent  a  map  of  the 
sky,  with  the  sun,  moon  and  stars  filling  the  four  celestial  spaces. 
See  Fig.  3.  There  are  coiled  serpents  with  the  bodies  divided 
into  four  parts  by  concentric  circles,  other  concentric  circles 
forming  the  eye,  the  concave  filled  with  various  arches  (see 
Fig.  4)  suggesting  that  there  was  a  hidden  astrology  contained 
in  them.  There  are  also  spider  gorgets  which  have  circles  and 
crosses  and  bars  upon  the  back,  zigzag  lines  between  the  mandi- 
bles, all  of  them  symbols  of  the  nature  powers,  the  number  four 
being  preserved,  and  the  whole  arrangement  making  them  sug- 
gestive of  a  chart.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  bird  gorgets, 
though  in  these  the  spaces  are  rectangles  rather  than  circles.  They 
are  all  suggestive  of  a  symbolical  geography  which  had  to  do 
with  the  sky  as  well  as  the  earth. 

Our   supposition    is    that  they   represent  the  motion    of  the 

*See  book  on  Mound-builders;  also  chapter  on  Serpent  Worship,  especially  the  plates. 


148 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


heavenly  bodies,  the  order  of  the  seasons,  the  points  o^  the 
compass,  the  division  of  the  sky,  the  four  elements — fire,  earth, 
air  and  water,  the  celestial  spaces,  the  nature  powers,  and  possi- 
bly a  calendar  system.  These  symbols  are  rude  and  present  the 
subject  in  a  primitive  stage,  but  they  are  constantly  suggesting 
thoughts  of  the  customs  of  the  more  advanced  races  and  remind 
us  of  the  marvelous  things  contained  in  eastern  mythology.  We 
have  already  shown  that  they  contain  the  same  symbols  which 
are  embodied  in  the  various  calendar  wheels  and  sacrificial  stones 
of  Mexico,  as  well  as  those  which  are  found  upon  the  inscribed 
tablets  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Central  America,  for  the  crosses, 
circles,  serpents,  figures  of  the  tree,  birds,  masks,  human  figures, 
which  are  tound  rudely  drawn  upon  the  disks  and  gorgets  and 
tablets,  apparently  have  the  same  significance  as  those  contained 
in  the  more  advanced  works  of  art,  and  represent  the  same 
general  system.     The  temptation  is  to  read  into  these  lines,  the 

symbols  which  developed  with 
such  great  variety  in  the  east, 
and  to  imagine  that  the  serpent 
whose  folds  surrounded  the 
earth  and  formed  the  ocean 
was  symbolized  in  the  serpent 
gorget;  that  the  Nile  key 
or  Egyptian  tau  was  symbol- 
ized in  the  spider  gorget;  the 
triskelis  or  revolving  wheel, 
which  symbolized  the  revolu- 
tion of  the  sky,  and  the  fire 
generator  or  suastika,  which 
is  also  an  oriental  symbol, 
were  contained  in  other  gor- 
Ficj.  u.-serpent  of  the  Horizon.  g^^^      We  Can  Say,  at  least, 

that  there  is  such  a  correspondence  between  these  symbols  and 
the  oriental  myths  as  to  lead  us  to  trace  out  a  "map  of  the  heavens" 
in  these  rude  disks  and  gorgets,  for  we  recognize  in  these  figures 
of  serpents  and  spiders  analogies  to  the  dragons,  beetles,  and 
tortoises  which  are  seen  in  the  maps  of  the  heavens  elsewhere, 
while  the  arrangement  of  the  circles,  crescents  and  crosses  are 
almost  identical,  and  suggest  the  same  myths. 

An  astronomical  significance  may  be  given  to  the  winged  and 
masked  creatures  which  are  engraved  upon  the  copper  plates. 
These  resemble,  in  some  respects,  the  winged  figures  common 
among  the  Cliff-dwellers  and  Pueblos  of  the  west,  and  at  the 
same  time  remind  us  of  the  winged  creatures  which  were  found 
by  M.  Habel  engraved  upon  the  sculptured  stones  of  Gautemala. 
There  was  the  same  combination  of  birds'  claws  and  beaks,  with 
human  bodies  and  limbs  (see  Fig.  5),  the  symbol  of  the  sun 
being  as  plain  upon  the  shell  gorgets  as  upon  the  sculptured 


AMERICAN  AS7R0L0GY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP. 


149 


Stones,  though  the  flames  are  absent.  It  is  probable  that  these 
represented  the  sky  divinities,  the  wings  filled  with  arches  sym- 
bolizing the  spaces  above  and  the  clouds,  the  birds'  beaks  and 
claws  symbolizing  the  bird  of  the  sky,  the  human  form  perhaps 
symbolizing  the  personal  divinities.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
the  dancing  figures,  for  there  are  zigzag  lines  upon  some  of  the 
faces,  and  there  are  masks  in  their  hands,  and  there  are  circles 
surrounding  them,  showing  that  the  lightning  and  the  operations 
of  the  sky  were  symbolized  by  them,  for  masks  are  the  signs  of 
transformation  ;  the  dancers  are  transformed  into  birds  and  ani- 
mals, and  again  into  men  and  warriors,  and  yet  they  personate 
the  divinities  as  well  as  the  nature  powers. 

The  same  interpretation  may  be  given  to  the  human  figures, 
whose  limbs  are  so  strangely  contorted  and  end  in  birds'  claws, 
bodies  divided  into  links  and  circles,  head  in  the  shape  of  an 
arch,  a  concentric  circle  for  an  eye,  a  large  mouth,  ears  formed 
by  perforated  loops,  arms  curi- 
ously doubled  and  jointed  (see 
Fig.  5),  the  space  in  the  shell 
being  filled  with  loops  and 
other  figures.  These  symbol- 
ize the  sky  divinities.  The 
presence  of  shell  masks  with 
the  tattooed  human  face  upon 
them  in  the  mounds  conveys 
the  idea  that  there  was  an  as- 
sociation of  the  burial  of  the 
dead  with  the  system  of  sky 
and  sun  worship,  for  the  cus- 
tom prevailed  among  the 
Aleuts  to  put  a  mask  over  the 
face  of  a  dead  person  when  it 
was  laid  away,  as  it  was  sup- 
posed to  be  going  on  a  journey 
to  the  land  of  the  spirits.  A 
similar  interpretation  has  been 
mouths.  These  faces  are  attended  with  sun  symbols,  sun  circles, 
birds'  heads,  symbols  of  the  cardinal  points,  suggesting  that  the 
soul  had  departed  to  the  celestial  spaces.  The  fact  that  shells  and 
disks  on  which  were  inscribed  symbols  of  the  sonl  were  deposited 
with  the  body  at  the  time  of  burial  shows  that  there  was  a  con- 
nection between  the  native  astrology  and  the  future  state.  The 
soul  which  was  so  surrounded  by  the  nature  powers  and  the 
solar  universe  was  to  be  introduced  to  the  celestial  spaces  after 
death.  Hence  the  symbol  must  be  placed  near  the  body,  that 
the  soul  might  take  these  as  the  doors  or  the  patterns  of  the 
supernatural  realm.  This  was  the  underlying  thought  with  the 
sacred  mysteries  and  the  secret  societies 


Fiff.  5. — Arched  Heavens  Personified. 

given  to  the  faces  with   open 


150 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


2.  Another  evidence  is  found  in  the  shape  of  the  mounds,  espe- 
cially those  upon  the  Ohio,  for  these  contain  many  astrological 
symbols,  singly  and  in  combination,  the  same  as  the  relics  do. 
We  find  in  them  circles,  crescents,  squares,  concentric  circles, 
crosses,  horse-shoes,  platforms,  altars,  avenues,  so  related  to  one 
another  and  to  the  relics  which  are  contained  in  them  as  to  con- 
vince us  that  they  were  designed  to  be  symbols  of  sky  worship. 
The  uniformity  of  the  figures  and  of  the  areas  contained  in  the 
sacred  enclosures,  as  well  as  of  the  measurements  of  the  walls 
surrounding  them,  has  been  noticed  by  all  the  surveyors,  for 
the  circles  are  perfect  circles  and  the  squares  are  perfect  squares. 
It  has  not  been  held  that  this  perfection  of  the  figures  was 
anything  more  than  accidental,  but  the  correspondence  between 
the  earth-works  and  the   relics  convinces  us  that  these   were 


Fig.  e.—Synibol  of  the  Sun— Spiral  Path,  Embossed  Figure  on  ifie  Ground. 

all  directed  by  symbolical  geography;  for  the  sacred  enclosures 
and  the  platforms  within  them  were  orientated.  It  was  on  this 
account  the  pavements  and  altars  contained  in  the  mounds  were 
constructed  in  the  shape  of  circles  and  crescents,  and  the  conical 
mounds  had  spiral  paths  and  circular  ditches  about  them.  See 
Fig.  6.  The  earth-works  surrounding  their  villages,  sacrificial 
and  burial  places  were  constructed  after  the  patterns  which  seem 
to  represent  the  map  of  the  sky,  on  a  large  scale,  and  everything 
about  them  was  put  under  the  protection  of  the  sun  divinity. 
In  fact,  we  recognize  the  circles,  crosses  and  crescents,  and  ser- 
pents and  birds  represented  by  the  earth-works  as  the  different 
parts  of  one  great  system,  which  might  be  taken  as  a  "geography 
of  the  heavens"  built  in  relief  on  the  earth. 

3.  We  are  led  by  these  figures  to  draw  the  comparison  between 
the  earth-works  here  and  the  standing  stones  and  monuments  of 
Great  Britain,  for  there  are  many  analogies  between  them,  though 

*The  crescent  pavements  made  from  mica  scales  surrounded  a  circular  altar,  in  which 
offerings  had  been  made  to  the  sun.    See  book  on  Mound-builders. 


AMERICAN  ASTROLOG  Y  OR  SKY  WORSHIP.  151 

the  identity  of  the  symbols  is  difficult  to  prove.  Others  have 
noticed  the  symbolism  contained  in  these  different  works.  Mr. 
W.  F.  Maurice  has  described  the  circles  at  Stonehenge  and 
Avebury.  See  Fig.  9.  Speaking  of  Stonehenge,  he  says:  The 
number  of  stones  in  the  outer  circle  is  thirty,  and  of  the  inner 
circle  is  twelve,  and  the  single  stone,  or  obelisk,  in  the  center. 
He  says  that  the  remarkable  numbers  one  hundred,  sixty,  thirty, 
twelve,  constantly  occurring,  unavoidably  bring  to  our  recollec- 
tion great  periods  of  astronomy,  the  sothic  cycle,  century,  the 
months,  thirty  days,  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac;  five  is  the  multi- 
ple of  most  of  these  numbers.  He  compares  Stonehenge  to  the 
circle  at  Biscawen,  a  circular  temple,  consisting  of  nineteen  stones, 
distant  from  each  other  twelve   feet,  having  one  in  the  center 


Fig.  7 .—Mound  untU  Cwcle  utui  JJitcn,  cii/ 


higher  than  the  rest,  thus  making  a  symbolical  circle.  He  says  • 
"All  circular  monuments,  especially  those  consisting  of  columns 
or  standing  stones,  were  meant  as  representatives  of  the  sun,  or 
the  revolution  of  the  sun  in  its  orbit.  The  temple  was  uncovered, 
resembling  the  temples  of  the  ancient  Persians.  He  compares 
Stonehenge  to  the  circular  temple  at  Rollrich,  which  is  the  same 
size,  and  which  he  calls  the  "Druids'  wheel"  or  circle.  The  Druids, 
not  less  than  the  Brahmins,  adored  the  sun  in  a  circular  dance. 
The  Gauls  imitated  the  sun  by  turning  the  body  around  while 
engaged  in  their  devotions.  The  Phoenicians  made  their  chil- 
dren pass  through  the  fire  and  worship  the  sun  as  a  divinity.  In 
Scandinavia  the  gods  were  worshiped  partly  in  the  ooen  air  and 
in  groves,  or  in  places  encompassed  by  a  circle  of  big  stones. 
The  Druids  celebrated  their  solemnities  at  the  solstices.  It  is 
said  that  they  used  the  stones  which  cover  their  dolmens  as  their 
altars,  and  sacrificed  human  victims  upon  these.  It  is  noticeable 
that  the  modern  archaeologists  are  tracing  out  a  remarkable 
system  of  solstitial  orientation  in  the  works  at  Stonehenge,  show- 
ing that  the  adytum  or  altar  was  open  in  a  line  with  the  monolith 


152 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


at  "Friar's  heel,"  and  was  so  arranged  that  the  light  of  the  solstitial 
sun  at  its  rising  should  strike  across  this  monolith  and  shine 
into  the  innermost  part  of  the  temple,  where  the  sacrifices  took 
place. 

Mr.  A.  L.  Lewis,  the  English  archaeologist,  has  compared 
the  standing  stones  oi  Avebury,  Stone  Henge,  Arbor  Lowe  and 
Stanton  Drew,  and  has  brought  out  the  fact  that  all  of  these 
works  contain  circles,  avenues,  horse-shoes,  "coves  and  altars," 
which  were  sacred  to  the  sun,  the  very  combination  of  these 
being  suggestive  of  the  astrological  system  of  the  east.  The'circles 
differ  from  one  another  in  the  number  and  size  of  the  standing 
stones,  in  the  diameter  of  the  circles,  the  length  of  the  avenues 
and  the  arrangement  of  the  circles,  but  they  are  nearly  all  alike 


ic-f -: '-   ' 


Vi^ 


5 


tfSffWr*^  hyS.QSi^mi^  ^^  f^MM 


tig.  S  —Mace  of  Sacrifice  and  Map  of  the  Sky.* 

in  that  they  were  solstitially  orientated.  The  circle  at  Avebury 
had  a  diameter  of  eleven  hundred  feet,  and  is  the  "largest  circle 
of  stones  in  the  world."  It  has  associated  with  it  a  pyramid 
mound  or  cone  at  Silbury  Hill,  which  is  the  "largest  artificial 
mound"  of  Europe.  The  avenue  which  Stukeley  thought  rep- 
resented a  great  serpent  is  about  a  mile  long,  and  ends  in  a  circle 
on  Beckhampton  Hill.  Inside  of  this  large  circle  are  two  other 
circles,  both  three  hundred  feet  in  diameter.  The  "cove"  is  in 
the  center  of  the  northern  circle  and  faces  the  sun  at  its  "mid- 
summer rising."  Stone  Henge  also  has  a  circle  surrounded  by 
a  ditch  and  bank,  the  circle  being  one  hundred  feet  in  diameter 
and  the  ditch  and  bank  three  hundred  feet.     Inside  of  the  outer 


♦Orientation  and  sky  worship  are  shown  by  this  cut,  for  the  four  concentric  circles  sym- 
bolize the  four  celestial  spaces,  the  avenues  in  the  shape  of  a  cross  symbolize  the  cardinal 
points,  the  spiral  path  symbolizes  the  motion  of  the  sun  and  the  mounds  symbolize  the 
sun  itself.  Thus  a  place  of  sacrifice  to  the  sun  was  in  reality  surrounded  by  all  the  symbols 
of  sky  worship,  and  the  earth-works  contained  the  same  map  of  the  sky  as  the  shell  gor- 
gets, showing  that  the  same  system  was  embodied  in  the  maps  and  in  the  relics. 


AMERICAN  ASTROLOGY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP. 


153 


circle  is  another  of  small  stones,  and  inside  of  this  five  triliths 
arranged  in  the  form  of  a  "  horse-shoe,"  the  horse-shoe,  forty- 
four  feet  wide,  opening  to  the  northeast.  Inside  of  the  horse- 
shoe is  a  flat  stone,  seventeen  feet  long,  called  the  "altar  stone." 
The  avenue  leads  in  a  northeasterly  direction  eighteen  hundred 
feet,  and  the  stone  called  the  "friar's  heel"  is  inside  the  avenue, 
one  hundred  feet  distant  from  the  circle.  The  circle  at  Arbor 
Lowe  consists  of  an  oval  ring  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  by 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  feet,  surrounded  by  a  ditch  and  embank- 


Fig. 9.— stone  Henge  Restored* 

ment,  with  two  entrances,  one  to  the  southeast  and  one  to  the 
northwest.  Within  the  oval  are  the  remains  of  a  "cove"  formed 
of  standing  stones,  like  those  at  Avebury  and  Stone  Henge. 
The  avenue  which  leads  toward  Gibb  Hill  was  once  supposed  to 
give  the  form  of  a  serpent  to  the  monument,  but  the  entrance 
resembles  that  at  the  Kennet  avenue  at  Avebury,  and  is  in  the 
same  direction.  The  works  at  Stanton  Drew  consist  of  three 
separate  circles,  arranged  in  line  with  a  "cove"  or  trilith  like 
those  at  Avebury  and  Arbor  Lowe,  arranged  in  such  a  way  that 
a  line  in  the  direction  ot  the  northeast  would  pass  through  the 
center  of  the  great  circle.  Here  there  is  also  a  great  single 
stone  like  the  "friar's  heel"  at  Stone  Henge.     The  conclusion 


*The  four  circles,  including  the  five  triliths,  can  be  seen  in  the  cut. 


154  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

which  Mr.  Lewis  draws  from  the  study  of  all  these  works  is  that 
the  stone  circles,  which  are  more  numerous  and  larger  in  Britain 
than  in  any  other  part  of  Europe,  were  devoted  to  the  worship 
of  the  sun  and  "perhaps  of  the  stars."  They  were  erected  on  a 
plan  and  were  placed  so  that  the  circle  would  have  a  position 
with  regard  to  some  massive  stone,  or  some  prominent  hill,  or 
group  of  three  hills,  that  the  sun  would  shine  over  these  into 
the  circle  and  strike  upon  the  altar  inside  of  the  "cove"  at  the 
time  of  its  rising  at  the  summer  solstice.  Now  whether  these 
circles  can  be  regarded  as  furnishing  any  "map  of  the  sky,"  or 
any  "symbolical  geography,"  the  resemblance  between  them  and 
the  circles,  horse-shoes,  crosses  and  other  symbols  contained  in 
the  earth-works  of  Ohio  is  certainly  very  striking. 

These  show  that  sky  worship  was  contained  in  the  works  of 
Great  Britain  and  that  symbolical  geography  has  left  a  map  of 
itself  on  that  soil.  We  have  in  this  country  very  few  standing 
stones,  though  the  dolmens,  stone  circles  and  other  symbolic 
works  of  Peru  resemble  very  much  those  of  Great  Britain,  and 
are  supposed  to  represent  the  same  system.  The  earth-works  of 
the  Ohio  Valley  have  many  features  that  are  analogous,  yet  as 
they  are  constructed  entirely  of  earth,  no  standing  stones  and 
no  system  of  solstitial  orientation  has  been  discovered,  we  must 
leave  it  as  an  open  question  whether  they  are  to  be  traced  to  the 
influence  of  a  transmitted  cult,  or  were  the  result  of  an  aborig- 
inal religion  which  developed  in  parallel  lines.  The  resemblances 
are  certainly  very  striking. 

III.  Sky  worship  existed  among  the  Pueblos  and  Cliff-dwell- 
ers and  their  descendants  the  Zunis  and  Moquis.  There  was 
associated  with  it  a  system  of  orientation  and  an  extensive  cal- 
endar system,  also  secret  societies  and  many  sacred  ceremonies 
and  a  symbohcal  geography  which  is  very  surprising.  It  is 
very  interesting  to  follow  out  the  system  as  it  existed  here. 
Various  authors  have  been  engaged  in  the  study  of  it  and  they 
have  brought  out  manv  interesting  facts.  Among  these  may 
be  mentioned  Mr.  Frank  Gushing,  Mr.  James  Stevenson,  Mrs. 
Matilda  C.  Stevenson,  Mr.  Walter  Fewkes  and  Dr.  Washing- 
ton Matthews. 

I,  Mr.  Frank  Gushing  has  given  us  many  facts  which  illustrate 
this.  He  says,  the  chief  point  in  the  horizon  was  the  east  and 
all  other  points  were  arranged  with  reference  to  this.  The 
points  were  arranged  leftwardly  and  counted  around  the  hori- 
zon on  the  fingers,  the  east  the  land  of  day,  the  west,  the  land 
of  night,  the  north,  the  home  of  the  master  of  gods.  The  zen- 
ith and  the  nadir  were  also  worlds  peopled  by  great  gods;  the 
middle  was  also  a  world  by  itself,  thus  making  seven  divisions 
of  the  sky  and  the  earth.  The  middle  was  occupied  by  animals 
and  men.  The  gods  of  the  several  regions  were  represented 
by  the  elders  of  clans,  the  elders  of  the  north  being  in  special 


AMERICAN  ASTROLOGY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP. 


155 


favor  with  the  gods,  and  so  the  first  in  rank.  Next  to  these 
were  the  elders  of  the  west.  The  divinities  or  fetiches  of  the  dif- 
ferent clans  had  their  rank  according  to  the  points  of  the  com- 
pass, those  of  the  north  being  first. 

2.  The  order  of  all  the  dances  must  accord  with  this  arrange- 
ment. Each  region  must  be  represented  by  appropriate  lead- 
ers, clan  elders,  the  north,  west,  south,  east,  upper  and  lower, 
each  region  having  a  house  for  the  gods.  The  dances  were 
celebrated  at  the  different  seasons  and  by  the  different  clans, 
their  order  being  fixed  by  the  precedence  which  the  gods  of  the 
region  above  had  over  each  other,  the  rank  of  the  gods  and  the 
order  of  the  dances  following  the  cardinal  points  from  right  to 


Fig.  10— Circle,  Crescents  and  Square  at  Hope/on,  showing  the  Symbolism  of  the  Region 

left.  The  Zunis  also  had  kivas  which  were  consecrated  to  these 
gods.  In  each  of  the  cities  or  pueblos  in  the  Gila  valleys  were 
temple  kivas  in  which  the  chambers  were  arranged  in  a  circuit, 
the  doorways  leading  around  from  the  east  to  the  center,  the 
northern  and  southern  chambers  being  twice  as  large  as  the 
others  to  represent  the  upper  and  lower  regions. 

"These  temple  kivas  were  strongholds,  storehouses  and  homes 
of  the  priest  rulers  of  each  of  the  pueblos,  as  well  as  a  place  of 
sacred  assembly,  but  embodied  in  themselves  the  six  houses  of 
the  gods  with  the  center  making  seven.  The  temple  of  Vira- 
Cocha,  Peru,  was  built  on  the  same  plan  and  probably  owed  its 
origin  to  the  sequence  of  the  cardinal  points,  similar  to  that  of 
the  Zunis.  The  ceremonial  diagram  in  the  prayer  meal  of  the 
seven  ancient  spaces  shows  a  four-fold  circuit  of  entrance.  Seven 
chambers  in  the  diagram.     The  first  entrance  is  at  the    north 


156 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


and  the  last  at  the  seventh  or  middle.  The  consecration  of  the 
field  of  the  Zunis,  the  corn  hills  have  a  similar  distribution,  the 
yellow  corn  at  the  north,  blue  corn  for  the  west,  red  corn  for 
the  south,  white  for  the  east,  speckled  for  the  zenith,  black  for 
the  nadir  and  variegated  for  the  middle.  This  location  accord- 
ing to  the  cardinal  points,  of  corn  hills,  kivas,  sacred  chambers 
and  the  sacred  spaces  was  very  ancient  and  prevailed  among 
the  Zunis  more  sensibly  than  any  other  tribe.     The  seven  cities 


i IG.  566 


Fig.  567 


fl]i)59 


Mg.  11,— Sky  Divinities  of  the  Zunis. 

of  Cibola  are  supposed  to  have  been  built  according  to  the  same 
arrangement,  for  in  these  the  totems  of  the  north  dwelt  in  a  vil- 
lage by  themselves,  those  of  the  west  in  another,  of  the  south 
in  another,  and  so  of  the  eastern,  upper  and  lower,  whilst  those 
of  the  middle  dwelt  in  another  town  apart  from  all  the  rest, 
itself  subdivided  into  wards  or  septs  (as  in  modern  Zuni),  having 
also  the  tribal  head — ceremonially  ruling  all  the  rest,  yet  ruling 
through  proto-priestl}'  representatives  of  and  from  all  the  rest 
in  due  order  of  precedence;  only,  here  in  the  midmost  place, 
these  were  under  the  Sun  or  Father-Proto-priest,  and  the  Seed 
or  Mother-Proto-priestess  in  at  least  all  religious  and  cere- 
monial concerns." 

The  idols  of  the  Zunis  exhibit  the  same  symbolism  as  do  the 


AMERICAN  ASIROLOGY  OR  SKY  WORSHIP.  157 

sacred  ceremonies.  In  these  we  see  the  arches  of  the  sk}^  the 
turrets  of  the  clouds,  the  feathers  of  the  wind,  the  colors,  the 
signs  of  the  different  quarters  of  the  sky,  the  crosses  of  the  car- 
dinal points,  the  pictures  of  the  celestial  houses,  the  male  and 
female  divinities  who  presided  over  the  houses  and  were  the 
creators  and  ancestors  of  the  people,  each  line  and  color  of  each 
idol  having  a  hidden  significance.     See  Fig.  ii. 

The  following  "creation"  myth  has  been  given  by  Mrs.  Steven- 
son: "When  the  people  first  came  to  this  world  they  passed 
through  four  worlds,  all  in  the  interior,  the  passageway  from 
darkness  to  light  being  through  a  large  reed.  They  were  pre- 
ceded by  two  local  divinities  who  dwelt  upon  the  mountains,  the 
one  a  hideous  looking  creature,  the  other  a  being  with  snow 
white  hair,  probably  the  personifications  of  the  rain  and  snow, 
or  the  black  cloud  and  white  cloud.  One  of  these  descended 
the  mountain  and  drew  his  foot  through  the  sands.  Immedi- 
ately a  river  flowed  and  a  lake  formed,  and  in  the  depths  of 
the  lake  a  group  of  white  houses,  constituting  a  village.  There 
was  a  belief  that  the  spirits  of  the  dead  went  to  the  beautiful 
village,  and  that  there  was  a  passageway  through  the  moun- 
tains to  the  depths  of  the  lake  with  four  chambers,  where  the 
priests  of  the  divinities  rest  in  their  journey  to  the  sacred  waters. 
This  myth  is  dramatized  in  a  peculiar  way  in  the  kivas  at  the- 
initiation  of  the  children. 

The  superstition  is  that  no  male  child  can  after  death  enter 
the  spirit  lake  or  have  access  to  the  sacred  village  in  its  depths 
unless  he  receives  the  sacred  breath  of  the  spiritual  divinities, 
the  Sootike.  There  are  accordingly  persons  appointed  who 
are  to  appear  at  the  ceremony  of  initiation  of  the  children  and 
represent  the  different  parts  of  the  sky.  The  first  ceremony 
takes  place  in  the  open  air  by  day.  The  priest  of  the  sun  enters 
the  sacred  plaza,  draws  the  sacred  square  with  the  sacred  meal, 
a  yellow  line  in  the  east,  a  blue  line  in  the  west,  a  red  line  in 
the  south.  Along  these  lines  the  god-fathers  pass,  each  one 
holding  the  god-child  on  his  back.  As  he  passes  the  line  the 
"Sootike"  strikes  the  child  with  a  large  bunch  of  Spanish  bay- 
onets with  such  force  at  times  as  to  draw  tears  to  the  eyes. 
These  Sootike  are  persons  appointed  who  are  endowed  with 
the  breath  and  represent  the  "different  parts  of  the  sky."  The 
next  ceremony  takes  place  at  night.  In  this  the  figure  of  a  plumed 
serpent  is  introduced  as  a  symbol  of  the  rain  god  and  carried 
by  messengers  of  the  "sky  divinities."  They  wear  masks ;  those 
for  the  north,  yellow;  those  for  the  west,  blue;  those  for  the 
south,  red;  those  for  the  east,  white;  those  for  the  heavens,  all 
colors;  those  for  the  earth,  black.  These  come  to  the  village 
after  sundown.  They  carry  a  serpent  made  of  hide,  about 
twelve  feet  long  and  eighteen  inches  through,  the  abdomen 
painted  white,  the  back  black  with  white  stars.  They  pass 
through  the  town,  visit  each  kiva  and  put  the  head  of  the  ser- 


158  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

pent  through  the  hatchway.  This  signifies  the  rain  cloud  pass- 
ing over  the  mountains  and  occasionally  descending  into  the 
valleys,  bringing  water  and  rain  to  the  villages.  This  cere- 
mony was  a  sacred  drama  which  represents  the  "divinities  of 
the  sky,"  and  takes  place  in  the  sacred  kivas  once  in  four  years. 
An  old  priest  stands  and  blows  through  the  body  of  the  serpent 
with  a  pecuhar  noise  resembUng  that  of  a  sea  monster.  The 
arrangement  within  the  kiva  is  peculiar.  The  father  of  the  sun 
sits  upon  a  throne  at  the  west  end  of  the  room.  The  high 
priest  and  priestess  on  either  side  of  the  throne.  The  war  god 
sits  at  the  left  of  the  fire  altar  and  feeds  the  sacred  flames.  The 
god-parents  sit  upon  a  stone  ledge,  which  represents  the  third 
stage  of  the  creation,  each  with  a  boy  by  his  side  on  the  ledge. 
Inside  of  the  kiva  are  mounds  of  sand,  on  which  are  wands  of 
feathers.  Messengers  of  the  north,  east,  south  and  west  take 
these  feathers,  and  go  to  each  child  and  blow  the  sacred  breath 
over  the  plumes  into  the  mouth  of  the  child.  After  this  the 
feathered  serpent  appears.  The  high  priest  of  the  bow,  of  the 
sky,  the  priestess  of  the  earth,  ascend  to  the  hatchway,  holding 
a  large  earthen  bowl  to  catch  the  water  poured  from  the  mouth 
of  the  serpent,  Ko-lo-o-owit-si.  Each  god-father  carries  the 
holy  water  to  the  boys  to  drink,  and  makes  a  gift  of  the  bowl 
to  the  boy.  After  this  the  priests  catch  the  seed  which  is  sent 
from  the  abdomen  of  the  serpent,  in  their  blankets,  and  distrib- 
ute the  seeds  to  all  present.  In  the  morning  the  boys  are  taken 
from  their  homes  to  a  distance  from  the  village  where  they  plant 
prayer  plumes  and  make  prayers  to  the  sky  divinities,  the  child 
repeating  the  prayers  after  the  god-father.  Here,  then,  we 
have  sky  worship,  as  among  the  eastern  tribes,  and  it  has 
the  same  elements,  a  belief  in  the  future,  a  dependence  upon 
the  powers  of  nature,  the  presence  of  divmities,  the  necessity  of 
initiation  into  sacred  rites  in  order  to  take  the  benefits  of  the 
nature  powers.  The  imagery  is  all  drawn  from  the  mountains, 
lakes,  and  rivers,  and  the  personification  of  the  rain  clouds  and 
the  snow,  but  the  symbolical  geography  is  complete. 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  159 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  PYRAMID  IX  AMERICA. 

The  pyramid  as  a  religious  s}  mbol,  is  the  subject  of  this 
paper.  We  are  first  to  inquire  about  the  origin,  growth 
and  early  use  of  the  pyramid,  and  ascertain  by  this  means,  if 
possible,  how  the  pyramid  came  to  be  a  symbol.  We  shall, 
however,  consider  the  pyramid  as  it  is  found  in  America,  rather 
than  Oriental  countries,  for  we  have  here  the  earliest  lorms  and 
the  successive  stages,  and  the  primitive  uses,  and  reasoning 
from  analogy,  we  judge,  that  these  will  give  us  the  real 
explanation.  We  go  on  the  supposition  that  America  is  the 
home  of  the  pyramid,  at  least  one  of  the  homes,  and  that  here 
we  have  a  history  of  its  growth  and  development. 

I.  Our  first  point  is  as  to  the  prevalence  of  the  pyramid  in 
America.  It  is  well  known  that  there  are  many  pyramidal 
structures  on  the  continent ;  they  may  not  be  perfect  pyramids 
like  those  of  Egypt,  nor  are  many  of  them  as  massive  as  those 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  yet  they  are  very  interesting  and 
numerous,  and  are  worthy  of  study. 

I.  Let  us  consider  the  different  classes  of  the  pyramids  on  the 
continent.  The  pyramids  of  America  differ  from  those  in  Asia 
and  Egypt,  in  that  they  embrace  a  series  of  structures  which  are 
more  or  less  in  the  pyramidal  form,  but  which  vary  in  size  and 
shape,  and  are  scattered  over  all  parts  of  the  continent.  Under 
this  head  may  be  mentioned  the  rude  and  primitive  mounds 
which  are  scattered  through  the  Gulf  States,  but  which  have 
the  pyramidal  form.  This  would  constitute  the  first  class.  Sim- 
ilar to  these,  but  differing  in  geographical  location  and  in  size, 
are  the  massive  pyramids  of  Mexico,  many  of  which  such  as 
Cholula  and  Xochicalco,  were  natural  eminences  on  which  artifi- 
cial structures  were  erected.  This  constitutes  a  second  class.  Next 
to  these  the  terraced  pyramids  of  Mexico  and  of  Central  Amer- 
ica. These  are  wholly  artificial ;  and  were,  for  the  most  part, 
erected  for  religious  purposes,  and  yet  there  is  little  difference 
between  them  and  the  palaces  found  in  the  same  region.  This 
constitutes  the  third  class.  Under  the  fourth  class  we  should 
embrace  those  structures  which  are  found  associated  with  palaces, 
but  which  were  pj'ramidal  in  form  and  were  undoubtedly  used 
for  the  sacred  purposes  of  worship.  This  would  leave  for  the 
fifth  class  the  few  perfect  pyramids,  such  as  are  found  at  Teoti- 
huacan  in  Mexco,  and  at  certain  places  in  Peru.  It  will  be  seen 
from  this   that   the  p"ramids   of  America  are  quite   numerous. 


160 


XATIVE  A.VERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


and  that   they  form  a   very   important  feature   in  the  prehistoric 
architecture  of  the  country. 

We  give  a  series  of  cuts  to  illustrate  these  points:  First,  a 
view  of  the  pyramidal  mounds  in  Yazoo  Pass,  Miss.,  Fig.  i ; 
second,  a  view  of  the  pyramid  of  Cholula,  Mexico,  Fig.  2;  third, 
the  terraced  palace  called  "the'Governor's  House, "at  Uxmal,  Fig. 
3;  fourth,  the  jjyramid  and  palace  at  Palenque,  Fig. 4;  fifth,  the 
pyramid  at  Teotihuacan,   Fig.    5.     These  represent  the  different 


$iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiMiiniiiiiiiinii:i>ii 


^■'■iO';;-', 

;™,i,,;i«,n,4.:;::v::::v::::;:::. :.;::::;;::  |hIuipiiiiiiiiiii '"'f. ;::;;:■:;:•;'■-'•■  ■■,-:■•'.,,.. 

.^& ij^:  ::" .,    ,1.  --^ |_     imniiniin iiii!iiig:__.gv:"iji. 


pfifiiiiiimii!!].:::,;,,:.,. „.„;.;;,:te>^_^  '^ 

^iiiiillHmiiliim  i[«iniiiiiiMiilililiiiliiiil«l»nii"i"'»  " ''  ^  ;■ 


,„,.,,.,.  . 


iiiiM,..|;)tv;.;-;:'/j 


-■>w*  ,f^^//;/mi^>'^-  -s*''-*-'"'--^^^''^"-  ^>. 


mfi'^m:.:::.  0/ii\^, .'.;;',;,'!.'!, ',',v; 


Fi(j.  1 — Pyramidal  Mounds  in  Jlinst-s.^tppi. 

classes  of  pyramids  in  America.     We  call  attention  to  the  variety 
of  types  in  these  figures. 

It  is  singular  what  types  of  structure  rule  in  the  building  of 
pyramids  in  America.  In  Egypt  every  pyramid  seemed  to 
have  been  built  after  the  same  pattern.  In  America  every  pyra- 
mid was  erected  after  its  own  pattern  ;  scarcely  two  being  found 
anywhere  upon  the  continent  which  were  alike,  and  few  which 
resemble  those  of  Egypt.  Resemblances  have  been  drawn 
between  the  terraced  pyramids  of  America  and  those  of  Assyria, 


THE  PYRAMID  IX  AMERICA. 


161 


and  some  have  supposed  that  we  have  an  Assyrian  instead  of  an 
Egyptian  type;  but  the  so-called  terraced  pyramids  in  America 
constitute  only  one  class,  and  others  differ  so  much  from  this 
class  that  we  cannot  say  that  the  Assyrian  type  rules.  A  re- 
semblance has  been  traced  betwen  the  stone  structures  of  Mexico 
and  the  pyramidal  mounds  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  some 
have  undertaken  to  trace  aii  American  type  of  pyramid.  This 
seems  more  plausible  than  either  of  the  preceding  conjectures  ; 
and  yet  the  pyramids  of  Mexico  differ  so  much  from  one  an- 
other, and  the  mounds  also  differ,  that  it  is  difficult  to  trace  any 
one  type  in  them. 


i'V(/.  -' — Pi/rainUI  of  Cholu/a. 

2.  The  size  of  the  pyramid  is  to  be  considered.  A  compari- 
son has  been  drawn  between  the  pyramids  of  America  and  of 
Egypt.  It  has  been  said  that  the  pyramid  of  Cahokia  and  of 
Cholula  are  fully  equal  to  those  of  Ghizeh  and  of  Mycerinus. 
We  must,  however,  distinguish  between  the  horizontal  extension 
of  a  natural  or  artificial  heap  of  earth,  and  the  elaborate  layers 
of  stone,  and  grant  to  the  Egyptians  the  more  elaborate  struc- 
tures. Cahokia  covers  twelve  acres;  but  was  only  ninet}-  feet 
high,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  it  was  natural  or  artificial. 
Cholula  is  larger  at  the  base  than   any   one   of  the   Old   World 


i(;2 


XI  77 17-;  AMEIIICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


Y^" 


.■:}^^^~ 


WM' 


,ii=^r 


*■-  J 


pyramids,  over  twice  as  large 
as  that  of  Cheops,  but  only 
slightly  higher  than  that  of 
Mycerinus.  Many  visitors  have 
believed  that  the  pyramid  is 
only  partly  artificial,  the  "brick 
work"  having  been  added  to  a 
smaller  natural  hill.  Humboldt 
says:  "The  construction  of  the 
teocalli  recallstheoldest  mon- 
uments which  the  history  of 
our  civilization  reaches.  The 
temple  Jupiter  Belus,  the  pyr- 
amids of  ?»Ieidoum,  and  Dag- 
hour,  and  several  of  the  group 
of  Sakkahra  were  also  im- 
mense heaps  of  bricks,  the  re- 
mains of  which  have  been  pre- 
served during  a  period  of  30 
centuries  down  to  our  day."  A 
distinction  must  be,  however, 
drawn  between  the  ruins  of 
artificial  structures  and  the  im- 
mense earth-heaps;  and  the 
imagination  is  to  be  restrained 
in  its  efforts  to  draw  the  com- 
parison. T  here  h  no  pyramid 
in  America  which  ever  reached 
the  height  of  the  Egyptian, 
and  no  palace  which  was  ever 
as  elaborate  as  those  in  As- 
syria. 

3.  The  geographical  distri- 
bution. It  has  already  been 
noticed  that  the  pyramids  of 
America  are  scattered  over  a 
large  part  of  the  continent. 
They  seem,  however,  to  be 
confined  to  certain  belts  of  lat- 
itude. In  a  general  way  their 
location  resembles  that  ot  the 
pyramids  in  the  Eastern  hem- 
isphere. The  pyramid  seems 
to  be  a  structure  peculiar  to 
the  warm  climate.  It  is  prob- 
able that  they  were  all  devot- 
ed to  sun-worship,  and  this 
will    account  for  their  haviner 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA. 


163 


been  confined  to  the  torrid  regions,  sun-worship  being  the  rehg- 
ion  which  prevails  in  those  regions. 

In  order  to  understand  the  number  and  sizes  of  the  pyramids 
of  America  the  reader  is  requested  to  examine  the  appended  ta- 
ble, which  gives  the  various  structures,  with  their  location  and 
character  and  dimensions  : 


COUNTRY 

C 

AND 

CLASS  OF  STRUC- 

PART OF  STRUC- 

p 

oT 

PLACE. 

TURE. 

TURE. 

"i 

5 

GUATEMALA. 

Zalvuleu 

Pyramid. 

Base. 

102  feet  sq. 

28  feet 

I'awinal 

Palace. 

Two  stories. 

40  feet 

Yacha 

Pyi-aniid. 
Pvianiid. 
Palace. 

Five  stories. 
Two  stories. 
Three  terraces. 

66  feet  sq. 

72x24  ft.  '  q. 

1100x2200 

45  feet 

Tikal 

86  feet 

Utatlan 

120  feet 

Utatlan 

Fortress. 

First  terrace. 

Utatlan 

Altar. 

Base. 

66  feet  sq. 

33  feet 

Honduras.— 

*Copan 

Temple  or  place. 

624x809  ft. 

70  feet 

Yucatan.— 

tUxraal 

Governor's  House. 

Second  terrace. 

545  feet  sq. 

20  feet 

JUxmal 

Governor's  House. 

Third  terrace. 

100x360 

40  feet 

Uxmal 

Governor's  Hou-^e. 
Governor's  House. 

Tower. 
Pyramid  E. 

200x300 

50  feet 

Uxnial 

65  feet 

Chiapas.- 

isPalenciae  ... 

Palace  I. 

First  terrace. 

260x310 

40  feet 

PalerKjue 

Palace  1. 

Summit. 

180x228 

30  feet 

Palenque 

Palace  I. 

Tower  G. 

30  feet  sq. 

50  feet 

Palenque 

Palace  I. 

Corridor. 

20x150  long. 

20  feet 

Palenque 

Temple  of  8  Tablets. 

Base. 

110  feet. 

(Palenque.... 

Temple  of  3  Tablets. 

Shrine. 

25x76 

35  feet 

Palenque 

Temple  of  the  Cross. 

Base, 

134  feet. 

Palenque 

Temple  of  the  Cross. 

Shrine. 

50x30 

40  feet 

Palenciue 

Temple  of  the  Cros.s. 

Roof. 

3x35 

15  feet 

Palenque 

Palace  C. 

First  terrace. 

350  feet  sq. 

19  feet 

Palenque 

Second  terrace. 

258x214 

28  feet 

Palrnque 

Pyramid  F. 

Third  terrace. 

200x120 

50  feet 

Palenque 

Pyramid  I). 

Base. 

155x235 

88  feet 

Palenque 

Teni|ile  of  the  Sun. 

Shrine. 

28x30 

Ococingo 

Five  Terraces. 

Shrine. 

35x40 

Oa.iaca.— 

55x120 

50  feet 

Tehuant'pec 

Pyramid. 

Base. 

12x12 

3  feet 

Tehuant'pec 

Altar. 

Base. 

120x120 

Mitla 

Palace. 
Palace. 

Court. 
Buildings. 

.36x130 
120x265 

18  feet 

Milla 

Yucatan.— 

Zayi 

Palace. 
Palace. 
Palace. 
Nunnery. 

First  terrace. 
Second  terrace. 
Third  terrace. 

60x220 

18x150 

112x160 

140x202 

Zavi 

Zayi 

32  feet 

Chicheniza.. 

Kabacli 

Palace. 

Base. 

Veka  Ckuz.— 

90  feet 

54  feet 

Papantla 

Seven-storied  Pyramid 

33  feet 

17  feet 

Misantla 

Pyramid. 

30  feet 

Tu.sapan 

Pyramid  and  Shrine. 

Base. 

Mexico.— 

Cholula 

Pyramid. 

Base. 

1440  feet  sq. 

200  feet 

Xochicalco.. 

Natural  Hill. 

Base. 

2  miles. 

Xochicalco.. 

Natural  Hill. 

Summit. 

285x328 

400  feet 

Xochicalco.. 

Natural  Hill. 

Pyramid. 

55x50 

16  feet 

Teotih'acan 

House  of  the  Moon. 

Base. 

426x511 

Teotili'acan 

House  of  the  Moon. 

Summit. 

36x60 

Teotriiacan 

House  of  the  Sun. 

733  feet  sq. 

203  feet 

Teoti'liacan 

House  of  the  Sun. 

Citadel. 

1246x1338 

33  feet 

Teoli'hacan 

House  of  the  Sun. 

Circle  of  Mounds. 

600  feet 

*See  Fig.  8. 
+See  Fig.  3. 
tSee  Frontispiece, 
jiSee  Fig.  4. 
liSee  Fig.  13. 


164  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

II.  We  are  next  to  consider  the  question  how  came  the  pyr- 
amid to  be  in  America.  There  are  three  theories  in  reference  to 
this,  namely:  ist.  The  autochthonous  theory.  2d.  The  theory  of 
a  transmitted  cultus.  3rd.  That  of  a  common  traditionary  ori- 
gin. 

We  are  to  consider  these  theories  in  their  order : 

I.  In  favor  of  the  first  theory,  we  give  the  opinions  of  various 
authors.  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  has  written  considerably  concern- 
ing the  origin  of  sun  worship  on  the  continent  of  America.  The 
following  may  be  said  to  be  an  epitome  of  his  views  :* 

The  forcis  which  minister  to  the  requirements  ot  man's  phy- 
sical nature  may  be  said  also  to  aid  his  intellectual  progress. 
These  forces  are  the  configurations  of  the  surface,  the  peculi- 
arities of  soil,  stimulus  furnished  by  climate,  and  the  character 
and  supply  of  food.  If  color  and  race  are  dependent  upon 
climate,  why  might  not  the  tinge  of  thought  and  the  peculiari- 
ties of  religion  also.  There  are  zoological  zones  in  which  the 
elephant,  the  hippopotamus,  the  rhinoceros,  the  lion  and  the 
tiger  abound.  There  are  other  zones  in  which  the  wolf,  the  fox, 
the  bear,  and  other  hardy  creatures  are  numerous.  The  char- 
acter of  the  animals  seems  to  partake  of  the  nature  of  the  sur- 
roundings. It  is  so  with  man,  his  habits,  disposition,  character, 
seem  to  be  affected  by  climate  and  surroundings,  and  so  was  his 
religion.  Sua  worship  prevailed  in  Egypt,  in  Babylonia,  and 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  even  when  the  civilization  of  those 
regions  had  reached  its  height.  The  religions  of  the  people  in- 
habiting these  lands  were  naturallv  sensuous.  Sun  worship  was 
a  sensuous  system.  It  always  appeared  among  a  self-indulgent 
and  luxurious  people,  and  was  always  atttended  with  sensuous 
rites.  It  differed  from  animal  worship  in  this  respect.  Some 
would  regard  it  as  the  result  of  a  sedentary  life,  and  as  attend- 
ant upon  agricultural  pursuits,  but  it  was  more  owing  to  the 
subtle  influence  of  the  climate  and  the  physical  surroundings, 
than  the  employment.  Agriculture  might  lead  to  a  sense  of 
dependence  upon  the  great  luminary,  and  so  the  thoughts 
would  be  directed  to  it  as  to  a  divinity.  The  blazing  heat  of 
the  sun  would  suggest  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  torrid  regions 
many  traits  of  a  personal  character,  and  the  different  phases  of 
the  sun  would  be  interpreted  as  the  varied  moods  of  a  divinity. 
There  vvas  a  combination  of  the  nature  powers  in  the  torrid 
regions  which  made  them  seem  like  divinities  to  the  people. 
Storm  and  sunshine,  clouds  and  darkness,  night  and  day,  light- 
ning and  thunder,  rain  and  wind,  were  all  divinities.  Some  of 
them  symbolized  war  and  death,  others  symbolized  wine  and 
self  indulgence.  There  was  a  strange  mingling  of  personal 
gods  and  the  powers  of  nature  in  all  these  regions." 

It  was  so  among  the  Greeks,  as  well  as  well  as  among  the 

*Sec  Bancroft,  Native  Races,  \o\.  Ill,  page  292. 


THE  PYRAMID  IX  AMEIUCA.  165 

Hindoos.  The  religions  of  these  well-known  people  are  sup- 
posed to  be  the  result  of  climate  and  of  physical  surroundintrs. 
They  can  all  be  traced  back  to  an  ori^^inal  nature  worship.  Nature 
powers  were  personified  and  at  last  were  worshiped  as  personal 
bein<rs,  the  material  form  havincr  dropped  out  from  the  popular 
conception.  Dionysius,  the  god  of  wine, Venus,  the  goddess  of 
lust,  Apollo,  the  god  of  manly  beauty,  Mercury,  the  god  of  let- 
ters, Mars,  the  god  of  war,  were  originally  planets  which 
attended  the  great  sun  divinity.  Zeus  himself  was  the  son  of 
the  sun.  His  father,  Saturn,  was  a  sun-god,  the  father  of  all 
the  gods.  We  might  go  on.  Such  are  the  views  which  have 
become  very  fashionable.  According  to  these  views,  the  arch- 
itectural structures  of  this  country,  such  as  the  animal  mounds, 
the  earth  circles,  pyramidal  mounds,  terraced  pyramids,  and 
the  sun  temples,  were  all  the  result  of  a  natural  development. 

The  theory  of  the  autochthonous  origin  of  the  pyramid 
has  many  advocates.  Still,  there  are  several  difficulties  in 
the  case.  (i).  We  are  not  sure  that  the  conical  mounds 
grew  into  the  pyramidal  earthworks  or  that  the  pyr- 
amidal earthworks  have  anything  to  do  with  the  stone 
pyramids  of  Mexico,  or  that  the  stone  pyramids  of  Mexico 
and  Central  America  had  their  development  on  the  Amer- 
ican soil,  as  they  are  widely  scattered,  and  no  one  race 
can  be  said  to  have  built  them.  (2).  The  traditions  which  have 
prevailed  among  the  different  tribes  and  races,  among  which 
these  various  structures  are  found,  point  to  a  diverse  origin,  for 
each  of  them,  and  come  in  as  a  conflicting  and  rebutting  evi- 
dence; at  least  there  are  cross  lines  which  must  be  reconciled 
before  the  theory  is  complete.  The  northern  tribes  migrated 
from  the  northwest  and  erected  their  tumu4  and  remained  in 
their  savage  condition,  and  never  developed  beyond  the  rude 
animal  worship.  The  tribes  in  the  Gulf  States  also  migrated 
from  the  west,  but  found  the  pyramids  in  the  region  and  only 
adopted  them  as  suitable  to  their  modes  of  worship.  The  civi- 
lized tribes  of  Mexico  also  migrated  from  the  north,  but  they 
found  a  culture  which  preceded  them  and  so  the  whole  subject 
is  wrapped  in  a  mystery  and  it  is  only  conjecture  when  we  say 
that  one  stage  developed  out  of  the  other  and  one  structure 
gave  rise  to  another,  for  the  people  were  diverse  and  their  ori- 
gin seemed  to  have  been  also  diverse. 

2.  The  second  theory  is  to  be  considered.  It  is  that  the 
pyramid  was  introduced  into  America.  Religion  might  be 
transported  as  well  as  developed.  Of  course  there  would  be 
a  transformation  as  it  was  transported.  It  would  naturally  come 
to  be  accommodated  to  its  surroundings.  In  this  way  we  may 
account  for  the  pyramid,  the  circle,  the  serpent,  and  other  sym- 
bols in  America.  Mythologists  acknowledge  that  there  was  a 
tradiiionarv  religion  in  Asia  and  other  countries  of  the  east. 
And    much   of  the  symbolism  in  those  countries    is    owinc-  to 


166  X.  I  77  \'E  A  ME  J!  K  A  X  SYMBOL  ISM. 

tradition.  The  two  lines  are  to  be  recognized.  The  tradition- 
ary faith  and  the  natural  development  of  thought.  This  is 
illustrated  in  the  case  of  the  pyramid.  This  is  supposed  by 
some  to  have  sprung  up  on  Egyptian  soil  as  a  structure  devoted 
to  sun  worship;  by  others  to  have  been  a  mere  adaptation  of  a 
structure  to  the  purpose.  It  was  originally  an  imitation  of  the 
traditionary  mountain  from  which  the  first  ancestors  migrated, 
and  this  mountain  was  the  type  after  which  the  pyramid  was 
built.     This  we  may  see  in  the  mythology  of  the  Greeks. 

The  theory  of  a  transmitted  symbolism  is  one  which  cannot 
be  altogether  rejected,  for  it  has  too  many  things  in  its  favor 
for  that.  It  is  noticeable  that  this  theory  which  the  celebrated 
Max  Miiller  advocates,  though  his  views  have  more  regard  to 
the  languages,  myths  than  to  symbolism,  and  more  to  the 
Indo-European  race  than  to  any  of  the  Allophyllian  tribes  or 
peoples. 


"^*i4.  ' 


J^ig.  !,^Pij)ximtcl  at  Palenque. 

3.  The  third  theory  is,  however,  the  one  which  just  now 
is  the  most  interesting,  and  the  most  novel.  It  is  that  the  pyra- 
mid was  patterned  after  a  tradition,  the  tradition  of  the  moun- 
tains of  the  North.  This  brings  us  to  the  main  point.  Dr. Warren 
has  spoken  of  the  mountain  which  was  the  pivot  of  the  world,  and 
would  make  the  pyramid  to  b^  in  imitation  of  the  mountain  of 
the  north.  According  to  this  theory  the  pyramid  of  Egypt 
would  be  the  pivot  of  the  earth,  a  theory  which  Dr.  J.  H.  Seiss 
has  carried  out  to  an  alarming  extent.  According  to  this  theory 
the  symbolism  of  the  east  and  the  west,  especially  that  which 
embraced  traditions  and  astronomical  signs,  was  derived  from  the 
early  tradition  of  the  mountain  of  the  north.  The  following 
may  be  regarded  as  a  summary  of  these  views : 

Tne  Greeks  had  no  pyramids,  and  we  rarely  recognize  even 
h  e  circular  tower,  and  yet  there  was  a  latent  symbolism  in  the 


THE  pyRAMII>  IX  AMERICA. 


1(37 


Greek  mythology,  which  reminds  us  of  the  traditionary  mount- 
ains. Zeus  had  his  abode  upon  Mt.  Olympus,  and  Juno  was  his 
consort.  The  temples  to  Saturn  and  to  Jupiier  were  mere 
shrines.  They  did  not  admit  the  worshipers  but  were  only  the 
abode  of  the  divinity,  the  same  as  the  shrines  upon  the  summit 
of  the  p3-ramids  of  Chaldea.  They  were  also  placed  upon 
high  rocks  to  t3'pify  the  mountain.  This  conception  of  the 
mountain  being  the  primitive  place  of  worship,  the  abode  of  the 
gods,  and  the  center  of  creation  was  common  among  all  the 
Asiatic  races.  The  Mount  of  Meru  or  Harmoezd  was  the  pil- 
lar of  the  sky  and  the  navel  of  the  earth  It  was  situated  in 
Thibet,  the  primitive  home  o'  the  human  race.  Olympus, 
Parnassus,  Ida,    were   reproductions   of  it.     This   same  world 


F'ig.  5. — Pijrumid  of  Tcotihuacun. 

mountain  was,  however,  known  to  the  Egyptians.  The  famous 
oracle  of  Jupiter-Ammon  was  at  Meroe,  which  possibly  was 
named  after  Mt.  Meroe  or  Meru.  The  Hindoos  maintain  that 
Mt.  Meru  is  the  navel  of  the  earth.  The  Chinese  terrestrial 
paradise  was  at  the  center  of  the  earth — the  palace  of  the  center. 
Dr.  Wm  F.  Warren  maintains  that  the  ancient  Mexicans  con- 
ceived the  cradle  of  the  human  race  to  be  situated  in  the  farthest 
north,  upon  the  highest  mountains  surrounded  by  clouds,  the 
residence  of  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain.  We  recognize  in  these 
traditions  the  prevalence  of  a  primitive  nature  worship,  as  well 
as  to  the  original  abode  of  the  human  race.  The  question 
arises  whether  the  pyramid  was  the  outgrowth  of  this  primitive 
tradition  and  the  result  of    a  transmittt-d  faith.     Dr.   Warren 


1  (iS  X.  1  77 1  'E  A  MERK :  I  .V  x  Y.MBOMISM. 

says,  "ihe  stupendous  terraced  pyramid  of  Cholulu  was  a  cop\' 
and  symbol  ot  the  sacred  paradise  mountain  of  Aztec  tradition, 
which  was  described  as  standing  in  the  center  of  the  middle 
country.  The  national  temple  of  Tlaloc  stood  in  the  center  of 
the  city  of  Mexico,  whence  four  causeway  roads  conducted 
east,  west,  north  and  south.  In  the  center  of  the  temple  was  a 
richly  ornamented  pillar  of  peculiar  sanctity."* 

The  center  and  capitol  of  Peru  was  Cuzco,  (bl.,  "navel,") 
whence  to  the  borders  of  the  kingdoms  branched  oflfour  great 
highways,  north,  south,  east  and  west,  each  traversing  one  of 
the  four  provinces  into  which  Peru  was  divided.  Dr.  Warren 
quotes  Gerald  Massey  who  holds  that  the  Mound-builders  had 
retained  this  tradition,  "Some  of  the  large  mounds  left  in  Mis- 
sissippi were  called  navels  by  the  Chickasaws,  although  the 
Indians  are  said  not  to  have  had  any  idea  whether  these  were 
natural  mounds  or  artificial  structures.  They  thought  Missis- 
sippi was  at  'the  center  of  the  earth'  and  the  mounds  were  as 
the  navel  in  the  middle  of  the  human  body." 

Dr.  W.  F.  Warren  has  written  a  book  which,  to  some,  will 
account  for  the  pyramid  in  America  exactly  as  it  accounts 
for  the  pjTamid  in  Assyria  and  in  Egypt,  and  prove  that 
there  was  a  common  source  for  the  pyramid  in  both 
countries.  Some  might  object  to  this  and  say  that  the 
theory  in  the  book  was  based  upon  mere  conjecture,  and 
that  there  is  no  more  plausibility  to  this  than  the  first  the- 
ory. We  are,  however,  inclined  to  accept  the  facts  as 
brought  out  by  this  book  and  to  say  that  the  tradition  of  the 
"mountain  of  the  north,"  the  "holy  mountain,"  the  "primitive 
abode  of  the  gods,"  the  "starting  place  of  the  human  race,"  is 
to  be  discovered  on  this  continent  as  well  as  in  the  historic  re- 
gions of  the  east.  Dr.  Warren  has  referred  to  the  tradition 
among  the  Choctaws,  that  at  the  time  of  the  creation,  a  supe- 
rior being  came  down  from  above  and  alighting  near  the  cen- 
ter of  the  Choctaw  town,  threw  up  a  large  mound  or  hill  called 
the  "sloping  hill."  Then  he  caused  the  red  people  to  come  out 
of  it,  and  when  he  supposed  a  sufficient  number  had  come  out 
he  stamped  on  the  ground  with  his  foot.  When  this  signal  of 
his  power  was  given,  some  were  partly  formed,  others  were  just 
raising  their  heads  above  the  mud,  emerging  into  life  and 
struggling  for  life.  We  have  no  doubt  that  many  other  tradi- 
tions and  customs  might  be  ascribed  to  the  same  source.  Of 
course  the  theory  of  the  local  origin  of  these  myths  will  be  off- 
set to  this  one  of  the  common  origin,  and  yet  we  have  the  fact 
before  us  and  are  to  keep  our  minds  open  to  the  suggestions 
whether  overthrowing  a  theory  of  our  own  or  not. 

III.  Our  third  inquiry  is  as  to  the  development  of  the  p3Tamid 
on  the  American  continent,     i.  There  are  writers  who  maintain 

*-'Paraclise  Found,"  by  Dr.  W.  F.  Warren.    Boston:  Houghton  d-  Mifflin. 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  169 

that  the  mounds  or  tumuli  found  in  the  Mississippi  valley,  aie 
the  primordial  forms  of  the  pyramid,  and  that  there  is  an  un- 
broken succession  of  structures  on  the  American  continent, 
from  which  the  pyramid  was  developed.  The  theory  is,  that 
this  succession  ot  pyramidal  works  lurnishes  to  us  a  view  of 
the  various  stages  through  which  the  pyramids  in  Egypt  and 
Assyria  passed  before  they  reached  their  perfection.  This  is  a 
very  plausible  theory  and  one  that  needs  to  be  considered.  It 
makes  the  prehistoric  works  of  America,  all  the  more  inter- 
esting if  we  are  to  regard  them  as  the  forerunners  of  such 
remarkable  historic  works  as  the  pyramids  were.  If  it  was 
the  same  continent  that  produced  this  series,  we  should  cer- 
tainly conclude  that  we  had  learned  the  history  of  the  pyramid. 
But,  as  the  prehistoric  series  has  disappeared  from  Asiatic 
countries,  we  are  glad  to  recognize  this  succession  of  steps  on 
the  American  continent  even  if  we  have  to  span  a  wide  gulf  to  make 
the  early  historic  and  the  prehistoric  to  connect.  There  are  types 
here  which  seem  to  have  anticipated  the  more  advanced  pyramids 
elsewhere,  and  we  might  imag-  _-=--^ - 

ine   that   these   were  the  types 
from    which  the  historic  pyra- 
mids   grew.       There    are  also 
various  structure  which  seem  to    ^ 
furnish    different  stages   of  the  - 
growth  of  the  pyramid,  and  it  i^  - 
very  easy  for  us  to  make  out  a  7 
plausible  and  interesting  theory    ~ 
and  imagine  that  we  have  a  per- 
fect picture  of  what  the  pyra-        _^  -^  -I    _ 
mids  in  the  East  were  before         "     -^■^^^^^^^^-'^"'^ 
the    historic     structures    were        ...    ,     ^        .  ^  ,r 

,  -,.  .     ,  Fig.  6. —  Truncated  Mound  from  the 

erected.      We    might   con-  omo  vaiiey. 

jecture  many  things  and  say  that  there  was  a  gradual  devel- 
opment from  the  one  to  the  other.  These  different  earthworks 
found  in  the  Mississippi  valle}',  show  the  stages  through  which 
the  Mexican  pyramid  passed  on  its  wav  to  completion.  We 
might  imagine  that  the  large  conical  mounds  and  so-called 
haystack  mounds  form  connecting  links  between  the  tumuli 
and  the  truncated  pyramids,  and  that  the  terraced  platform 
houses  of  the  Pueblos  formed  the  connecting  links  between 
the  inhabited  earthworks  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  tiie 
lofty  teocalli  found  near  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  conclude  that 
we  had  proven  a  succession  of  structures  and  a  sure  line  of 
growth  or  development.  These  three  links  or  steps  in  the  order 
of  progress  which  are  found  in  the  burial  mounds,  pyramidal 
earthworks,  and  the  sacred  teocalli  would  to  some  prove  that 
the  pyramid  had  its  origin  and  growth  on  this  continent.  We 
might  reJer  to  the  correlation  of  these  different  structures,  to 
the  state  of  society  and  to  the  different   modes  of  worship,  and 


170 


XATIVE  AMERICAX  SYMBOLISM. 


say  that  the  tumuli  were  built  by  a  savaf^e  people  and  devoted 
to  the  rude  primitive  animal  wort-hip.  And  that  the  truncated 
pyramids  were  erected  by  an  at^ricultural  people,  and  devoted 
to  sun  worship,  and  that  the  teocalli  belonged  to  a  civilized 
people  and  were  devoted  to  the  highest  form  of  nature  worship 
possible.  This  view  has  a  great  deal  ot  plausibility  about  it, 
and  yet  great  caution  is  needed  in  reference  to  it. 

2.  We  illustrate  these  points  by  a  series  of  figures.  First,  by 
an  ordinary  truncated  mound  from  the  Ohio  valley.  Fig.  6. 
Second,  by  the  view  ol  the  mound  at  Cahokia.  Fig.  7.  Third, 
by  the  cluster  of  platforms  and  pyramids  which  are  found  at 
Copan  in  Central  America.     Fig.  8. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  there  is  a  complete  series  here,  and 
that  there  are  some  remarkable  resemblances  between  these 
structures  and  those  of  Oriental  countries,  especially  in  the 
grouping  of  the  mounds  near  together,  and  in  the  arrangement 
of  the  terraces  along  with  the  pyramids.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  these    structures    are    scattered    and    situated  in  dift'erent 


Firj.  7 — Mound  at  Cahokia. 

parts  of  ihe  continent,  but  this  only  illustrates  how  numerous 
pyramids  are  on  the  continent.  The  subject  is  suggestive,  and 
we  might  dwell  upon  the  analogies  and  resemblances,  but  we 
use  the  figures  only  to  illustrate  the  point. 

It  will  be  noMced  that  there  are  great  resemblances  between 
the  American  pyramids. 

These  resemblances  are  found,  first,  in  the  location  of  the  pyra- 
mids among  a  sedentary  people,  the  Mound-builders  and  the 
Mexicans  both  being  partiallycivilized;  second,  the  shape  of  the 
structures  are  very  similar.  They  are  platforms  on  which,  form- 
erly, temporary  structures  were  erected.  If  they  were  temples, 
they  were  temples  which  were  inhabited  ;  third,  the  probable  use 
of  these  structures.  The  pyramidal  mounds  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley  and  the  platform  pyramids  of  Central  America,  were  un- 
doubtedly devoted  to  the  form  of  worship.  There  were  shrines 
on  all  these  pyramids  which  were  dedicated  to  the  sun.  The  re- 
semblances between  all  the  pyramids  in  America  are  very  strik- 


THE  PYRAMID  IX  AMERICA. 


ing.  This  constitutes  the  strongest  argument  for  an  autoch- 
thonous origin. 

3.  We  are  to  consider  what  may  be  safe  ground  as  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  pyramid  in  America.  Tne  following  are  sug- 
gestive points : 

(I.)  The  primordial  forms  of  the  pyramid  may  be  discovered 
here,  the  mounds  generally  being  regarded  as  the  germ  of 
the  pyramid.  (2.)  The  successive  stages  through  which  the 
pyramid  passed,  are  exhibited  in  the  different  kinds  of  mounds. 
(3.)  The  typical  pyramid  with  its  terraces  and  shrines  is  found 
in  Mexico  and  Central  America.  (4.)  The  use  of  the 
pyramid  as  a  sacred  structure  and  as  a  symbol  of  nature  wor- 
ship is  learned  here.  The  perfect  pyramid  is  not  discovered, 
and  yet  the  earlier  forms  are  very  coinmon. 


Fi<j.  s.—P/d/f.trni.f  (tnd  Pr/ramicl.i  at  Copan. 

The  Mound-builder's  pyramid  certainly  shows  uniformity. 
The  Aztec  pyramid  may  also  be  recognized  in  Mexico.  The 
Maya  architecture  may  also  be  recognized  in  the  pyramids  of 
Yucatan.  The  Peruvian  style  of  architecture  may  also  be  recog- 
nized in  the  pyramids  of  Peru.  It  is  possible  that  we  shall  yet 
trace  a  common  type  in  all  the  pyramids  ;  but  that  is  as  far  as 
we  may  go.  The  race  quality,  or  the  ethnic  quality  may  be  rec- 
ognized in  the  type  of  the  pyramids.  Some  have  undertaken  to 
show  a  connection  between  mounds  and  Mexican  structures. 
Others  have  undertaken  to  trace  a  resemblance  between  Aztec 
and  Toltec,  and  between  the  Nahua  and  the  Maya  ;  but  this  is 
a  difficult  task.  The  variety  of  types  baffle  every  investigation  of 
the  kind.  Prof  Short  says:  "Maya  architecture  furnishes 
evidences  of  growth,  and  maybe  classified  into  the  Chiapan  or 
ancient,  and  the    Wicatan   or  modern   styles.     It  is   a  question, 


172 


.Y.177I7';  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM 


however,  whether  the  distinction  between  the  ancient  and  the 
modern  type  of  pyramid  can  be  clearly  established."  The  Chi- 
apan  or  ancient  style  is  exhibited  in  the  imposing  remains  of 
Palenque ;  but  the  pyramids  of  Uxmal  diffc;r  materially  from 
those  at  Palenque,  and  we  have  so  diverse  types  in  the  same 
region,  that  we  are  at  a  loss  to  determine  which  is  the  earlier 
and  which  later. 

IV.  This  brings  us  to  the  question  of  the  object  of  the  pyra- 
mid and  the  law  of  the  parallel  development.  The  parallel 
lines  are  very  manifest.  It  is  in  accord  with  the  general  law  of 
progress.  The  architecture  of  the  east  seems  to  have  devel- 
oped in  about  the  same  order  that  it  did  in  the  west.  If  we 
take  any  of  the  departments  of  architecture,  its  earliest  use  and 
form,  its  ordinary  ornamentation,  the  religious  symbolism, 
which  embodied  itself  in  it  and  the  technic  arts  which  found 
their  scope  there,  we  shall  find  a  parallel  in  each. 


/(  /  1/  I      '   St     I 

I.  For  instance,  the  idea  of  utility.  Ferguson  says:  "The  wig- 
wam grew  into  a  hut,  the  hut  into  a  house,  the  house  into  pal- 
ace, the  palace  into  a  temple,  by  well  defined  and  easily  traced 
graduations."  And  yet  he  says  "those  styles  which  are  admired 
through  all  time  are  in  the  original,  the  products  of  ethnical 
taste."  According  to  this  theory  we  might  say  that  burial  was 
the  purpose  for  which  the  pyramid  was  erected,  and  that  the 
law  of  utility  as  well  as  of  ethnical  taste,  would  account  for  it. 
Utility  and  worship  were  combined  in  many  of  these  prehis- 
toric pyramids.  We  can  hardly  account  for  the  earthworks, 
or  for  the  platforms  of  the  pyramids,  unless  they  were  used 
for  habitation  as  well  as  for  purposes  of  worship.  It  is  prob- 
able that  they  were  the  foundations  for  the  houses  of  the 
chiefs,  and  that  the  worship  of  ihe  people  was  led  by  the  chief 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  173 

or  by  the  priest  who  belongs  to  his  household.  It  has  been 
known  that  many  of  the  large  pyramidal  mounds  were  used  as 
burial  places;  this  would  show  that  utility  and  worship  were 
combined.  The  great  mound  at  St.  Louis  contained  a  burial 
chamber  75  feet  long,  12  feet  wide,  8  feet  high,  and  several 
bodies  were  contained  in  it,  which  were  covered  with  beads, 
and  other  paraphernalia  of  royalty.  We  give  a  cut  to  illus- 
trate this:  Fig.  9.  The  pyramid  of  Cahokia  is  another  spe- 
cnnen  which  proves  that  utility  and  worship  were  combined. 
It  will  be  seen  that  there  were  platforms  and  terraces  in  this 
pyramid,  and  it  arose  in  successive  stages  to  a  very  consider- 
able height.  The  size  of  this  earthwork  shows  that  it  was 
used  for  habitation.  It  covers  nearly  twelve  acres,  and  was 
six  hundred  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base,  but  only  about  90 
feet  high.  It  is  possible  that  it  was  built  for  a  refuge  in  high 
water,  or  it  may  have  been  like  the  other  structures  in  the 
South,  designed  as  a  platform  on  which  the  caciques  might 
build  their  houses.  The  terraces,  however,  show  a  diverse  use 
and  it  is  very  probable  that  on  the  summit  there  were  fires 
kept  lighted  as  sacred  to  the  sun.  This  structure  reminds  us 
of  the  sacred  mountains  of  the  North,  and  has  striking  analo- 
gies to  the  pyramids  of  Mexico,  as  well  as  to  those  in  Assyria. 
There  were  three  uses  to  this  earthwork.  It  was  a  burial  place 
and  abode  for  the  people  and  a  massive  temple  to  the  sun,  and 
illustrates  the  point.     See  Fig.  7. 

2.  The  law  of  ethnic  development  is  an  important  point  and 
illustrates  the  case.  There  are  several  elements  which  consti- 
tute the  basis  for  architectural  progress,  or  the  source  of  archi- 
tectural growth.  The  advance  of  art  and  architecture  was 
as  follows  :  First,  the  hemispherical  mounds  ;  second,  the 
pyramidal  platforms;  third,  the  terraced  pyramids;  fourth,  the 
massive  and  finished  pyramids,  with  its  simple  and  silent  shape 
impressing  one  with  an  air  of  mystery.  Subsequent  to  this, 
the  mechanical  principles  came  in.  The  arch,  the  pier  and 
lintel,  and  other  parts  of  the  building.  But  for  the  purposes  of 
worship,  the  simple  pyramid  seems  to  have  been  the  most 
effective,  and  the  effect  may  have  been  owing  to  the  propor- 
tions. It  seems  strange  that  these  pyramids  in  America 
should  have  assumed  proportions  which  are  so  true  to  nature 
and  so  expressive  of  grandeur.  The  towers  at  Mugheir  and 
Birs,  Nimroud  in  Assyria,  are  not  more  correct  in  their  pro- 
portions than  are  these.  The  pyramids  of  Cheops  and  IVIy- 
colenus  and  others  upon  the  Nile  are,  to  be  sure,  higher  than 
are  any  of  the  pyramdial  mounds  of  America.  And  yet  the 
universal  testimony  of  travelers  is,  that  these  mounds  are  very 
impressive.  Such  is  the  case  with  the  great  mound  at  Caho- 
kia, and  It  is  true,  to  a  certain  extent,  even  of  the  conical 
mounds.  Their  size,  their  proportions  and  their  situation  com- 
bining to  produce  a  very  singular  impression  upon  the  mind. 


1 74  NA  TI  \  'E  A  MERWA  N  S  YMB  OLISM. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  the  prehistoric 
works  of  this  country.  They  were  designed  as  religious 
structures,  and  the  sense  of  awe  and  fear  existed  in  the  minds 
of  the  builders  to  a  wonderful  extent.  (3.)  The  impressibility 
of  the  human  mind  is  another  point.  Architectural  grandeur  is 
often  found  in  primitive  structures,  giving  the  impression  that 
this  sense  was  strong  in  the  primitive  mind.  The  pyramids 
of  Egypt,  the  topes  of  the  Buddhists,  the  mounds  of  the 
Etruscans,  depend  almost  wholly  for  their  effect  upon  their  di- 
mensions. This  is  the  case  in  America:  pyramids  were  made 
massive  to  impress  the  minds  of  the  people.  There  are,  to  be 
sure,  a  few  places  where  high  art  and  elaborate  ornamentation 
were  made  to  gratify  the  sense  of  beauty  and  the  more  delicate 
emotions,  but  mass  was  mainly  depended  upon.  The  mounds 
are  often  impressive  on  account  of  their  size.  They  are  placed 
upon  high  hills  and  by  this  means  they  are  made  impressive. 
Their  outlines  when  thrown  against  the  sky  give  an  impression 
of  grandeur,  which  is  irresistible.  At  times  the  gateways  to 
the  sacred  enclosures  are  erected  in  the  pyramidal  shape,  and 
have  a  massiveness  about  them  which  give  the  same  impres- 
sion. The  simplicity  of  these  structures  add  to  the  impressive- 
ness.  It  may  seem  strange  that  the  mounds  and  earthworks  of 
the  Mississippi  Valley  should  be  compared  to  the  pyramids  of 
Egypt;  and  yet  we  are  convinced  that  many  of  the  elements  of 
grandeur  were  embodied  in  both  classes  of  structures.  We 
may  say  the  same  impression  was  made  upon  a  rude  people  by 
these  massive  earthworks  that  were  made  upon  a  more  culti- 
vated people  by  the  more  finished  stone  structures.  Simplicity 
and  grandeur,  solidity  and  the  sense  of  the  sublime  were 
combined  in  them  all.  The  propylee  before  the  temples  at 
Carnac,  in  Egypt,  are  scarcely  more  impressive  than  are  the 
rude  massive  walls  which  form  the  gateway  to  the  sacred  en- 
closure at  Newark. 

The  pyramids  of  Cheops  are  scarcely  more  impressive, 
notwithstanding  their  size,  than  are  the  massive  pyramidal 
mounds  which  lift  their  heads  above  the  high  blufis  which 
overlook  the  valley  and  the  city  of  Vincennes.  The  pyramidal 
mound  at  Cahokia  gives  the  same  impression,  although  this 
was  erected  upon  the  level  plain  and  not  upon  an  eminence. 
The  sense  of  grandeur  is  exhibited  by  many  of  the  pre-historic 
works  of  America.  The  pyramid  form  seems  to  have  favored 
this.  The  pyramid  of  Cholulu  in  Mexico,  the  great  teocalli  at 
Uxmal,  were  impressive  works  of  architecture;  their  very 
simplicity  and  massiveness,  giving  a  sense  of  stability,  and 
it  may  be  that  type  of  structure  was  adopted  as  much  for  its 
effect  as  for  any  other  reason.  The  solid  works  were  first 
given  to  sun  worship. 

We  find  there  striking  analogies  between  the  pyramids  in  the 
west  and  the  east.      The  three  uses  to  which  the  pyramidal 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  175 

mounds  were  subject  are  very  suggestive.  In  the  first  place 
the  fact  that  they  were  burial  places  reminds  us  of  the  pyra- 
mids of  Egypt.  The  earliest  kings  of  Egv^pt  utilized  the  pyra- 
mid for  this  purpose,  and  it  is  said  that  the  "mastaba"  or  square 
built  tomb  found  in  Egypt  was  the  structure  which  there  an- 
ticipated the  pyramid.  Second,  the  fact  that  the  terraces  and 
summits  of  these  pyramidal  mounds  were  used  as  the  places 
from  which  the  morning  salutation  was  given  to  the  rising  sun 
is  suggestive  of  the  use  of  the  terraced  pyramid  in  Assyria. 
The  terraces  there  were  devoted  to  the  different  planets  and  on 
the  summit  of  the  pyramid  in  Mexico,  there  was  a  shrine. 
Three  of  the  pyramidal  mounds  were  inhabited  and  so  were  the 
elevated  platforms  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia.  This  analogy 
between  the  structures  of  the  east  and  the  west  is  most  remark- 
ble.  The  question  arises,  however,  whether  these  p3^ramidal 
mounds  were  symbolic  structures.  They  were  devoted  to  sun 
worship  and  may  have  been  symbols.  It  has  been  conjectured 
that  they  were  oriented,  as  the  pyramids  of  Egypt  were,  yet  this 
is  doubtful.  They  were  sometimes  surrounded  by  circular  walls 
and  enclosures,  giving  the  idea  that  ihe  sun  symbol  was  in- 
tended. The  terraces  with  which  the  pyramids  abound  have 
been  explained  in  the  same  way.  There  are  certain  pyramidal 
mounds  which  have  very  high  conical  tumuli  on  the  summit,  as 
if  the  purpose  was  to  light  fires  upon  them  which  should  be 
sacred  to  the  sun.  The  fact  that  they  were  used  by  the  na- 
tives, subsequent  to  the  discovery  of  America,  for  the  purpose 
of  sun  worship,  is  another  proof  The  fact  also,  that  they  were 
in  the  territory  of  the  agricultural  races  and  that  they  belonged 
to  the  stage  or  grade  of  civilization  in  which  sun  worship  pre- 
vailed. We  should  say  then  that  the  rudimentary  and  primi- 
tive forms  of  worship  were  exhibited  here  and  that  we  have  in 
the  pyramid  a  prehistoric  structure  which  was  anticipated  of 
the  historic  pyramid.  Primitive  Sabeanism  prevailed  here  as 
well  as  among  the  Chaldeans,  so  that  we  may  examine  the 
structures  in  America  and  ascertain  what  that  system  was  in 
prehistoric  times  elsewhere. 

V.  This  brings  us  to  the  subject  of  the  pyramid  as  a  re- 
ligious structure.  Were  we  to  study  the  pyramids  of  Mexico 
and  of  Central  America  and  ascertain  their  religious  significance 
we  might  learn  from  these  how  the  pyramids  of  the  east,  came 
to  be  used  as  they  were.  One  perhaps  will  throw  light  upon 
the  other.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  pyramid  was  primarily 
devoted  to  sun  worship.  This  was  one  of  the  uses  to  which 
the  pyramids  in  America  were  subjected;  it  was  the  chief  use 
to  which  the  stone  pyramids  were  consecrated.  The  historical 
and  traditional  records  show  this.  There  may  be  exaggerations 
in  some  of  these  accounts,  and  yet  it  is  evident  that  the  pyra- 
mids were  devoted  to  sun  worship  and  that  many  bloody  sacri- 
fices were  offered.     The  tocalli  reeked  with  human  core.     The 


176 


NATIVE  AMIJIilCAX  SYMBOLISM. 


victims  were  taken  to  the  summits,  were  prostrated  upon  the 
sacrificial  stone,  their  bodies  laid  open  by  the  priests,  their 
hearts  torn  out,  while  still  quiverincr,  and  thrown  into  the  face 
of  the  sun,  while  the  forms  were  hurled  down  the  steps  of  the 
pyramid  to  the  bottom.  It  was  a  bloody  and  cruel  scene. 
Long  lines  of  victims  were  said  to  stand  waiting  to  be  sacri- 
ficed. There  is  no  doubt  that  long  processions  marched  around 
the  terraces  and  approached  the  shrine  on  the  summit.  It  was 
a  cruel  divinity  which  they  worshipped — the  sun  divinity — not- 
withstanding the  beneficence  which  was  ascribed  to  him.  The 
sacrificial  stones,  both  covered  with  symbols  of  sun  worship, 
but  in  the  midst  of  the  symbols  was  the  channel  which  would 
carry  oft'  the  flood  from  the  face  of  the  sun.  The  symbol  was 
covered  with  the  blood  of  human  victims  and  this  was  called 
washing  the  face  of  the  sun.     The  pyramid  in  Mexico  was  de- 


Fiji.  10. — Palace  and  Piiramid  at  Palenque.* 

voted  to  the  most  cruel  practices.  We  do  not  learn  that  human 
sacrifices  were  oftered  on  the  pyramids  of  the  east,  and  yet  we 
are  not  sure  but  that  they  may  have  been  practiced  in  prehis- 
toric times.  The  instrument  of  sacrifice,  the  stone  knife,  is  seen 
depicted  among  the  hieroglyphs  of  Egypt  and  a  few  are  sup- 
posed to  have  survived  the  earliest  times.  The  sacrifices  by 
Abraham  of  his  son  Isaac  on  the  mountain  would  indicate  that 
the  practice  had  prevailed  in  that  region. 

*  Banfroft  says:  "The  basis  of  the  foundation  structures  are  usually  rectangular, 
the  Inrji^ist  diuicnsiods  lioing  1500  feet  scjuare,  as  at  Zoyi ;  while  niany'have  sides  of 
from  M(X)  to  :iO0  feet.  Most  of  them  have  two  or  more  terrace  jilaf  forms,  from  20  to  50 
feet  high.  Most  of  them  have  stairways,  some  of  them  100  feet  wide.  All  the  pyra- 
mids are  truncated,  none  forming  points  at  the  top.  The  edifices  are  usually  built 
on  a  summit  platform;  one  building  on  a  summit,  but  in  some  of  them  enclosing  a 
courtyard.  The  buildings  are  long,  low  and  narrow,  the  greatest  height  31  feet,  great- 
est width  39  feet,  greatest  length  322  feet." 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA. 


17: 


The  association  of  the  pyramids  with  temples,  shrines  and 
palaces  is  to  be  considered  in  this  connection.  In  some  of 
the  localities,  as  at  Copan,  the  structures  are  crowded  to- 
gether in  close  proximity  and  a  strange  combination  of 
pyramids,  platforms,  temples  and  shrines  is  apparent  See 
Fig.  8.  It  would  seem  from  this  that  worship  was  as 
much  an  object  as  habitation.  If  fires  were  lighted  upon 
the  summit  of  the  pyramids,  then  the  number  of  them  sur- 
rounding one  massive  platform  would  be  exceedingly  impres- 
sive. It  was  a  strange  superstition  which  should  crowd  the 
temples  and  the  palaces  so  near  together  and  then  cover  them 
all  with  a  glare  of  sacrificial  fires.  The  stairways  were  steep, 
the  platforms  elevated,  the  shrines  were  some  of  them  in  the 


Fi<j.  11 — IVic  I\i/r<t/nid  of  Quentada.* 

most  mysterious  shapes,  while  obelisks  and  idol  pillars  stood 
about  the  foot  of  the  stair-cases.  Everything  that  could  make 
the  place  impressive  and  cover  it  with  the  air  of  mystery,  was 
devised.  In  Mexico  the  stair-cases  were  guarded  by  immense 
serpents'  heads,  the  bodies  of  which  formed  the  balustrades  or 
rails  to  the  stair-cases.  The  shrines  on  the  summit  were  some 
of  them  in  the  shape  of  serpents'  mouths  held  wide  open,  and 


*  Bancroft  says  of  this  pyramid  :  "  Here  we  have  a  square  enclosure;  its  sides  150 
fcot,  bounded  by  a  terrace  3  feet  higli,  12  feet  wide.  Back  of  tlie  terrace,  on  three 
sides,  stand  walls  20  feet  liigh.  Tlie  north  side  of  tlie  square  is  bounded  by  the  steep 
sides  of  a  central  clitl'.  In  the  centre  of  tliis  enclosure  is  a  Irincated  pyramid  with  a 
base  of:Wx:i5  feet,  19  feet  hiKh,  divided  ihto  several  stories.  In  front  of  the  iiyraniid, 
and  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  square,  stands  a  kind  of  altar,  7  feet  square  and  5  I'eet 
higli.  A  very  clear  idea  of  this  square  is  given  in  the  following  cut  and  presents  an 
interior  view.  The  pyramid,  the  central  altar,  the  eastern  terrace  with  its  steps, 
standing  walls,  and  the  natural  cliff,  are  all  clearly  portrayed  : 


178  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  fires  that  were  burning  within  made  them  fearful  to  look 
upon,  showing  that  cruelty  was  the  spirit  which  prevailed  here. 
In  Yucatan  the  worship  was  more  peaceful,  but  the  archi- 
tecture was  more  elaborate.  Our  supposition  is  that  the  pyra- 
mids were  temples  sacred  to  sun-worship  and  were  symbolic 
structures. 

We  give  a  cut  of  the  so-called  palace  and  pyramid  at  Palenque. 
and  the  pyramid  accompanying  it  to  show  that  there  may  have 
been  a  combination  of  palaces  and  of  temples  (Fig.  lo)  in  the 
same  structure  or  in  close  proximity  There  is  no  doubt  that  one 
these  buildings  was  a  palace  and  occupied  by  the  cacique  of  the 
village  or  city,  but  that  the  temple  was  in  close  proximity  to  it  on 
the  pyramid,  which  is  in  the  background.  The  view  of  Char- 
nay  is  "that  these  ancient  cities  were  occupied  by  a  people  among 
whom  the  ranks  and  grades  of  society  were  very  distinct,  and 
that  the  buildings  in  ruins  are  the  remains  of  palaces  and  tem- 
ples. The  huts  of  the  common  people  have  perished."  This  is 
in  opposition  to  the  theory  advanced  by  Mr.  L.  H.  Morgan  that 
they  were  the  communistic  houses,  and  that  the  common  peo- 
ple dwelt  in  these  as  well  as  the  chiefs.  The  illustration,  we 
think,  refutes  the  theory.  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  has  undertaken 
to  restore  one  of  these  palaces  and  its  accompanying  pyramid 
and  shrine— the  one  at  Palenque.  Whether  the  restoration  is 
correct  or  not  we  conclude  that  the  explanation  is  a  good  one. 
Fig.  lo. 

Still  there  are  those  who  deny  this  and  who  would  make  the 
pyramid  a  place  of  habitation  or  a  fortress.  Mr.  Ad.  F.  Bande- 
lier,  has  made  a  study  of  this  pyramid  of  Cholula.  He  calls  it  a 
fortified  pueblo,  and  says:  "If  we  imagine  the  plateaus  and 
aprons  around  it,  covered  with  houses,  possibly  of  large  size,  like 
those  at  Uxmal  and  Palenque,  or  on  a  scale  intermediate  between 
them  and  the  Pecos  communal  dwellings,  and  many  other  places 
in  New  Mexico,  we  have  then,  on  the  mound  of  Cholula, 
as  it  then  was,  room  for  a  large  aboriginal  population."  This, 
how  ever,  reduces  the  sacred  structures  of  Mexico  and  Yucatan 
to  a  very  common-place  condition,  and  would  do  away  with  the 
religious  sentiment  which  was  so  powerful.  The  historical  an- 
nal^of  the  aborigines  prove  that  the  chief  object  of  this  pyra- 
mid was  to  support  a  temple.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest 
there  was  a  stairway  which  led  up  the  slope  to  the  temple. 
The  Spaniards  under  Hernando  de  Cortez  had  a  fierce  hand  to 
hand  conflict  on  the  slopes  and  notwithstanding  the  desperate 
resistance  of  the  natives,  they  burned  the  magnificent  structure 
on  the  top. 

The  number  and  variety  of  the  pyramids  would  prove  that 
they  were  all  used  for  religious  purpose.  Writers  have  specu- 
lated as  to  who  were  the  builders  of  the  pyramids  in  Mexico, 
Yucatan  and  Honduras,  and  have  endeavored  to  trace  a  reseni- 
blance  between  the   Nahua  and  the   Maya  religions.     There  is 


TIIK  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  179 

no  doubt  that  the  two  were  very  similar,  and  that  the  same  cult 
which  prevailed  in  Mexico  during  the  time  of  the  Conquest, 
prevailed  in  Uxmal  and  Palenque  in  prehistoric  times.  The 
study  of  the  ruins  in  all  of  these  localities,  reveals  a  remarkable 
resemblance  in  the  structures.  There  are  pyramids  at  Tusapan, 
Papantla,  at  Misantla,  at  Centla,  in  Vera  Cruz,  which  formeriy 
had  shrines  upon  the  summit  and  which  were  ascended  by  wide 
flights  of  steps.  They  show  that  the  pyramidal  type  was  the 
structure  which  was  devoted  to  worship.  The  ruins  of  Oajaca, 
of  Mitla,  and  the  pyramid  at  Tehuantepec  show  the  same  thing. 
Mitla  was  a  palace,  and  yet  there  are  pyramids  here.  The  pyra- 
mid of  Tehuantepec  was  erected  with  stair-cases  on  the  four 
sides  and  plastered,  hemispherical  walls  forming  the  corners. 
A   highly   ornamented    platform    and    shrines    on   the    summit. 

VI.  We  are  to  consider  the  analogies  which  exist  between 
the  symbolisms  of  the  two  continents,  especially  that  which  is 
found  in  the  pyramidal  structures.  These  analogies  have  never 
that  we  are  aware  of,  been  traced  out,  and  yet  they  are  many 
and  interesting.  We  shall  first  take  up  the  pyramids  of  Egypt 
and  their  uses  and  see  what  structures  in  America  resembled 
them  ;  next,  consider  the  terraced  pyramids  of  Assyria  and 
Chaldea,  and  lastly  speak  of  the  traditionary  views  which  have 
embodied  themselves  in  many  structures  both  in  the  Oriental 
continent  and  the  American  continent,  (r.)  Let  us  consider  the 
pyramids  of  Egypt.  In  Egypt  the  pyramids  are  so-called  perfect 
pyramids,  that  is,  their  sides  are  smooth  inclined  planes,  the 
steps  having  been  filled  in  and  the  whole  veneered.  No  such 
pyramids  are  found  in  America,  though  there  are  occasionally 
structures  whose  face  seemed  to  have  been  built  up  smoothly 
and  covered  with  plaster.  In  one  respect  the  pyramids  of  Egypt 
resemble  the  pyramids  of  America,  especially  the  pyramidal 
mounds.  They  were  devoted  to  burial  purposes.  There  are 
sixty-six  pyramids  in  Egypt.  The  oldest  is  supposed  to  be  that 
of  Senefru,  of  the  fourth  dynasty.  It  was  prior  to  that  of 
Cheops.  The  latest  are  supposed  to  be  those  of  the  twelfth 
dynasty,  those  of  Lake  Meros.  All  of  these  were  sepulchers. 
It  is  a  question  which  antedated  the  other,  the  Assyrian  or  the 
Egyptian.  Lenormant  says  that  "  temples  in  the  form  of  pyra- 
mids (that  is,  pyramidal  or  terraced  temples)  must  be  considered 
quite  a  recent  institution  in  Chaldea,  as  compared  with  what  they 
were  in  the  country  of  Shinar  or  Sumar,  where  national  tradition, 
like  that  in  the  Bible,  placed  the  construction  of  the  first  of  them 
side  by  side  with  the  confusion  of  tongues."  No  one  dared  to 
attribute  the  foundation  of  the  original  pyramids  of  Babylon  and 
Borsippa  to  any  historical  king;  for  they  were  said  to  be  the 
work  of  a  "  very  ancient  king,"  or  perhaps  even  more  correctly 
of  "  the  most  ancient  king"  or  "first  king."  This  is  an  interest- 
ing inquiry.       In  America    burial  mounds  probably   preceded 


ISO  XI  TIVJC  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

pyramidal  earth-works,  at  least  in  the  order  of  succession,  if  not 
in  date.  The  question  is  whether  the  pyramid  as  a  burial  place 
antedated  that  which  was  used  as  a  temple  devoted  to  sun-wor- 
ship. It  is  maintained  by  some  that  the  tope  and  the  tumulus 
gave  rise  to  the  pyramid,  and  that  the  platform  temples  were  a 
later  invention.  Others,  however,  maintain  that  the  pyramids 
were  originally  devoted  to  sun  worship,  and  that  their  use  as  a 
burial  place  was  feter.  That  it  originated  in  the  ambition  of  the 
kings  to  perpetuate  their  names  and  the  religious  idea  about  the 
necessity  of  the  preservation  of  the  body.  It  is  possible,  how- 
ever, that  the  two  grew  onparellel  lines,  the  terraced  pyramids  of 
Assyria  on  one,  and  the  perfect  pyramid  of  Egypt  on  the  other. 
The  earliest  known  structure  in  Egypt  was  a  quadrangular 
building,  in  the  shape  of  a  truncated  pyramid,  called  the"mastaba." 
It  was  used  as  a  tomb.  It  reminds  us  of  the  truncated  pyramid 
or  pyramidal  earthworks  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Many 
mastabas  are  from  30  to  40  feet  in  height,  150  feet  in  length,  and 
80  feet  in  width,  and  are  veneered  with  hewn  stone.  The  mastabas 
are  arranged  in  regular  streets  in  Ghizeh,  and  in  this  respect  they 
resemble  the  pyramids  of  the  Gulf  States,  which  were  often 
arranged  in  rows  and  around  a  square.     See  Fig.  2. 

The  pyramidal  mounds  were  used  as  burial  places ;  this  is  the 
case  of  the  great  mound  at  St.  Louis,  also  with  that  at  Etowah, 
Ga.,  and  is  supposed  to  be  the  case  with  that  at  Cahokia.  There 
is  another  analogy  between  the  mastabas  and  the  burial  mounds. 
A  superstition  prevailed  that  the  mummy  or  the  statute  was  a 
double  of  the  soul.  The  corpse  received  visits  from  the  soul, 
which  from  time  to  time  quitted  the  celestial  regions.* 

A  narrow  aperture  was  left  to  the  "  serdab"  in  the  center  of 
the  mastaba.  A  similar  superstitution  prevailed  among  the 
Mound-builders.  There  was  a  double  to  the  soul,  and  frequently 
the  skull  was  trephined  so  that  the  soul  might  go  in  and  out,  and 
claim  the  body  for  its  own.  The  same  superstition  is  supposed 
to  have  prevailed  in  prehistoric  times  in  Europe.  The  "dolmens," 
Avhich  were  the  abodes  of  the  dead,  had  holes  in  the  stone  at  the 
door,  which  were  supposed  to  be  for  the  passage  of  the  soul  in 
and  out  of  its  abode. 

There  is  another  parallel  found  in  the  offerings  made  to  the 
friends.  In  Egypt  each  mastaba  was  composed  of  a  receptacle 
for  the  dead  and  a  chapel  for  the  living.  The  chapel  was  the 
Eeception  room  of  the  "double,"  for  the  idea  was  that  a  double 
belonged  to  the  dead,  a  soul  and  body.  The  relations,  friends, 
and  priests  celebrate  funerary  sacrifices  at  the  commencement  of 
fche  seasons.  They  placed  offerings  at  the  exact  spot  leading  to 
the  entrance  to  the  chamber,  or  eternal  home  of  the  dead.  Pro- 
vision was  made  for  a  perpetual  ob.servance  of  the  feast.     Painted 

*Sec  Maspero's  Eg5-ptian  Archf^-ology,  page  110. 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA.  181 

or  sculptured  reproductions  of  persons  and  things  were  placed 
upon  the  walls  of  the  chapel,  so  that  in  years  to  come  the  "double" 
might  see  himself  depicted  upon  the  walls  in  the  act  of  eating 
and  drinking,  and  so  he  ate  and  drank.  Here  then  we  have  the 
animistic  conception,  the  same  conception  which  prevails  among 
the  Ojibwas,  who  to  this  day  build  houses  over  graves.  They 
leave  the  sides  and  ends  of  the  house  open,  the  roof  being  sup- 
ported by  corner  posts,  but  on  the  floor  they  place  the  provisions 
which  are  offered  to  the  spirits  ot  the  dead.  They  believed  in 
the  double  as  much  as  did  ever  the  Egyptians. 

(2.)  The  American  pyramids  were  devoted  to  sun-worship. 
There  is  no  doubt  about  the  prevalence  of  sun-worship  on  this 
continent,  or  the  devotion  of  the  pyramid  to  that  cult.  In  Assyria 
and  Babylonia  the  pyramid  was  consecrated  to  the  sun,  moon  and 
stars,  the  number  of  the  terraces  being  either  three,  after  "the  triad 
of  gods  of  the  three  worlds,"  or  five,  after  the  five  planets,  or  seven, 
as  at  Borsippa,  after  the  sun  and  moon  and  the  five  planets.  The 
terraces  were,  as  at  Ecbatana,  of  different  colors,  according  to 
the  sacred  colors  of  the  planets,  the  upper  gold,  the  second  silver, 
next  red,  blue,  yellow,  white,  the  lowest  black,  according  to  the 
hues  ascribed  to  the  sun,  moon.  Mercury,  Jupiter,  Mars,  Venus 
and  Saturn. 

The  great  temple  of  the  sun  at  Pekin  was  called  the  Temple 
of  Heaven.  It  was  also  built  in  terraces,  like  the  pyramids  of 
Chaldea.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  wide  pavement,  and  in  the 
pavement  were  nine  circles  of  standing  stones,  the  circles  repre- 
senting the  nine  heavens,  the  stones  increasing  in  nines  until 
the  last  circle  was  composed  of  eighty-one  stones.  In  the  center 
of  these  circles  was  the  altar  at  which  the  emperor  knelt  on  their 
New  Year's  Day,  the  twenty-first  of  December,  at  the  winter 
solstice,  and  acknowledged  himself  inferior  to  the  heavens,  and 
offered  sacrifices  to  secure  a  prosperous  season.  The  twenty-eight 
constellations  of  the  Chinese  zodiac  were  contained  in  this  Temple 
of  Heaven.     Tablets  were  erected  to  the  sun,  moon  and  stars. 

The  pyramids  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  were  also  built 
in  terraces  and  had  shrines  on  their  summits,  and  in  the  shrines 
were  tablets  which  were  sacred  to  the  sun  and  to  the  nature 
powers.  A  few  of  these  pyramids  present  massive  serpents, 
which  remind  us  of  the  dragon  of  the  east,  their  gigantic  forms 
forming  balustrades,  their  monstrous  jaws  guarding  the  approach 
to  the  stairways  which  led  to  their  summits. 

There  are  many  places  where  these  analogies  can  be  traced. 
We  give  cuts  to  illustrate  this.  We  refer  first  to  the  temples  at 
Palenque;  one  of  them  called  the  "temple  of  the  cross"  (Fig. 
12);  another  the  "temple  of  the  three  tablets"  (Fig.  13);  a  third 
the  "temple  of  the  sun;"  names  given  them  from  the  tablets  they 
contained.  These  shrines  were  standing  on  pyramids,  but  were 
near  buildings  which  have  been  called  palaces.     The  temple  of 


182 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


the  cross  was  on  a  pyramid  and  faced  the  east.  The  "temple 
of  the  tablets"  was  also  upon  a  pyramid,  and  facing  the 
east.  Each  of  the  four  central  piers  on  this  front  has  bas-reliefs 
in  stucco,  representing  human  figures,  and  each  bearing  in  its 
arms  an  infant.  The  "temple  of  the  sun"  was  also  on  the  sum- 
mit of  a  massive  pyramid,  and  was  furnished  with  double  corri- 
dors and  an  open  door,  through  which  the  sun  might  shine  at 
its  rising.  This  temple  also  had  a  bas-relief  in  its  interior,  on 
which  the  face  of  the  sun  could  be  seen  peering  out  from  the 
midst  of  many  other  symbols  of  the  nature  powers. 

II.  This  brings  us  to  the  subject  of  the  orientation  of  the  pyr- 
amids. First,  let  us  say  that  a  book  has  recently  appeared  in 
England  called  "The  Dawn  of  Astronomy."     This    book  treats 


wm^mm^ 


Fig.  12. —  Temple  of  the  Cross. 


mainly  of  the  mythology  and  early  astronomy  ot  Egypt,  but  it 
enables  us  to  draw  a  comparison  and  is  of  great  importance  in 
understanding  the  subject  of  astrology  in  America.  It  shows 
the  different  stages  through  which  ancient  astronomy  passed, 
and  reveals  the  views  which  were  held  in  the  east  and  the  differ- 
ent elements  which  were  brought  together  by  the  history  of  sky 
worship.  The  author  divides  the  observation  of  the  heavenly 
bodies  into  three  stages — the  first  for  wonder  and  worship ;  the 
second  for  utility,  the  observation  of  the  seasons,  the  direction 
of  religious  feasts  and  the  processes  of  agriculture  ;  the  third  for 
the  knowledge  of  astronomical  principles;  the  first  two  stages 
being  associated  with  mythology. 

According  to  ivlr.  Lockyer,  the  temples  and  the  pyramids 
were  all  of  them  oriented.  Some  of  them  were  oriented  toward 
the  sun  while  on  the  equator,  others  were  oriented  to  the  rising 
and  setting  sun  at  the  solstices,  and  still  others  toward  the  stars. 


THE  PYRAMID  IN  AMERICA. 


183 


The  author  thinks  that  the  pyramids  of  ^Memphis,  Tanis,  Sais, 
Bubastis  were  equatorially  oriented,  that  the  temples  of  Abydos 
and  Amen-Ra  were  solsticially  oriented.  The  alignment  of  the 
temples  is  the  most  interesting  feature.  There  are  temples  which 
are  so  aligned  that  the  sun  at  the  summer  solstice  shines  through 
the  whole  length,  6oo  yards,  and  shines  upon  the  shrine  in  the 
deep  interior,  causing  it  to  shine  with  a  "resplendent  light."  This 
was  the  case  with  the  temple  at  Amen-Ra,  as  well  as  the  more 
modern  temple  Edfu.  The  entrance  to  this  latter  temple  was 
guarded  by  a  massive  exterior  pylon.  This  reduced  the  light 
so  that  it  should  shine  into  the  temple  itself.  Further,  the  arches 
from  the  entrance  to  the  end,  were  covered  so  that  within  the 
penetralia,  there  was  only  a  dim  religious  light,  but  the  sun 
shone  through  the  entire  temple  and  struck  upon  the  wall  of  the 
shrine  at  the  back.     The  temple  was  directed  toward  the  place 


Fig.  13.— Temple  of  the  Tablets. 

of  the  sun's  setting,  and  the  narrowing  doors  were  so  contrived  that 
the  temple  should  prove  a  great  astronomical  telescope.  The 
narrow  shaft  of  light  was  directed  and  concentrated  until  it 
reached  the  shrine,  which  answered  as  the  eye  piece.  We  have 
here  the  true  origin  of  our  present  method  ot  measuring  time. 
The  magnificent  burst  of  light  at  sunset  into  the  sanctuary  would 
show  that  a  new  true  solar  year  was  beginning.  The  summer 
solstice  was  the  time  when  the  Nile  began  to  rise.  The  priests 
were  enabled  to  determine  not  only  the  length  of  the  year,  but 
the  exact  time  of  its  commencement.  This,  however,  they  kept 
to  themselves.  The  year  in  common  use,  called  the  vague  year, 
began  at  different  times  of  the  true  year  through  a  long  cycle. 
Here  we  find  the  analogy  between  the  Egyptian  and  the  American 
systems  very  startling. 

There  seems  to  have  been  also  two  systems  of  orientation  in 
Central  America — one  for  the  temples,  the  other  for  the  palaces. 
The  temples  were  oriented  to  the  solstitial  sun  and  the  palaces 
to  the  cardinal  points.  We  find,  at  least,  that  the  shrines  were 
so  placed  upon  the  pyramids  that  the  sun  would  shine  through 
the  double  door- way  and  strike  upon  the  tablets  upon  the  back 
of  the  inner  sanctuary,  where  were  the  various  symbols  of  the 


184  NA Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

cross,  tree,  bird  and  sun.  The  light  would  cause  these  symbols 
to  stand  out  clearly.  The  offerings  were  presented  to  these  as 
if  they  were  divinities.  There  was  a  difference  between  the  pyra- 
mids of  the  different  cities.  Those  of  Palenque  were  all  oriented 
to  the  cardinal  points,  but  those  of  Uxmal  and  Chichen-Itza  and 
others  seemed  to  have  been  oriented  to  the  solstices,  or  at  least 
were  out  of  the  regular  line.  Here  the  alignment  of  the  walls 
of  the  temples  formed  an  angle  with  the  walls  of  the  palace  and 
its  courts,  showing  that  there  was  a  regard  to  the  solstitial  sun  in 
the  temples,  but  an  orienting  to  the  cardinal  points  in  the  palaces. 

In  reterence  to  this  subject  ot  orientation, the  Tusayan  Indians 
place  their  sacred  or  world  divisions  on  an  angle  ot  from  forty- 
five  to  fifty  degrees  west  of  north,  and  construct  their  kivas^ 
accordingly,  resembling  the  well-known  placement  of  the  Baby- 
lonian and  Assyrian  temples,  obliquely  to  the  cardinal  points,  the 
angles  instead  of  the  sides  facing  north,  west,  south  and  east. 
The  arbitrary  placing  of  the  world  quarters  was  carried  further 
by  the  ancient  Incas,  as  shown  by  the  orientation  of  Cuzco  than 
by  any  other  people,  except  the  Chinese.  The  sun  was  the  all- 
important  factor  in  the  universe,  the  maker  of  day  and  the 
renewer  of  light. 

The  seven  ancient  spaces  were  sometimes  symbolized  in  the 
ceremonial  diagrams,  which  were  made  on  the  floor  with  prayer 
meal,  six  chambers  or  houses  being  arranged  around  a  central 
one.  What  is  most  singular,  the  ground  plan  of  the  ruins  of 
Casa  Grande  shows  a  similar  arrangement  around  a  central  room. 
This  conveys  the  idea  that  there  may  have  been  a  knowledge 
of  the  solstitial  sun  and  an  arrangement  of  the  chambers  or 
rooms  in  the  villages  so  as  to  catch  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Stephens  and  Walter  Fewkes  that  the 
four  cardinal  points  of  the  Moquis  are  determined  by  the  sum- 
mer and  winter  solstices.  The  first  point  toward  the  north  is 
determined  by  the  notch  on  the  horizon  from  which  the  sun  sets 
at  the  summer  solstice,  the  second  west  by  its  setting  in  the 
winter,  the  third  by  its  rising  in  winter,  and  the  fourth  by  its 
rising  in  the  summer. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA  185 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 

Among  the  many  surprises  which  the  conquerors  of  Mexico 
experienced,  the  greatest  was  when  they  discovered  the  cross  in 
the  midst  of  the  heathen  temples  of  this  far-off  land.  Their 
first  explanation  was  that  St.  Thomas  the  Apostle,  who  was  re- 
puted to  have  been  a  missionary  to  India,  had  also  made  his 
way  to  America,  to  here  introduce  the  Christian  symbol.  As 
they  continued  to  notice  it  and  learned  of  the  human  sacrifices 
which  were  offered  and  other  cruelties  which  were  practiced,  they 
concluded  that  it  was  the  work  of  the  devil ;  that  he  had  taken 
this  symbol  of  peace  and  had  made  it  sanction  the  most  cruel 
atrocities,  and  thus  had  deluded  the  people  and  led  them  to  their 
own  destruction.  We  do  not  wonder  at  the  indignation  of  the 
priests  when  they  discovered  this  symbol  associated  with  so  cruel 
practices,  for  they  were  ignorant  of  the  real  history  of  the  cross. 
The  cross  is  a  pre-Christian  symbol,  and  had  existed  in  Asia  long 
before  the  history  of  Europe  began.  It  was  an  instrument  of 
punishment  in  the  days  of  Christ,  and  it  was  only  because  so 
innocent  and  holy  a  being  as  our  Savior  was  crucified  upon  it 
that  it  became  sacred  to  Europeans.  Were  we  to  look  upon  it 
as  it  existed  in  Asia  before  the  days  of  Christ  and  as  it  existed 
in  America  before  the  time  of  the  discovery,  we  should  better 
understand  it  as  a  symbol.  We  shall  in  this  paper  consider  it 
in  that  light.  We  shall  endeavor  to  disassociate  it  from  pre-con- 
ceived  ideas  and  to  place  it  before  ourselves  as  any  common 
symbol,  having  no  more  sacredness  in  our  eyes  than  the  earth 
circles,  the  stone  relics,  the  Mexican  pyramids,  but  an  object  of 
study  like  them.  We  must  acknowledge  its  prevalence  through- 
out the  continent,  and  shall  probably  be  led  to  the  conclusion 
that  it  was  a  symbol  of  nature  worship,  very  much  as  the  circle, 
the  crescent,  the  square  and  other  figures  were. 

The  cross  as  a  sun  symbol^  or  weather  symbol  is  the  subject 
of  this  paper.  We  are  to  show  that  it  was  so  used.  It  was  one 
of  the  symbols  of  sun  worship, 

I.  Our  first  point  is,  the  cross  was  used  by  the  aboriginal 
tribes  as  a  sun  symbol.  These  tribes  were  in  the  habit  of  using 
symbols  to  express  astronomical  facts  ;  they  in  fact  had  sym- 
bols which  were  so  extensive  and  were  so  similar  that  they 
could  be  understood  by  the  different  tribes.  Their  symbolic 
and    sign   language   corresponded    in   this   respect ;    both   were 


186  NA  Tl  VE  A  MERICA  N  S YMBOLISM. 

mediums  of  communication  between  the  tribes,  even  when  the 
language  was  a  barrier.  The  symbohsm  differed,  however,  from 
the  sign  language,  in  that  it  had  to  do  mainly  with  religious 
thoughts  and  with  mythologic  ideas;  while  the  sign  language 
dealt  with  the  common  affairs  of  life.  There  was  a  common 
mythology  among  all  the  tribes,  at  least  a  common  astronomy 
and  for  this  reason  the  symbols  were  easily  understood.  The 
study  of  the  sign  language  has  revealed  this,  and  the  familiarity 
with  their  mythology  is  bringing  the  fact  out  more  and  more. 
The  means  by  which  this  symbolism  has  become  known  are 
varied.     Certain  books,  such  as  the  Walum  Olum,  contain  cer- 


Fig.  1.  Fl(j.  -J.  Fig. 


tain  symbols ;  the  pictured  records,  such  as  the  Dakota  calendar, 
contain  others  ;  the  various  pictograghs  which  have  been 
preserved  contain  still  other  symbols ;  the  rock  inscriptions 
contain  others.  On  these  the  cross  is  occasionally  seen,  though 
the  circle  and  the  crescent  are  more  common.  In  these  various 
records  the  circle  was  the  symbol  of  the  sun,  the  cross  was  the 
symbol  of  the  winds,  the  square  was  the  symbol  of  the  four 
quarters  of  the  sky,  and  the  crescent  the  symbol  of  the  moon. 
The  following  are  a  few  of  the  symbolic  figures  common  among 
the  wild  Indians.  In  the  Walum  Olum  of  the  Delawares  we 
find  the  extended  land  and  sky  symbolized  by  a  square  with 
diagonal  lines,  which  resemble  an  ordinary  envelope,  with  circles 
to  signify  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars  in  the  separate  divisions. 
See  Fig.  i.     The  earth  was  symbolized  by  a  dome  or  hemisphere^ 


Fig.  U.  Fig.  S.  Fig.  6. 

sometimes  the  dome  was  surmounted  by  a  crescent,  to  symbolize 
the  moon  as  ruling  over  the  earth.     See  Figs.  2  and  3. 

The  points  of  the  compass  were  symbolized  by  a  cross  with 
straight  bars.  Fig.  4.  The  winds  with  arrows  placed  at  right 
angles  to  the  ends  of  the  bars,  to  signify  the  direction  of  the 
winds.*  The  Moquis  have  signs  of  the  sun  which  consists  of 
circles  with  rays  shooting  out  from  them,  the  circles  having  either 
faces  or  eyes  and  mouth  on  the  inside.  Fig.  5  and  6.  Mr.  C.  K. 
Gilbert  has  given  figures  taken  from  rock  etchings  in  Arizona,  in 
which  the  fece  of  the  sun  is  placed  at  the  intersection  of  the 

*See  Brinton's  "Tho;  Lenape  and  their  Legends,"  p.  182. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


187 


bars  ot  the  cross.  These  symbolized  the  four  quarters  of  the 
sky,  with  the  sun  in  the  zenith.  Circles  similarly  placed  at  the 
intersection  of  the  cross-bars,  but  without  dots  in  the  center, 
symbolized  the  stars. 

Morning  and  sunrise  were  symbolized  by  the  Moquis  by  a 
dome,  with  a  face  in  the  dome  and  lines  or  rays  streaming  out 
from  the  dome.  In  the  Ojibwa  pictograph,  as  reported  by 
Schoolcraft,  the  sky  was  symbolized  by  a  simple  arc  composed 
of  two  curved  lines,  but  in  the  Moqui  etchings  it  was  symbolized 
by  two  curved  lines  or  by  a  curved  line  with  a  turretted  figure 
above  the  line.  Rain  was  sym- 
bolized by  lines  drawn  below 
the  curves  or  arcs,  to  signify 
the  drops  as  falling  from  the 
clouds.  Lightnings  were  sig- 
nified by  a  crooked  line  ema- 
nating from  the  arcs  or  by  a 
crooked  line  surmounted  by 
a  turretted  figure.*  Among 
the  Zunis  there  are  statuettes 
which  probably  were  designed 
to  represent  the  same  facts. 
See  Fig.  7.  In  these  the  im- 
age probably  represented  the 
sun  divinity.  On  the  head  of 
the  man  was  a  turretted  head- 
dress representing  the  nature 
powers,  with  arcs  to  represent 
the  sky,  turrets  to  represent 
the  lightnings,  and  feathers 
above  the  turrets  to  represent 
the  clouds,  and  projections  at 
the  side  to  represent  the  winds 
or  the  points  of  the  compass. 
We  do  not  discover  in  these 

the    symbol  of   the    cross,  and  Fig.7-Zuni  Head  Dress. 

yet  the  same  nature  powers  were  represented,  but  with  different 
symbolic  figures. f  The  turretted  figures  may,  however,  signify 
the  houses  of  the  sky  and  the  habitations  of  the  divinities  of  the 
sky.  At  least  we  have  in  these,  imitations  of  the  terraced  houses 
of  the  Pueblos. 

II.  Our  next  point  is  that  the  cross  is  a  common  object  in 
pictographs  and  rock  descriptions.  There  are  many  inscribed 
rocks  which  contain  figures  of  the  cross.  In  some  of  these 
the  cross  is  associated  with  the  circle  and  in  some,  though  rarely, 
with  animal  and  bird  figures. 


*See  Mallery's  Sign  Language,  Vol,  I.,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  p.  371. 
tSee  Second  Annual  Report,  p.  395.    Zunis  and  Wolpis. 


188 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


We  give  here  a  few  cuts  to  illustrate  this  point.  Mr.  William 
McAdams  has  described  the  figures  which  he  discovered  on  the 
bluffs  at  Alton,  111.,  aud  caves  at  St.  Genevieve,  Mo.,  and  has 
kindly  loaned  us  the  cuts.     The  following  is  his  description  : 

"  Some  three  or  four  miles  above  the  city  (of  Alton),  high  up 
beneath  the  over-hanging  cliff,  which  forms  a  sort  of  cave  shelter, 
on  the  smooth  face  of  a  thick  ledge  of  rock,  is  a  series  of  paint- 


i^((/.  A'. — Hock  Inscriptions  in  Illinoif 


ings,  twelve  in  number."  They  are  painted  or  stained  in  the 
rock  with  a  reddish-brown  pigment  which  seems  to  defy  the 
tooth  of  time.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  their  position  is  so 
sheltered  that  they  remain  almost  perfectly  dry.  Their  appear- 
ance denotes  great  age.  They  doubtless  have  been  there  for 
centuries.  *  *  "  Half  the  figures  of  the  group  are  circles  of 
various  kinds,  probably  each  having  a  different  meaning."  See 
Fig.  8.  "  On  the  left  are  two  large  birds  apparently  having  a 
combat;  to  the  right  of  the  birds  is  a  large  circle  enclosing  a 
globe,  and  before  this  is  the  representation  of  the  human  form. 


©0  ^ 
O   © 


'^°?r 


ffi® 


F'ig.  9. — Rock  Inscriptions  in  Missouri. 


with  bowed  head  and  inclined  body,  as  if  in  the  act  of  offering 
to  the  great  circle  something  triangular  in  shape,  not  unlike  a 
basket  with  a  handle.  Among  all  the  ancient  pictographs  seen 
this  is  the  only  one  where  the  human  form  is  depicted  as  if  in 
adoration  to  the  sun.  *  *  Counting  from  the  left,  the  eighth 
figure  seems  to  represent  some  carniverous  animal  with  a  long 
tail.  The  next  figure  of  the  series  is  a  large  bird  with  extended 
wings,  which   seem  to  come   from  the  base  of  the  neck.     This 


THE  CROSS  IX  AMERICA.  189 

curious  winged  creature  seems  to  be  having  a  combat  with  a 
circle  with  two  horns,  at  some  Httle  distance  there  follows  the 
representation  of  an  owl,  the  whole  ending  with  a  small  red 
circle.  *  *  There  is  another  very  interesting  group  of  picto- 
graphs  to  be  seen  in  a  small  cavern  on  the  banks  of  the  Saline 
river,  near  where  it  empties  into  tne  Missssiippi.  The  figures 
are  eighteen  in  number,  and  are  carved  or  cut  in  the  smooth  face 
of  the  limestone  walls.  See  Fig.  9.  There  are  two  lines  of  the 
series,  one  on  each  wall  of  the  cave.  The  relative  position  of 
the  figures  on  the  wail  is  shown  in  the  cut.  The  size  of  the 
figures  may  be  inferred  from  the  representation  of  the  human 
foot  in  the  upper  line:  this  measures  14  inches  from  the  extrem- 
ity of  the  great  toe  to  the  heel."  *  *  The  following  are  Mr. 
McAdams  observations  :  "  These  circular  figures  are  not  uncom- 
mon among  the  pictographs  of  the  Mississippi  and  are  of  great 
interest,  more  especially  those  having  the  cross  enclosed.  The 
illustrations  of  the  human  footprints  with  those  of  birds  and 
other  creatures  are  found  in  many  places.  The  representation 
of  birds,  however,  as  it  in  combat  over  a  circle  or  planet  is  more 
rare,  and  we  are  not  aware  that  it  has  been  found  except  along 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  where  it  occurs  a  number  of  times, 
*  *  It  will  be  remembered  that  somewhat  similar  figures  are 
shown  in  the  pictographs  on  the  bluffs  above  Alton  ;  the  same 
figure  is  repeatedly  shown  on  both  sides  of  the  cave  (at  this 
place).  Along  the  Illinois  river,  some  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles 
from  its  mouth,  is  another  cave  situated  in  a  limestone  bluft,  in 
which  is  another  series  of  carvings.  *  *  The  figures  are 
nineteen  in  number;  three  of  them  representations  of  the  human 
foot;  seven  of  them  bird-tracks;  nine  of  them  circles  with  dots 
or  rings  in  the  center."* 

Mr.  McAdams  speaks  of  the  mounds  ;  a  number  of  them  were 
on  the  bluff  above  the  pictograph  at  Alton,  many  of  them  near 
the  salt  springs  on  the  Saline  river,  and  others  near  the  carved 
rock  on  the  Illinois  river.  He  gives  a  cut  of  a  cave  in  a  lime- 
stone cliff  at  Grafton,  111.,  above  which  is  a  mound  and  a  circle 
inscribed  on  the  cliff  between  the  mound  and  the  mouth  of  the 
cave. 

Mr.  McAdams  has  called  attention  to  certain  water  vases  now 
in  possession  of  the  St.  Louis  Academy  of  Science,  on  which 
are  painted  various  ornamental  figures.  These  figures  are  com- 
posed of  circles  with  spots,  circles  with  crosses,  circles  with 
pointed  rays,  and  are  supposed  to  be  sun  symbols  as  well  as 
ornaments,  and  he  makes  the  important  remark  that  the  fig- 
ure of  the  circle  with  serrated  edge  is  not  an  uncommon  one 
among  the  pictographs.  This  comparison  between  the  pottery 
ornamentation  and  the  rock  inscription  is  an  important  one,  and 

*See  Records  of  Ancient  Races,  McAdams,  pp.  22,  25  and  28i 


190  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

we  quote  Mr.  McAdams  because  of  his  opportunity  in  studying 
the  inscriptions.  His  extensive  collection  of  Mound-builders' 
pottery  enables  him  to  speak  somewhat  authoritatively  on  the 
subject  of  ornamentation.  Of  the  crosses  found  in  the  pottery 
he  says :  "  The  peculiar  cross  with  the  curved  arms  in  the 
center,  is  a  very  common  one  on  the  pottery  from  Illinois,  Mis- 
souri and  Arkansas,  and  some  of  the  most  beautiful  burial  vases 
are  decorated  with  it  in  some  form."  He  says,  "  It  is  very  in- 
teresting to  learn  that  figures  very  much  like  these  are 
among  the  oldest  of  symbolic  forms  known.  We  have  taken 
scores  of  burial  vases  from  the  mounds  of  Illinois,  almost  exactly 
duplicating  the  most  peculiar  shapes  of  many  from  Egypt." 
He  then  gives  a  cut  of  a  vase  from  a  tomb  at  Thebes,  in  Egypt, 
The  comparison  is  not  a  very  close  one  and  yet  it  is  suggestive, 
for  we  find  the  circle  and  the  spots  on  both  vases.  A  better 
illuctration  is  the  one  which  is  given  by  the  same  author,  by 
which  the  analogy  between  the  suastika  of  the  East  and  the  bent 
cross  in  these  pottery  ornamentations  is  brought  out.  Of  this, 
however,  we  shall  speak  hereafter.  From  this  point  to  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  and  from  there  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  it  was  the 
prevailing  cult.  The  fact,  however,  that  in  this  same  region 
there  were  monstrous  animals  depicted  upon  the  rocks,  and  that 
these  animals  represented  the  mythological  creatures  which 
were  worshipped  by  the  so-called  animal  tribes,  would  indicate 
that  it  was  the  border  line,  and  that  sun  worship  and  animal 
worship  met  at  this  point. 

III.  The  cross  as  a  symbol  among  the  mounds  will  next 
engage  our  attention.  We  have  already  spoken  of  the  circle 
and  the  cross  contained  in  the  earthwork  near  Portsmouth, 
Ohio ;  these  were  evidently  symbolic  of  sun  worship.  Squier 
and  Davis  have  spoken  of  this.  "  It  consists  of  four  concentric 
circles  placed  at  irregular  intervals  with  respect  to  each  other, 
and  cut  at  right  angles  by  four  broad  avenues  which  conform  in 
bearing,  very  nearly  to  the  cardinal  points.  A  large  mound  is 
placed  in  the  center;  it  is  truncated  and  terraced,  and  has  a 
graded  way  leading  to  its  summit."  On  the  supposition  that 
this  work  was  in  some  way  connected  with  religious  rites,  this 
mound  must  have  furnished  a  most  conspicuous  place  for  their 
observance  and  celebration.* 

There  is  another  structure  which  shows  that  the  Mound-build- 
ers were  familiar  with  the  figure  of  the  cross  and  that  they 
embodied  it  in  their  earth-works.  It  has  been  described  by 
Squier  and  Davis  in  their  "Ancient  Monuments'".  The  work  here 
figured  is  found  near  the  little  town  of  Tarlton,  Pickaway  county, 
Ohio,  in  the  narrow  valley  of  "  Salt  Creek,"  a  tributary  of  the 
Scioto   river,    eighteen    miles   northeast    from     Chillicothe,    on 

*See  Ancient  Monuments,  p.  81. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


191 


the  great  road  to  Zanesville.  See  Fig.  lo.  In  position  it  cor- 
responds generally  with  the  remarkable  work  last  described 
though  wholly  unlike  it  in  form.  It  occupies  a  narrow  spur  of 
land  at  a  prominent  point  of  the  valley ;  its  form  is  that  of  a 
Greek  cross,  ninety  feet  between  the  ends,  and  elevated  three 
feet  above  the  adjacent  surface.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  slight 
ditch,  corresponding  to  the  outhne  of  the  elevation  ;  in  the  cen- 
ter is  a  circular  depression,  twenty  feet  across  and  twenty  inches 
deep.  The  sides  of  the  cross  correspond  very  nearly  with  the 
cardinal  points.  Immediately  back  of  it  is  a  small  circular  ele- 
vation of  stone  and  earth,  resembling  that  in  connection  with 
the  Granville  effigy  and  denominated  an  altar  in  the  description 
of  that  work.  Several  small  mounds  occur  near  by;  and  upon 
the  high  hill,  a  spur  of  which  is  occupied  by  the  cross,  are  sev- 
eral larsre  mounds."* 


Fig.  10 — Cross  in  Pickaway  County,  Ohio. 

IV.  The  relics  which  exhibit  the  symbols  of  sun  worship  will 
next  engage  our  attention.  There  are  many  such  in  all  parts  of 
the  country.  We  shall  at  present  speak  of  those  which  are  found 
only  among  the  mounds.  Mound-builders'  relics  may  be  divided, 
according  to  the  material  of  which  they  are  composed,  into 
several  classes.  First,  the  inscribed  shells ;  second,  the  orna- 
mented pottery  ;  third,  the  carved  stone  specimens.  We  shall 
dwell  mainly  upon  the  shell  gorgets  or  inscribed  shells. 

(i)  First-  among  these  are  the  shell  gorgets  which  contain 
circles.  Descriptions  of  these  have  been  given  by  various 
authors,  but  all  agree  in  making  the  figures  upon  them 
symbols  of  the  sun.  The  figures  represent  a  single  dotted 
circle  in  the  center,  around  which  are  placed  three  crescent-shaped 
figures  arranged  in  the  form  of  a  wheel ;  outside  of  these  are 
several  dotted  circles  arranged  in  a  band,  which  surrounds  the 


*See  Ancient  Monuments,  page  ! 


192 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


crescent  wheel,  the  number  of  the  circles  varying  from  four  to 
six.  Outside  of  these  is  still  another  band,  which  is  filled  with 
dotted  circles,  varying  in  number  from  twelve  to  fifteen.  Scat- 
tered over  the  whole  field  there  are  small  dots  which  have  been 
punctured  into  the  shell.  Here  then  we  have  a  complicated 
sun  symbol.  A  central  sun,  three  moons,  which  are  supposed 
to  rule  the  year;  next,  the  suns,  which  represent  the  seasons  or 
the  divisions  of  the  year;  next,  the  suns  or  circles,  which  repre- 
sent the  months  or  divisions  of  the  seasons;  next,  the  stars  or 
dots,  which  possibly  represent  days.  We  are  reminded  by  these 
gorgets  of  the  sun  circles  of  Mexico,  which  always  have  the  sun 
symbol  in  the  center  and  the  symbols  for  the  season  arranged  in 
circle  around  the  center.  How  it  should  happen  that  these  rude 
sheirgorgets  should  have  symbols  so  similar  to  the  circles  and 


i'7</.  11 — Bird  Gorget. 

symbols  on  the  highly  ornamented  calendar  stones  of  Mexico  is 
a  mystery.  The  fact  gives  rise  to  many  conjectures,  {a)  Either 
the  Mound  builders  were  a  degenerate  race  from  the  same  stock, 
or  {b)  they  borrowed  ideas  from  the  Mexicans  and  embodied 
them  in  this  rude  way  on  shells,  or  [c]  there  was  a  transmission 
of  thought  from  a  primitive  time  when  all  were  together  ;  the 
Mexicans  having  added  to  the  simple  rudiments  all  the  elaborate 
and  complicated  symbols  which  have  have  grown  up  with  their 
increased  culture  and  civilization.  There  is  one  lesson  to  be 
learned  from  the  analogy.  Sun  worship  existed  in  different 
stages  throughout  the  country.  The  symbols  on  the  gorgets 
marks  the  lowest  stage,  while  those  on  the  calendar  stone  marks 
one  of  the  higher  stages. 

(2)  The  shells  which  contain  quadrangular  figures  and  birds' 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA.  193 

heads.  These  we  place  among  the  sun  symbols,  for  we  can  ex- 
plain them  in  no  other  way.  Mr.  W.  11.  Holmes  has  described 
these.  See  Fig.  ii.  The  following  is  the  description:  "In  the 
center  is  a  nearly  symmetrical  cross  of  the  Greek  type,  enclosed 
in  a  circle  ;  outside  of  the  circle  are  eight  star-like  rays,  orna- 
mented with  transverse  lines,  the  whole  representing  a  remarkable 
combination  of  the  two  symbols,  the  cross  and  the  sun.  Sur- 
rounding this  symbol  is  another  of  a  somewhat  mysterious 
nature.  A  square  frame-work  of  four  continuous  parallel  lines 
looped  at  the  corner,  the  inner  line  touching  the  tips  of  the  star- 
like rays  Outside  of  this  are  the  four  symbolic  birds,  placed 
against  the  side  of  the  square  opposite  the  arms  of  the  cross. 
These  birds'  heads  are  carefully  drawn.  The  mouth  is  open,  the 
mandibles  are  long,  the  eyes  represented  by  a  circle,  and  a  crest 
springs  from  the  back  of  the  head  and  neck.  The  bird  resembles 
the  ivory-billed  woodpecker  more  than  any  other  species." 

These  gorgets  are  evidently  sun  symbols,  the  rays  of  the  sun 
being  indicated  by  the  points  and  the  beams  by  the  radiating 
lines.  The  cross  in  the  center  of  the  circle  may  be  intended  as 
a  weather  symbol,  either  indicating  the  points  of  the  compass  or 
the  four  quarters  of  the  sky.  The  quadrangular  figure  may 
have  reference  to  the  same  fact,  or  possibly  may  symbolize  the 
four  seasons  of  the  year.  The  birds'  heads  may  also  have  refer- 
ence to  the  nature  powers,  a  substitute  for  the  the  thunder  bird. 
Six  of  these  shell  gorgets  were  discovered  among  the  mounds 
mainly  in  Tennessee  and  Georgia.  They  have  been  ascribed  to 
the  Cherokees,  though  they  may  have  belonged  to  the  Natchez. 
The  Natchez  were  sun  worshippers  and  possessed  an  elaborate 
symbolism.  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  the  Mound-builders  of 
this  region  were  sun  worshippers,  and  these  symbols  would  in- 
dicate that  they  had  a  mythology  resembling  that  of  the  Zunis 
and  other  tribes  among  which  sun  worship  prevailed.  The 
Zunis  divided  the  sky  into  four  parts,  and  made  an  animal  divinity 
to  preside  over  each  one  of  the  parts.  The  astronomy  of  the 
Mound-builders  is  unknown,  but  these  are  undoubtedly  astro- 
nomical symbols. 

(3)  The  spider  gorget,  A  very  interesting  series  of  shell  gorgets 
is  the  one  which  contains  images  of  the  spider.  Several  of  these 
are  in  the  possession  of  the  Academy  of  Science  of  St.  Louis, 
Mo.;  they  have  been  described  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Holmes.  He 
says:  "The  spider  occurs  but  rarely  in  aboriginal  American  art. 
Occasionally  it  seems  to  have  reached  the  dignity  of  religious 
consideration,  and  to  have  been  adopted  as  a  totemic  device. 
Four  examples  have  come  to  my  notice:  two  from  Illinois,  one 
from  Missouri  and  one  from  Tennessee.  The  spider  is  drawn 
with  considerable  fidelity  to  nature.  It  covers  nearly  the  entire 
disk,  legs,  mandibles  and  abdomen  reaching  to  the  outer  marginal 
line.     The  thorax  is  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  disk,  and  is  rep- 


194 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


resented  by  a  circle.  Within  this  a  cross  has  been  engraved,  and 
on  one  specimen  the  ends  of  the  cross  have  been  enlarged,  pro- 
ducing a  form  much  used  in  heraldry,  but  one  very  rarely  met 
with  in  aboriginal  American  art.  The  head  is  heart-shaped,  is 
armed  with  mandibles,  the  latter  being  ornamented  with  a  zigzag 
line.  The  eyes  are  represented  by  small  circles  with  central 
dots  ;  the  legs  are  correctly  placed  in  four  pairs  upon  the  thorax; 
the  abdomen  is  heart-shaped  and  is  ornamented  with  a  number 
of  lines  and  dots,  which  represent  the  natural  markings  of  the 
spider.  In  reference  to  the  cross,  it  has  been  suggested  that  it 
may  have  been  derived  from  the  markings  upon  the  backs  of 
some    species.      The   cross  here  shown  has,   however,  a  very 


F'iff.  12— Spider  Gorget. 

highly  conventionalized  character,  and  what  is  still  more  decisive 
it  is  still  more  identical  with  figures  found  upon  other  objects. 
The  conclusion  is  here  as  elewhere  that  the  cross  has  a  purely 
symbolic  character."* 

The  spider  gorget  was  evidently  symbolic.  It  contains  all  of 
the  symbols  which  were  commonly  used  in  the  astronomy  of  the 
sun  worshippers.     The  circle  will  first  be  noticed. 

The  body  of  the  spider,  and  in  fact  the  whole  disk  of  the  shell, 
is  covered  with  circles.  There  are  circles  upon  the  head  of  the 
spider;  there  are  circles  enclosing  the  spider ;  also  a  circle  in 
the  center  of  the  spider  upon  the  body;  in  one  case  there  are 
circles  enclosing  the  spider,  two  circles  surrounding  the  rim  of 


*See  Figs.  2,  3  and  4,  Plate  Ixi,  Second  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  p.  288 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


195 


J^iff.  13— Spider  ivith  Ci'oss. 


the  gorget,  a  scalloped  circle  making  the  edge  of  the  gorget,  and 
perforations  dividing  the  circles  from  one  another  within  the 
gorget.     These  were  evidently  symbolic  of  the  sun. 

The  cross  is,  however, 
the  most  remarkable  fea- 
ture of  these  spider  gor- 
gets. It  is,  to  be  sure, 
varied  in  shape,  but  is 
evidently  a  symbol.  The 
peculiarities  of  the  cross 
are  to  be  noticed.  In  one 
it  is  a  common  plain 
cross  enclosed  in  other 
circle,  see  Fig.  13;  in 
another  the  cross  is  in 
the  form  of  the  suastika 
or  fire-generator  of  the 
east,  its  arms  are  bent,  see 
Fig.  14;  in  another  there 
is  a  cross  in  the  center 
on  the  body  of  the  spider 
and  two  peculiar  crosses 
in  the  shape  of  the  Greek  tau  on  the  abdomen  of  the  spider 
See  above.  The  question  arises  how  came  the  Mound-builders 
by  these  symbols  ;  is  it  a  mere  coincidence,  or  was  there  a  trans- 
mitted symbolism? 
The  spider  was  a 
wa  ter  divinity 
among  the  Zunis. 
We  can  trace  the 
symbol  so  far,  but 
we  go  no  farther 
It  is  possible  that 
the  creature  was 
used  to  represent 
the  sun  divinity.  In 
that  case  we  should 
say  that  the  differ- 
ent parts  represent- 
ed the  different 
parts  of  the  sky,  the 
four  legs  symbol- 
izing the  fourquar  - 
ters,  the  head  and 
abdomen  the  upper  ^''■'-  ^^--^i"""'-  ^"''■f^'''- 

and  nether  regions,  the  body  the  central  sun,  the  cross  on  the  body 
the  points  of  the  compass,  the  bars  and  rings  on  the  abdomen 
the  seasons,  the  zigzag  lines  on  the  mandibles  the  lightning,  the 


196 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM 


tau  some  one  of  the  nature  powers.  This  may  be  a  mere  conjec- 
ture, and  yet  the  figure  is  very  suggestive.  It  would  seem  from 
this  as  if  the  Mound-builders  were  familiar  with  these  astronom- 
ical facts,  and  that  they  were  able  to  symbolize  them  in  this 
way.  The  symbolism  of  the  Zunis  has  been  studied  and  some 
remarkable  points  brought  out.  The  mythologies  of  the  Indians 
would  indicate  that  a  similar  symbolism  might  have  prevailed 
among  them  or  their  ancestors.  We  do  not  know  where  this 
mythology  came  from,  whether  it  was  transmitted  from  the  east 
or  whether  it  grew  up  on  American  soil,  yet  the  myth  of  the 
"  four  brothers,"  who  represented  the  four  winds  and  the  four 
points  of  the  compass,  was  a  very  common  one. 

(4.)     The  serpent  symbol  is  to  be  mentioned  in  this  connec- 
tion.    We    have  already  spoken  of  this.     See  Fig.  15.     Thirty 

or  forty  specimens  of  gorgets 
engraved  with  the  serpent 
symbol  have  been  found  The 
great  uniformity  of  the  design 
is  a  matter  of  much  surprise. 
(a)  The  engravings  are  al- 
ways placed  upon  the  concave 
side  of  the  disk.  (/;)  The  ser- 
pent is  always  coiled,  the  head 
occupying  the  center  of  the 
disk.  {c)  The  head  is  so 
placed  that  when  the  gorget  is 
suspended  it  has  an  erect  posi- 
tion, the  mouth  opening  to- 
ward the  right  hand,  (d)  The 
eye  of  the  serpent  is  always 
near  the  center  of  the  figure 
and  surrounded  by  a  var3'ing 
number  of  circles,  (c)  The 
mouth  of  the  serpent  is 
sometimes  represented  in  profile,  and  sometimes  as  if  project- 
ing forward,  the  nose  and  mouth  being  visible.  (/")  In  most  of 
the  specimens  there  are  joints  in  the  body  of  the  serpent,  the 
joints  being  represented  by  a  number  of  circles  with  a  dot  in  the 
center.  In  a  few  cases  the  serpent  seems  to  have  legs,  though 
the  marks  which  resemble  legs  may  be  intended  for  the  joints  of 
the  body,     {g')  Every  one  is  represented  with  rattles. 

(5)  We  come  now  to  a  very  interesting  series  of  gorgets, 
namely  those  which  contain  the  figure  of  the  cross  without  any 
other  symbol.  It  seems  singular  that  this  figure  should  be  found 
as  a  separate  symbol  among  the  mounds,  but  so  it  is.  Mr.  W. 
H.  Holmes  speaks  of  this  fact.  He  says  :  "  It  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  the  cross  was  undoubtedly  used  as  a  symbol  by  the 
prehistoric  nations  of  the  nations  of  the  south  and  consequently 


Fig.  IS—Serxie  it  Oorc/et. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


197 


JFi,g.  is—Cross  on  Shell  Girr/et. 


that  it  was  probably  also  known  in  the  north.  A  great  majority 
of  the  relics  associated  with  it  in  ancient  mounds  and  various 
places  are  undoubtedly  aboriginal.     We  find   at   rare   intervals 

designs  that  are 
characteristically 
foreign;  these 
whether  Mexican 
or  European  are 
objects  of  special 
intere.'5t,and  merit 
the  closest  exam- 
ination. That  the 
design  under  con- 
sideration as  well 
as  any  other  en- 
graved upon  these 
tablets  is  symbol- 
ic or  otherwise 
significant  I  do 
not  for  a  moment 
doubt;  but  the 
probabilities  as  to 
the  European  or  American  origin  of  the  symbol  of  the  cross 
found  in  this  region  are  pretty  evenly  balanced."  He,  however, 
says:  "I  have  not  seen  a  single  example  of  engraving  upon  shell 
that  suggested  a 
foreign  hand  or  a 
design  with  the  ex- 
ception of  this  one, 
that  could  claim  a 
European  deriva- 
tion. Some  very 
ingenious  theories 
have  been  elabor- 
ated in  attempting 
to  account  for  the 
presence  of  the 
cross  among  Amer- 
ican symbols." 
Brinton  believes 
that  the  great  im- 
portance attached 
to  the  points  of  the 
compass,  the  four 
quarters  of  the  heavens,  by  savage  peoples  has  given  rise  to  this 
symbol  of  the  cross.  With  others  the  cross  is  a  phallic  symbol, 
derived  by  some  obscure  process  of  evolution  from  the  venera- 
tion accorded  to  the  reciprocal  principal  in  nature.     It  is,  how- 


Fig.  17 — Cross  on  Copper  Disk. 


198 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


ever,  frequently  associated  with  sun  worship  and  is  recognized 
as  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  Such  delineations  of  the  cross  as  we 
find  embodied  in  ancient  aborig^inal  art  represent  only  the  final 
stages  of  its  evolution  (degeneration?)  and  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
that  its  origin  can  be 
traced  through  them.  In 
one  instance  a  direct  deri- 
vation from  nature  is  sug- 
gested. "The  ancient 
Mexican  pictographic 
manuscripts  abound  in 
representations  of  trees, 
conventionalized  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  resemble 
crosses."  By  comparison 
of  these  curious  trees 
with  the  remarkable  cross 
in  the  Palenque  Tablet,  I 
have  been  led  to  the  belief 
that  they  must  have  a 
common  significance  and 
origin.  The  analogies  are 
indeed  remarkable.      The 


Fig.  18—Suastiku  on  Shell. 


branches  of  these  cross-shaped  trees 
terminate  in  clusters  of  symbolic  fruit,  and  the  arms  of  the  cross 
are  loaded  down  with  symbols,  which,  although  highly  conven- 
tionalized, have  not  yet  entirely  lost  their  vegetable  character. 

The  most  remarable  fea- 
ture, however,  is  that 
these  crosses  perform  like 
functions  in  giving  sup- 
port to  a  symbolic  bird, 
which  is  perched  upon  the 
summit.  This  bird  appears 
to  be  the  important  feature 
of  the  group,  and  to  it,  or 
the  deity  which  it  repre- 
sents, the  homage  is  of- 
fered. 

We  turn  now  to  the 
shell  gorgets.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  a  great  varie- 
ty of  crosses  are  contained 

Fig.  19-Crox.s  on  Shell.  j  j^  thcSC.       FigS.  1 6,  I  7,  I  8, 

and  19.  Some  of  them  are  very  rude,  consisting  of  mere 
cross  lines  with  an  attempt  at  circles  and  dots;  some  of 
them  have  cross-bars,  the  bars  being  cut  out  in  such  a  way  as  to 
bring  out  the  shape  of  the  cross.  This  particular  specimen 
given  in  the  cut  (Fig.  17)  is  a  piece  of  copper  and  not  shell; 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA.  199 

others  consist  of  cross-bars  with  several  parallel  lines  traversing 
the  bars,  the  space  between  the  bars  being  filled  with  cross 
hatchings;  still  others  containing  figures  of  the  cross,  with  the 
bars  bent  at  right  angles,  forming  a  sort  of  wheel  around  a  cen- 
tral point.  These  gorgets  were  all  taken  from  mounds  in 
Tennessee.  They  show  that  a  great  variety  of  symbolism  pre- 
vailed there.  We  call  attention  to  the  different  peculiarities  of 
the  cross.  There  are  fifteen  different  figures  of  the  cross.  All 
but  three  of  them  are  contained  within  circles.  The  crosses  are 
nearly  all  of  the  same  kind,  namely  the  Greek  cross.  Only  two 
variations  from  this  is  apparent,  namely  the  cross  with  the  arms 
bent  at  right  angles  and  the  cross  with  the  arms  in  the  shape  of 
scrolls.     See  Plate  I, 

The  cross  has  about  the  same  shape,  whether  found  in  the 
spider  gorgets,  the  bird  gorgets,  or  on  a  gorget  by  itself.  The 
most  important  point  is  that  the  cross  of  America  is  the  Greek 
cross,  occasionally,  in  the  shape  of  St.  Andrew's  cross.  The 
one  which  the  missionaries  or  Spanish  explorers  carried  with 
them  was  the  Roman  cross.  If  the  symbol  was  borrowed  by 
the  Mound-builders  from  the  whites  it  would  have  been  in  the 
shape  of  a  Roman  rather  than  a  Greek  cross.     Fig.  20.     There 


Fig.  "20— Shape  of  the  Crosses  Found  in  American  Ornamentation. 

are  a  few  Roman  crosses  found  in  the  mounds,  but  they  are  always 
exceptional.  Two  figu»res  are  to  be  seen  on  the  plate,  one  of 
them  having  a  single  bar  and  another  a  double  bar  across  the 
upright;  these  resemble  Roman  crosses,  and  may  have  imitated 
the  silver  "catechumen  crosses"  which  were  so  common.  These 
relics,  however,  are  modern.  The  crosses  with  the  curved  or 
bent  arms  are  especially  worthy  of  notice.  These  have  b^'-  some 
been  called  Phoenician.  They  resemble  the  figures  which  are 
common  in  the  east,  and  are  distributed  throughout  the  whole  conti- 
nent of  Asia.  They  are  found  in  the  ancient  ruins  of  Troy  and 
in  the  modern  symbols  of  Hindostan.  They  are  regarded  as 
fire-generators,  but  are  also  symbols  of  the  nature  powers.  There 
is  one  peculiarity  about  these  bent  crosses  in  America ;  they  all 
turn  to  the  left.  In  oriental  countries  the  suastika  is  generally 
bent  to  the  right,  though  in  a  few  cases  to  the  left.  How  this 
particular  symbol  could  have  reached  America  and  been  buried 
so  deeply  in  the  mounds  is  a  mystery.  It  must  have  been  intro- 
duced before  the  times   of  history,  for  it  is  not  a  form  which  is 


200  NA  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

commonly  used  by  the  historic  peoples.  The  Mound-builders 
must  have  borrowed  it  from  some  other  than  the  white  people. 
It  is  probably  a  pre-Christian  symbol,  having  been  in'roduced 
into  America  in  prehistoric  times. 

That  the  cross  contained  in  the  relics  was  a  prehistoric  sym- 
bol is  evident  from  the  use  and  repetition  of  the  number  four. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  there  are  on  all  the  gorgets,  and  es- 
pecially those  containing  the  cross.  If  we  take  the  regular  figure 
there  are  four  bars  and  four  spaces,  and  four  lines  on  the  bars, 
and  four  perforations  between  the  bars.  In  the  figure  where 
there  are  so  many  dotted  circles  there  are  four  suns  in  the  spaces 
and  on  each  of  the  arms ;  and  in  the  figure  where  there  is  a 
large  circle  there  are  four  projections  beyond  the  circle.  In  the 
figure  where  the  cross  has  bent  arms  there  is  a  dotted  circle  in 
the  center,  but  four  perforations  at  the  angles  and  four  circles  in 
the  spaces.  So  if  we  take  the  spider  gorgets  we  find  the  spider 
contained  within  four  circles,  and  that  it  has  upon  its  abdomen 
four  bands,  and  in  one  case  a  figure  resembling  the  Greek  tau, 
which  was  a  common  symbol  in  Mexico  but  is  strangely  out  of 
place  here.     See  Plate  I. 

In  the  biid  gorget  the  number  four  is  repeated.  There  are 
four  sides  to  the  quadrangle  and  four  loops,  formed  by  four  lines. 
There  are  four  bird's  heads  with  four  stripes  in  the  neck,  and 
four  lines  or  bars  in  the  crest.  There  are  four  spaces  in  the  center 
of  the  figure  and  four  bars  to  the  cross;  but  in  one  specimen  four 
holes  are  substituted  for  the  cross.  The  repetition  of  this  num- 
ber four  in  all  the  gorgets  is  significant. 

This  uniformity  amid  diversity  can  not  be  the  result  of  acci- 
dent. Mr.  Holmes  says:  "Were  the  design  ornamental  we 
should  expect  variations  in  the  parts,  resulting  from  difference 
of  taste  of  the  designers;  the  zones  would  not  follow  each  other 
in  exactly  the  same  order;  particular  figures  would  not  be  con- 
fined to  particular  zones ;  the  rays  of  the  volute  would  not  always 
have  a  sinistral  turn,  or  the  form  of  the  tablet  be  always  circular 
or  scalloped."  The  Indians  had  a  superstition  about  the  number 
four.  There  were  four  points  of  the  compass,  though  these  were 
supposed  to  belong  to  the  four  winds.  There  were  four  seasons 
as  well  as  four  quarters  to  the  sky.  The  Mexicans  held  that 
there  were  four  periods  of  creation  and  four  suns.  The  wild 
tribes  have  myths  of  the  four  brothers,  which  express  both  the 
cardinal  points  and  the  winds  that  blow  from  them.* 

The  Creeks  celebrated  a  festival  to  the  four  winds.  They 
placed  four  logs  in  the  center  of  a  square,  forming  a  cross,  the 
outer  ends  pointing  to  the  cardinal  points.  In  the  center  of  the 
cross  the  new  fire  is  made.     The  Blackfeet  arrange  boulders  in 

*When  Capt.  ArgoU  visited  the  Potomac  in  1610,  a  chief  told  him,  "We  have  five 
gods  in  all.  Our  chief  god  appears  often  to  us  in  the  form  of  a  mighty  great  hare; 
the  other  four  have  no  visible  shape,  but  are  indeed  the  four  winds  which  keep  the 
four  corners  of  the  eartii."    See  Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  181. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA.  201 

the  form  of  a  cross,  which  arc  attributed  to  the  "  old  man  in  the 
sun  who  sends  the  winds ;"  they  mark  his  resting-places;  the 
limbs  of  the  cross  representing  his  body  and  arms.  Among  the 
Delawares  the  rain-makers  would  draw  upon  the  earth  the  figure 
of  a  cross,  and  cry  aloud  to  the  spirit  of  the  rains.  The  Navajoes 
have  an  allegory  that  when  the  first  man  came  up  from  the 
ground,  the  four  spirits  of  the  cardinal  points  were  already  there. 
The  Quiche  legends  tell  us  that  the  four  men  were  first  created 
and  that  they  measured  the  four  corners  and  the  four  angles  of 
the  sky  in  the  earth.  There  wives  were  the  four  mothers  of  our 
species.  In  the  Yucatan  mythology  the  four  gods  were  supposed 
to  stand  at  the  four  corners  of  the  world  supporting  the  four 
corners  of  the  firmanent,  very  much  as  in  Norse  mythology  four 
dwarfs  held  up  the  skull  of  Odin  to  symbolize  the  sky. 

V.  We  now  turn  to  consider  the  position  which  the  cross 
held  in  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  civilized  races.  We  have  so  far 
considered  it  as  found  among  the  uncivilized.  The  tokens 
among  theseare  very  primitive ;  rock  inscriptions,  shell  gorgets, 
earth-circles,  carved  images,  and  the  symbolism  seems  to  be 
as  rude  and  primitive  as  the  tokens  themselves.  Among  the 
civilized  races  the  symbolism  is  much  more  elaborate,  but  the 
ideas  are  the  same.  There  are  many  crosses  among  the  writings 
of  these  races;  they  are  found  not  only  in  the  manuscripts  and 
books  which  have  been  preserved,  but  in  the  hieroglyphics  and 
tablets  which  have  been  discovered. 

We  shall  first  consider  the  manuscripts  or  codices.  We  are 
indebted  to  Dr.  Cyrus  Thomas  and  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  for  our 
information  on  this.*  The  codices  are  largely  symbolic.  They 
contain  a  kind  of  picture  writing  very  much  as  do  the 
rock  inscriptions,  but  are  more  systematic  and  are  more 
easily  interpreted.  They  have  been  studied  as  well  as  the 
alphabets  in  which  they  are  written,  though  the  study  has  not 
yet  resulted  in  anything  satisfactory.  We  shall  not  undertake 
to  interpret  these  codices,  but  only  to  show  their  symbolic  char- 
acter and  to  show  that  the  symbols  of  the  cross  and  the  sun  are 
contained  in  them.  We  give  several  figures  or  cuts  which  will 
illustrate  the  point.  One  thing  has  been  secured — the  names 
and  symbols  for  the  four  cardinal  points,  and  a  few  of  the 
numerals. 

The  names  of  the  codices  are  as  follows : 

First.  The  Codex  Cortesianus,  which  contains  the  Tableau 
des  Bacab,  or  plate  of  the  Bacabs,  supposed  to  be  a  representa- 
tion of  the  gods  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  The  Codex  Pere- 
sianus  which,  contains  a  kind  of  tabular  arrangement  of  certain 
days,    with    accompanying    numbers.       Next,    the    manuscript 

*See  manuscript  Troano. 

See  Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


202 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


Troano,  which  has  about  the  same  arrangement.  Next,  the 
Dresden  Codex,  which  contains  four  columns  of  five  days,  cor- 
responding precisely  with  the  Maya  days.  Next  is  the  Borgian 
Codex,  which  is  Mexican  and  not  Maya,  bnt  which  gives  the 
calendar  in  the  form  of  a  square,  each  square  surrounded  by  a 
serpent;  the  heads  of  the  four  serpents  brought  near  together  at 
the  center,  which  is  indicated  by  a  figure  of  the  sun.  Next  is 
the  Fejervary  Codex,  which  has  plates  similar  to  the  Tableau 
des  Bacab.  From  these  codices  we  find  that  the  cardinal  points 
were  symbolized,  and  that  colors  were  given  to  them — yellow  to 
the  east,  white  to  the  west,  black  to  the  north,  and  red  to  the 
south.  From  them  we  also  find  that  there  were  iour  ages,  four 
elements,  four  seasons,  four  cardinal  points,  and  four  epochs. 
The  years  were  symbolized — one  by  the  flint,  another  by  the 
house,  another  by  a  rabbit,  another  by  a  reed ;  and  the  elements 


ir-<  ■    ..■1,11''/ 

WMM 


Fifl.  21. 


Fig.  22. 


were  also  symbolized  in  the  same  way.  The  air  by  the  rabbit, 
the  fire  by  the  flint,  the  water  by  the  reed,  the  earth  by  the  house 
but  among  the  signs  on  all  of  these  was  the  cross.  The  signs 
for  the  days  are  given  in  several  of  the  manuscripts  ;  the  Codex 
Troano  and  Landas  Alphabet.  See  Plate  II,  at  the  right  hand. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  there  crosses  in  all  of  the  columns;  crosses 
with  the  sun  symbol  or  circle  in  the  center.  The  day  Muluc 
has  this  symbol.  This  is  significant,  as  the  names  of  the  days 
are  derived  from  natural  phenomena.  The  hieroglyphs  for  the 
points  of  the  compass  contained  in  the  manuscript  Troano  has 
also  the  cross  with  the  circle  in  the  center  of  them,  especially 
the  hieroglyphs  for  the  east  and  the  west. 

First.     The  order  in  which  the  groups  and  characters  are  to 


*See  Brinton's  Books  of  Chilan  Balam,  p.  16  and  17.    Also  a  study  of  the  Manuscript 
Troano,  in  Contributions  to  North  American  Archaeology,  p.  lU. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


20S 


Fig.  23. 


s  lu  ^ivc  a. 


FU/.  21,. 


be  taken  is  around  to  the  left,  opposite  the  course   of  the   sun. 
Second.     The  cross,  as  has  been  generally  supposed,  was 
used  among  these  nations  as  a  symbol  of  the  cardinal  points. 

Third.  It  tends  to  confirm  the  belief  that  the  birds  were 
used  to  denote  the  winds.  This  fact  also  enables  us  to  give  a 
signification  to  the  birds'  heads  on  the  en-  ^-^ 
graved  shells  found  in  the  mounds.  "*  * 
Take  for  example  the  birds'  heads  shown 
in  Fig.  12.  Here  is  in  each  case  the 
four-looped  circle  corresponding  with 
the  four  loops  of  the  Cartesian  and 
Fejervary  plates,  also  with  the  looped  serpent  of  the  Mexican 
calendar  stone,  and  the  four  serpents  of  Plate  48  of  the  Borgian 
Codex.  The  four  bird  heads  on  each  shell  are  pointed  toward 
the  left,  just  as  on  Plate  44  of  the  Fejervary  Codex  B.,  and 
doubtless  have  the  same  signification  in  the  former  as  in  the 
latter — \.\\q  foil?'  winds  or  winds  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  If 
this  supposition  be  correct,  of  which  there  is  scarcely  room  for 
a  doubt,  it  not  only  confirms  Mr. 
Holmes'  suggestions,  but  also  indi- 
cates that  the  Mound-builders  fol- 
lowed the  same  customs  as  the  Nahua 
nations  and  render  it  quite  probable 
that  there  was  more  or  less  inter- 
course between  the  two  peoples. 

We  give  a  few  cuts  to  show  the 
symbolism  which  prevailed  in  the 
manuscripts.  One  of  these  is  the 
Mexican  symbol  for  the  day  (Fig.  23), 
and  another  is  the  Mexican  symbol 
for  the  year  (Fig.  24);  another  is  the 
symbol  for  the  house  (Figs.  21  and 
22);  another  is  the  symbol  for  the 
temple  or  shrine  (Fig.  25).  It  will 
be  noticed  that  the  house  has  a  wall 
composed  of  blocks,  each  block 
marked  with  a  circle,  but  at  the  top 
of  the  wall  is  a  cross.  In  the  figure 
for  the  shrine  there  appears  to  be  a 
seat  or  a  throne.  On  the  back  of  the 
throne  are  two  crosses  and  above  it 
another  cross.  There  is  another  figure 
of  the  house  contained  in  the  Dresden  codex, 
were  from  the  manuscript  Troano. 

VI.  We  turn  now  to  the  carved  stone  figures  and  idols  to  show 
that  the  cross  is  used  as  a  sun  symbol.  There  are  many  speci- 
mens of  this  kind;  they  are  mainly  found  in  Mexico  and  in  the 
ancient  cities  of  Yucatan.  These  figures  were  evidently  sym- 
bolic and  were  parts  of  the  symbolism   of  the  sun.     They  are 


Fi,j. 


The   former 


204 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


sometimes  ornamented  with  human  faces,  the  faces  being 
characterized  by  a  protruding  tongue,  but  more  frequent)}^  with 
the  heads  and  tails  of  serpents;  in  some  of  these  the  carving  is 
very  elaborate  and  the  ornamentation  very  complicated.  We 
give  a  few  specimens  of  these  carved  idols  and  altars. 

I.  First  is  the  cross  of  Teotihuacan.  See  Fig.  26.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  this  is  an  altar  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  the  arms  of 
the  cross  forming  a  support  for  the  altar,  but  the  base  of  it  is 
ornamented  with  peculiar  figures,  which  may  possibly  be  in- 
tended to  represent  the  tails  of  serpents.  This  altar  is  supposed 
by  Monsieur  Hamy  to  be  sacred  to  the  god  Tlaloc,  the  Mexican 


FU/.  '20 — Cross  of  Teotihuacan. 

god  of  rain.  Very  httle  can  be  said  of  it  except  to  draw  atten- 
tion to  the  form.  Dr.  Hamy  has  described  another  which  is 
called  the  "  cross  of  the  serpents  "  It  has  the  same  general 
shape,  but  the  arms  are  engraved  to  represent  serpents'  heads. 
These  altars  were  found  near  the  pyramids  of  Teotihuacan,  a 
fact  that  shows  they  were  associated  with  the  sun  worship,  as 
the  pyramids  were  all  devoted  to  that  purpose.* 

3.  The  second  specimen  isone  which  resembles  this,  but  which 
*See  LaCroix  De  Tiotihuacan  au  Musee  Du  Trocadero,  p.  19. 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA.  205 

IS  much  more  elaborate.  It  is  the  idol  pillar  which  was  discovered 
in  the  Plaza  Mayor  in  Mexico  in  1790.  "It  is  an  immense  block 
of  bluish-gray  porphry  about  10  feet  high  and  6  wide  and  thick, 
sculptured  on  front,  rear,  top  and  bottom,  into  a  complicated  and 
horrible  combination  of  human,  animal  and  ideal  forms."  Gama 
first  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  front  represents  the  Aztec 
goddess  of  death,  whose  duty  it  was  to  bear  the  souls  ot  the  dead 
warriors  to  the  house  of  the  sun.  The  figure  on  the  rear  of 
the  idol  represents,  according  to  Gama,  Huitzilopochtli,  god  of 
war,  and  husband  of  the  goddess  whose  emblems  are  carved 
on  the  front.  The  bottom  of  the  monument  bears  the  sculptured 
design  which  is  thought  to  represent  the  god  of  the  infernal 
regions,  Mictlantecutli,  the  last  of  this  cheerful  trinity — goddess 
of  death,  god  of  war  and  god  of  hell,  three  distinct  deities 
united  in  one  idol."*  This  idol  is  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  a 
fact  which  shows  that  either  the  cross  as  known  in  Christian 
lands  as  an  emblem  of  peace  has  been  perverted  and  made  to 
represent  just  the  opposite  qualities,  or  it  is  a  symbol  which 
grew  up  under  the  cruel  system  of  the  Aztecs,  and  was  changed 
from  the  common  weather  indicator  to  be  a  sign  of  the  nature 
gods,  who  became  more  and  more  cruel  as  they  became 
personal.  The  cruelties  which  were  practiced  in  con- 
nection with  that  system  have  been  described.  They  were 
elaborate  and  studied,  but  were  as  severe  as  these  emblems 
would  indicate  them  to  be.  The  adornments  of  royalty  are 
surmounted  by  the  fangs  and  claws  of  the  serpent;  the  hands, 
which  should  indicate  mercy,  are  placed  below  the  cruel  fangs 
of  the  serpent;  in  the  midst  of  the  cross,  which  is  an  emblem 
of  life,  is  the  grinning  skull,  the  emblem  of  death.  The  whole 
idol,  which  reminds  one  of  the  divinities  of  the  air,  is  covered 
with  emblems  of  the  creatures  of  the  dust;  darkness  and  death 
are  symbolized  rather  than  vital  Hfe.    Plate  III. 

3.  Another  specimen  of  the  cross  is  the  one  described  by  Mr. 
H.  H.  Bancroft.  See  Fig.  27.  It  was  one  of  two  statues 
exactly  alike  which  were  found  on  the  southern  slope  of  the 
pyramid  of  Palenque,  which  contained  the  temple  of  the  cross 
on  its  summit.  They  are  ten  and  a  half  feet  high,  of  which 
two  and  a  half  feet  not  shown  in  the  cut  formed  the  tenon  with 
which  they  were  embedded  in  the  wall.  The  figures  stand  on 
a  hieroglyph  which  perhaps  the  name  of  the  individual  or  god 
represented.  These  statues  are  remarkable  as  being  the  only 
ones  found  in  connection  with  the  Palenque  ruins  and  even 
these  are  not  statues  in  the  "round",  since  the  back  is  of  rough 
stone,  and  was  likely  embedded  in  the  wall.  The  resemblance 
of  this  figure  to  some  Egyptian  statues  is  remarked  by  all. 
This  statue  is  evidently  in  the  shape  of  a  cross,  though  the 
«Trms  of  the  cross  are  near  the  summit  and  are  formed  by  pro- 
jections of  the  head-dress.     The  emblems  on  the  statue  are 

♦Bancroft's  Native  Races,  Vol.  IV,  p.  544. 


20G 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


peculiar.     An  object  resembling  the  Nile  key  is  held  in  one  of 
the  hands,  a  medallion  which  may  be  taken  as  a  sun  symbol  is 

held  in  the  other  hand;  below 
this  are  objects  which  may  per- 
haps be  phallic  symbols. 

4.  Perhaps  the  best  known  spe- 
cimen of  the  cross  is  the  one 
which  is  contained  on  the  Pa- 
lenqe  tablet  (see  plate  IV,)  in 
the  temple  at  Palenque,  the 
same  temple  referred  to  above, 
the  statue  having  been  found 
on  the  sides  of  the  pyramid 
and  the  tablet  in  the  shrine 
on  the  summit.  The  following 
is  the  description  :  "Fixed  in 
the  wall  at  the  back  of  the  en- 
closure and  covering  nearly  its 
whole  surface  was  the  tablet  of 
the  cross,  six  feet  four  inches 
high,  and  ten  feet  eight  inches 
wide,  and  formed  of  three  stones. 
The  central  stone  and  part  of 
the  western,  bear  the  sculptured 
figure  shown  in  the  cut  ;  the 
rest  of  the  western  and  the  whole 
of  the  eastern  were  hieroglyph- 
ics. The  subject  doubtless  pos- 
sessed religious  signification, 
and  the  temple  or  adoritorio  may 
be  considered  as  a  sacred  shrine 
or  the  most  Holy  Place  of 
the  ancient  Maya  priesthood. 
Two  men,  probably  priests,  clad 
in  the  insignia  of  their  office,  are 
making  an  offering  to  the  cross 
or  to  a  bird  placed  on  its  summit." 
Of  the  two  priests  Stephens 
says:  "They  are  well  drawn, 
and  in  symmetry  of  proportion 
are  perhaps  equal  to  many  that 
are  carved  on  the  walls  of  the 
ruined  temples  of  Egypt.  Their 
Pig.  27-iaoi  Pillar.  costume  is  in   a  st>le  different 

to  any  heretofore  given,  and  the  folds  would  indicate  that  they 
were  of  a  soft  or  pliable  texture  like  cotton."  Stephens  and 
other  writers  discovered  in  the  object  offered  a  possible  likeness 
to  a  new-born  child.  The  symbols  on  this  tablet  are  worthy  of 
study.     It  will  be  noticed  that  the  cross  itself  is  formed  by  a 


THE  CROSS  IN  AMERICA. 


207 


Standard  in  the  center  of  which  is  a  feather  headed  arrow,  point 
upward;  the  arms  are  formed  by  the  common  weapon  of  war, 
the  maxtli,  with  its  crooked  head  pointing  upwards.  Fig.  28.  The 
cross  is  supported  by  an  animal  head  which  probably  represented 
some  nature  power.  The  bird  reminds  one  of  the  thunder- 
bird  of  the  northwest  coast,  and  yet  here  we  are  in  doubt  about 
its  significance.  There  is  suspended  from  its  tail  a  medallion 
which  may  be  regarded  as  a  sun  symbol.  The  head  is  a  circle 
with  a  dot  in  the  head,  which  would  ordinarily  be  called  a  sun 
symbol.  The  emblems  on  this  cross  are  mainly  the  emblems 
of  war.  In  that  respect  it  differs  from  the  one  which  we  have 
already  described  in  which  the  emblems  are  more  those  of 
agriculture,  taken  from  the  vegetable  world.  The  significance 
of  the  emblems  in  this  case,  would  be  that  the  altar  was  devoted 
to  the  war  god.  On  the  exterior  wall  of 
this  temple  were  two  stone  tablets  sculp- 
tured in  low  relief,  representing  figures 
or  persons  elaborately  draped  and  dec- 
orated; one  of  them  wears  a  leopard 
skin  as  a  cloak.  That  the  cross  in  this 
case  was  intended  as  a  symbol  of  the 
nature  powers  is  evident  from  the  fol- 
lowing fact:  "On  an  adjoining  p3^ramid 
was  a  temple  which  contained  a  tablet, 
in  a  similar  situation  to  that  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  the  Cross ;  but  the  symbols  on  the 
tablet  were  symbols  of  the  sun.  This 
gave  rise  to  the  name,  'the  Temple  of 
the  Sun'." 

We  regard  this,  then,  as  another  speci- 
men. The  symbols  in  the  Temple  of 
the  Sun  are  suggestive  of  sun  worship. 
The  form  of  the  tablet  is  similar  to  that 
of  the  one  in  the  Temple  of  the  Cross; 
hieroglyphics  and  priestly  figures  are 
seen  on  either  side  of  the  central  sym- 
bol. The  symbol  itself  is  in  the  shape 
of  a  face  with  an  open  mouth,  and  bulging  eye;  around 
the  face  are  circles  and  knots,  and  symbols  of  various 
kinds;  outside  of  these  are  figures  which  resemble  bow-knots. 
This  mask  is  suspended  on  two  staves  which  cross  one  another 
forming  a  letter  X.  The  head  of  the  staves  being  decorated 
with  various  symbols;  below  the  staves  is  a  heavy  beam  which 
also  bears  a  grotesque  face  at  its  center,  with  eyes  and  lips 
resembling  those  in  the  masks  above.  This  beam  is  supported 
by  two  bent  figures,  each  of  them  in  the  same  attitude,  having 
eyes  and  faces,  and  heads  and  dresses,  resembling  one  another. 
These  figures  may  be  intended  to  represent  the  God  Tlaloc, 
the  god  of  rain,  as  they  have  the  eye  which  is  characteristic  of 


i^(V/.  '2S.— Cross  of  the   Tablet. 


208 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


that  divinity.  The  mask  above  was  evidently  intended  to 
represent  the  sun,  as  it  has  the  face  which  is  everywhere  recog- 
nized as  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  The  proximity  of  the  two 
pyramids  and  the  two  temples,  the  Temple  of  the  Cross,  and 
the  Temple  ot  the  Sun,  would  indicate  that  they  were  both 
devoted  to  the  same  nature  powers,  the  one  to  the  sun  as  a 
peaceful  divinity  and  the  other  to  the  nature  power  as  a  war- 
like divinity 

6.  The  most  interesting  specimen  of  the  cross  is  the  one  which 
is  described  by  Charnay  as  found  by  him 
on  a  tablet  at  Lorillard.  This  tablet  con- 
tains two  figures,  both  of  them  clothed  in 
roval  apparel,  which  is  covered  with  sym- 
bols. The  larger  person  has  a  cross  in 
either  hand,  resembling  the  one  given  in 
Fig.  29.  The  smaller  one  has  also  the 
same  kind  of  cross  in  his  kind.  Charnay 
says  of  this  tablet:  "It  occupies  the  central 
door  of  the  temple,  and  is  3  feet  9  inches 
long,  by  2  feet  9  inches  wide.  Two  fig- 
ures vvith  retreating  foreheads  form  the 
main  subject,  having  the  usual  high  head- 
dress of  feathers,  cape,  collar,  medallion, 
and  maxth,  like  the  idol;  while  their  boots 
are  fastened  on  the  instep  with  leather 
strings,  as  similar  figures  at  Palenque. 
They  are  of  different  size,  and  represent 
probably  a  man  and  a  woman  performing 
a  religious  ceremony;  the  latter  holds  in  each  hand  a  Latin 
cross,  while  the  other  carries  but  one  in  the  right  hand.  Rosettes 
form  the  branches  of  the  crosses,  a  symbolic  bird  crowns  the 
upper  portion,  whilst  twenty-three  katunes  are  scattered  about 
the  bas-relief.  We  think  this  a  symbolic  representation  of 
Tlaloc,  whose  chief  was  a  cross,  which  here  consists  of  palms 
or  more  probably  maize-leaves,  intermingled  with  human  fig- 
ures, recalling  to  the  memory  of  his  devotees  the  god  who 
presided  over  harvests.* 


J<'i!/.  ,:9. 


*See  Ancient  Cities  of  the  New  World  by  Desire  Charnay,  pp.  448  and  449. 


SUN  WORSHIPPERS  AND  ATOTARHO,  CULTURE  HERO  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP.  209 


chapt?:r  IX. 
PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP  IN  AMERICA. 

The  study  of  symbolism  in  America  always  brings  up  a  great 
many  enquiries,  but  none  more  interesting  than  one  which  has 
relation  to  a  contact  with  Europe  in  prehistoric  times.  This  is, 
to  be  sure,  a  point  which  is  constantly  arising  in  connection  with 
all  departments  of  archaeology,  but  in  this  connection  it  is 
especially  suggestive.  We  therefore  propose  to  speak  of  the 
phallic  symbol  as  it  is  found  in  this  country,  especially  among 
the  Mound  builders,  and  to  see  if  this  does  not  prove  a  pre- 
Columbian  contact  with  other  countries.  We  shall  not,  how- 
ever, confine  ourselves  to  this  one  symbol,  but  shall  take  it  in  its 
combination  with  other  symbols,  such  as  the  symbol  of  fire,  of 
the  sun,  of  the  serpent,  and  other  nature  powers. 

The  description  of  the  dolmens  and  menhirs  of  Western 
Europe,  which  was  given  a  year  or  two  ago  by  Mr.  Thomas  Wil- 
son, and  now  againby  Prof.  A.  S.  Pakacrd,  has  brought  up  the 
subject  afresh.  The  same  is  also  the  result  of  reading  about 
the  remarkable  find  on  the  Illinois  River.  The  question  is  how 
came  the  custom  of  making  offerings  to  fire  and  water,  and  other 
customs  in  America?  Shall  we  say  that  the  Druids  were  here 
during  pre-Columbian  times,  or  shall  we  go  farther  back  and 
ascribe  them  to  an  Asiatic  source? 

I.  We  begin  with  the  cup  stones  or  perforated  symbols.  It 
forms  one  of  the  standing  problems  for  American  archaeologists 
how  to  account  for  these.  These  cavities  have  been  studied  by 
various  parties  and  have  been  found  in  many  and  widely  sep- 
arated countries.  It  is  because  of  this  extensive  distribution 
that  they  have  been  regarded  as  important.  The  argument  is 
that  the  prevalence  of  them  in  America  proves  European  con- 
tact in  prehistoric  times.  The  argument  is  a  good  one,  provided 
we  assign  to  the  cavities  a  sacred  character,  and  recognize  them 
as  the  symbols  of  a  widespread  faith.  This  is,  however,  the 
point.  We  imagine  that  if  they  were  not  so  widely  distributed 
the  thought  of  their  symbol  character  would  never  have  arisen. 
The  shape  of  the  holes  suggests  a  very  simple  cause,  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  the  nut-cracking,  which  was  a  natural  thing 
for  the  natives  of  this  country.  The  discovery  of  so  many 
boulders  and  slabs,  filled  with  these  cavities,  in  Southern  Ohio, 
which  is  a  forest  region  abounding  with  all  kinds  of  nuts,  natur- 
ally suggests  that  this  was  the  source  of  the  cavities.  Perhaps 
we  should  say  that  the  question  is  a  fai^x  pas.  It  suggests  a 
mystery  when  no  mystery  exists.     Still,  as  various  authors  have 


210  NA  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

written  upon  the  subject  and  European  archaeologists,  as  well  as 
American,  have  regarded  them  as  symbolic,  we  take  up  the 
subject  in  all  candor.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  matter-of-fact  and 
careful  Dr.  Charles  Rau  thought  it  worth  his  while  to  write  a 
book  about  them,  and  to  recount  all  the  places  where  such  holes 
have  ever  been  seen.  From  this  book  we  learn  that  they  are 
scattered  over  the  continent  of  America,  being  very  common  in 
the  Mound-builders'  territory.  A  few  specimens  are  found  in 
the  region  of  the  Pueblos  and  on  the  rocks  of  California,  and 
one  specimen  has  been  discovered  near  Orizaba,  Mexico.  They 
are  also  numerous  in  France,  Brittany,  Ireland,  Switzerland, 
Saxony,  Sweden,  Scandinavia,  though  in  these  latter  countries 
they  are  attended  with  rings  and  loops  and  various  grooves  and 
channels,  as  if  a  special  U3e  had  been  made  of  them  and  strange 
superstitions  had  been  associated  with  them,  making  them  sacred 
symbols.  We  learn,  too,  that  the  same  works  are  numerous  in 
India,  and  that  in  that  country,  where  everything  seems  to  have 
a  symbolic  character,  they  are  regarded  with  peculiar  veneration, 
and  that  even  phallic  worship  has  been  associated  with  them  and 
the  symbol  of  the  Mahedeo  is  always  recognized  in  them. 

Now  the  point  which  we  make  is  this,  if  we  must  associate  so 
great  a  significance  with  so  simple  an  object  as  a  cavity,  which 
seems  to  have  been  used  for  nut-cracking,  then  we  shall  conclude 
that  the  evidences  of  contact  with  older  countries  during  prehis- 
toric times  are  very  common.  vVe  can  imagine  the  practice  to 
have  prevailed  among  a  rude  people  of  making  a  very  common 
thing  to  seem  uncommon.  The  very  tools  and  weapons  and 
ornaments  which  they  had  might  become  the  embodiment  of 
strange  superstitions,  and  even  feathers  and  sticks  might  be  ex- 
pressive. Perhaps  there  was  the  addition  of  a  myth  or  of  a 
transmitted  custom,  and  this  would  account  for  the  unusual 
shapes  and  combinations  by  which  these  cavities  are  sometimes 
characterized.  Still  there  are  figures  on  the  Bald  Friar's  Rock, 
in  Pennsylvania  which  I'esemble  serpents,  the  eyes  being  cup 
cavities  or  perforations,  the  heads  only  being  visible.  In  these 
heads  we  recognize  the  jew's-harp  pattern,  and  so  we  have  in 
America,  as  in  India,  not  only  serpent  worship  but  possibly  the 
phallic  symbol,  with  all  of  its  conventionalities.  We  are  not 
disposed  to  minimize  the  significance  of  these  symbols,  and  yet  we 
should  make  a  distinction  between  a  practical  and  a  symbolic  use. 

We  find  that  the  symbols  are  quite  widely  distributed  in 
America,  as  wijdely  as  they  are  in  Europe,  and  are  sometimes 
found  connected  with  the  cremation  of  the  bodies  of  the  dead,  as 
they  are  in  foreign  lands,  and  are  also  associated  with  altar 
mounds.  It  is  also  noticeable  that  animal  figures,  human  faces 
and  forms,  and  sun  symbols,  as  well  as  serpent  heads,  are 
associated  with  the  perforated  cavities.  Dr.  Charles  Rau  has 
referred  to  the  bird  symbol  found  in  the  San  Pete  Valley  of 


PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP.  211 

Utah  and  the  peculiar  figures  found  among  the  rock  paintings  in 
Lake  County,  Oregon,  and  to  the  human  and  animal  figures  on 
the  sculptured  boulders  in  Arizona.  These  may  all  have  been 
symbolic,  and  it  is  possible  that  a  common  symbolism  has  spread 
over  this  entire  continent,  either  from  the  east  or  west,  and  that 
the  connection  may  be  traced  even  as  far  away  as  India.  Still 
we  think  that  a  distinction  should  be  drawn,  and  that  the  Ameri- 
can symbols  should  be  left  to  themselves  until  it  can  be  proved 
that  they  were  transmitted  from  other  lands. 

The  positions  of  these  cup  marks  are.  to  be  sure,  sometimes 
significant,  and  the  association  with  various  pictures  is  sugges- 
tive. For  instance,  there  is  a  picture  of  a  Scandinavian  boat 
which  reminds  us  of  tne  Norse  sea-kings,  and  a  picture  of  battle 
axes  and  a  pyramidal  ste/e  in  the  Kivik  monument  in  Scania, 
Sweden.  So  there  are  many  cup  cavities  in  the  roofs  of  dolmens 
in  France,  and  Prof.  A.  S.  Packard  has  declared  that  these  must 
be  symbolic.  So  there  are  peculiar  figures  resembling  Runic 
letters  on  the  Bald  Friar's  Rock  in  this  country.  There  are  re- 
markable coincidences  also  in  the  shapes  of  the  rings  surround- 
ing the  cavities  which  are  foimd  in  Denmark  and  Sweden  and  in 
this  country.  Some  would  make  them  symbols  of  the  sun,  and 
would  prove  a  contact  with  European  nations  or  else  a  remarka- 
ble parallel  development.  Some  would  also  consider  the  Dighton 
Rock  as  still  more  conclusive,  but  this  rock  Dr.  Rau  is  especially 
skeptical  about,  taking  the  position  that  it  was  only  fabricated 
by  ordinary  Indians.  It  seems  to  make  a  complication  with  our 
system  if  there  are  resemblances  to  Old  World  forms  in  America. 
Which  shall  we  do?  Shall  we  take  the  simple  facts  and  be  satisfied 
with  these,  or  shall  we  recognize  evidence  of  foreign  contact  in 
them  ?  We  have  seen  these  perforations  on  various  stones,  but 
have  not  recognized  anything  symbolic  in  either  the  shapes  or 
locations  or  relative  positions  of  the  holes.  At  onetime  we  dis- 
covered a  small  stone  slab,  burned  and  smoked,  near  the  altar  of 
the  celebrated  alligator  effigy  in  Ohio,  the  proximity  suggesting 
that  it  was  once  on  the  altar.  This  was  perforated  with  a  cup 
cavity,  and  may  have  been  designed  as  a  symbol.  Still  other 
stones,  v/ith  similar  cup-shaped  cavities,  are  found  in  many 
places.  We  saw  one  on  the  banks  ot  the  Ohio  at  the  steamboat 
landing  at  Maysville,  Ky.,  a  place  which  was  not  suggestive  ol 
anything  sacred.  We  also  at  one  time  examined  the  great 
boulder  which  was  taken  from  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  near  Iron- 
ton,  and  given  by  Dr.  H.  H.  Hill  to  the  Natural  History  Society 
of  Cincinnati,  and  were  told  that  there  were  one  hundred  and 
sixteen  of  these  perforations  on  this  single  boulder.  Similar 
stones  have  been  found  in  Summit  County, O.,  at  Portsmouth  and 
Graveport,0.,and  at  variousplaces  in  PennsylvaniaandTennessee, 
and  the  impression  is  that  they  were  used  for  nut-cracking. 

The  boulder  at  Cincinnati  has  certain  grooves  on   its  surface 


212  NA TJ\E  A MERICA N  S YMBOLISM. 

four  or  five  inches  long,  which  have  the  appearance  of  being 
worn  by  continuous  rubbing.  But  about  these  we  enquire,  in 
what  respect  do  they  differ  Irom  the  marks  made  by  arrow  sharp- 
ening, which  are  so  common  throughout  the  country.  Beau- 
champ  has  described  such  works  as  being  common  in  New  York 
and  Gen.  Thruston  in  his  new  book  has  .spoken  of  others  in 
Tennessee,  and  has  given  a  cut  representing  the  same,  but  they 
.seem  very  simple  things,  and  we  do  not  see  that  any  symbolism 
can  possibly  be  made  out  of  them. 

Col.  Charles  Whittlesy  thought  that  the  perforations  were 
made  by  spindles,  and  that  they  were  evidences  of  the  domestic 
art  of  spinning  and  weaving.  Others  have  taken  the  ground 
that  some  of  them  were  used  for  paint  cups,  especially  as  pestle 
and  mortars  have  been  found  in  New  Mexico  with  the  cup  mark 
in  the  pestle.  The  explanation  is  that  the  paint,  which  had  been 
ground,  was  placed  in  the  cavity  while  the  process  of  grinding 
other  paint  went  on.  How  could  symbolic  significance  come  to 
such  simple  objects?  We  suggest  the  following:  It  is  possible 
that  the  women,  who  so  frequently  have  left  the  marks  of  their 
handiwork,  may  have  used  the  cavities  as  signs,  giving  them  the 
hidden  significance  which  would  be  expressive  ol  certain  sexual 
desires.  We  are  aware  that  the  bird  amulets  and  other  objects  of 
personal  decoration  were  symbols  of  maternity  with  the  aborigines. 
The  spool  ornament  was  also  made  symbolic  of  some  more 
spiritual  desire,  and  the  axe,  especially  when  made  of  jade,  was 
symbolic  of  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  superstition  requiring 
that  bits  of  jade  should  be  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the  dead.  It 
is  a  practice  with  women  in  India  to  take  water  out  of  the  Ganges 
and  pour  over  the  cavities  and  the  channels  surrounding  them, 
as  thev  believe  maternity  will  be  the  result.  Another  explanation 
is  that  they  were  sockets  where  they  placed  the  end  of  the  fire 
generator,  and  so  came  to  consider  the  cavities  as  sacred  to  fire 
and  having  a  peculiar  significance.  If  they  are,  then  we  should 
say  that  they  form  only  another  link  in  the  chain  connecting  this 
country  with  the  far  east,  proving  not  only  that  serpent  worship, 
but  phallic  worship  and  fire  worship  and  sun  worship  were  all 
connected  and  prevailed  on  this  continent  in  prehistoric  times. 

II.  Thispoint  has  been  impressed  upon  us  by  recent  discoveries. 
We  now  refer  to  the  discovery  which  we  made  in  connection 
with  the  great  serpent  effigy  near  Quincy,  Illinois.  This  serpent 
is  a  massive  efifigy,  which  conforms  to  the  bluff  throughout  its 
entire  length.  Its  folds  are  brought  out  very  forcibly  by  four 
conical  burial  mounds  located  near  the  center  of  the  ridge,  mid- 
way between  the  head  and  tail  of  the  serpent.  The  mounds 
contained  many  bodies,  none  of  them  remarkable  except  the  one 
which  was  cremated  at  the  base  of  the  mound.  This  was  a  large 
body.  It  was  lying  on  its  back,  and  was  partially  burned.  The 
bones,  however,  were  preserved,  and  what  was  the  most  singular 


PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP.  213 

about  the  case,  on  the  very  center  of  the  body,  near  the  secret 
parts,  a  skeleton  of  a  serpent  was  found  coiled  up,  as  if  there 
was  an  intention  to  make  it  significant.  The  hands  were  folded 
over  the  body  just  below  this  skeleton.  The  body  had  its  feet 
to  the  east,  and  its  face  was  turned  upward,  as  if  to  look  toward 
the  sun.  Thus  we  have  in  this  cremation  scene  both  the  phallic 
symbolic  and  the  serpent  effigy,  and  we  have  at  the  same  time 
some  evidence  of  sun  worship.  But  there  was  another  feature 
still  more  remarkable.  It  was  noticed  that  there  were  several 
bodies  lying  parallel  with  the  central  one,  and  that  these  bodies 
had  been  burned.  The  fire-bed  was  about  twelve  feet  across,  and 
contained  the  remains  of  at  least  four  bodies,  all  of  them  par- 
tially burned,  all  of  them  cremated  and  apparently  with  the  faces 
looking  upward.  There  were  also  skeletons  of  snakes  found 
with  the  bodies,  though  the  position  of  the  snakes  was  not  closely 
observed.  Now  the  point  that  we  make  is,  if  there  was  phallic 
worship  at  all,  it  was  also  attended  with  the  eastern  custom  of 
suttee  burning.  We  learn  from  the  early  explorers  that  at  the 
south  the  fashion  was  to  kill  the  slaves  and  wife  of  a  chief  when 
he  died  and  to  burn  the  bodies  with  the  body  of  the  chief.  If 
this  was  the  case  among  the  southern  tribes,  it  may  also  have 
been  the  fashion  with  this  northern  tribe.  These,  we  think,  are 
important  facts  While  everything  in  this  Quincy  find  was 
very  rude — no  relics,  no  paved  altar,  no  elaborate  contrivance 
further  than  the  effigy  itself — still  the  cremation  was  remarka- 
ble. We  acknowledge  that  there  are  many  things  in  connection 
with  all  the  Mound-builders'  burials  which  are  of  purely  native 
origin.  Yet  if  the  phallic  symbol  is  to  be  seen  in  one  case  it  is 
also  in  many,  and,  what  is  more,  it  is  also  almost  always  con- 
nected with  the  serpent  symbol. 

It  is  strange  that  here  in  America  native  superstition  seized 
upon  the  most  familiar  objects,  such  as  arrow-heads,  spear-heads, 
leaf-shaped  implements,  pieces  of  mica,  or  even  pebbles  and 
round  stones,  and  made  of  these  altars  which  should  be  symbolic 
of  sun  worship;  but  it  is  stranger  still  that  native  superstition 
should  at  times  give  evidence  of  contact  with  the  more  advanced 
fashions  and  customs  of  countries  which  have  long  been  historic 
and  that  the  two  systems  of  symbols  should  be  so  near  to  one 
another.  The  find  at  V^irginia  City,  in  Illinois,  reminds  us  of 
similar  deposits  in  Ohio.  It  was  a  simple  altar  or  artificial  heap 
formed  out  ot  leaf-shaped  relics,  the  specimens  all  having  come 
probably  from  Flint  Ridge,  but  here  were  used  as  the  resting 
place  of  the  dead.  There  was,  however,  a  mica  cresent  on  the 
breast  and  copper  spools  near  the  head  and  stone  weapons  near 
the  hands.  Everything  about  the  find  showed  a  very  rude  state 
of  art,  and  yet  showed  a  strange  and  conventional  symbolism. 
The  same  is  true  also  of  the  various  altar  and  burial  mounds  of 
Ohio.     Here  in  one  place  were  altars  composed  of  similar  flint 


214  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

relics,  chipped  into  leaf-shape,  and  deposited  in  two  layers,  one 
above  the  other,  the  entire  heap  having  been  used  as  a  platform 
on  which  immense  numbers  of  relics  had  been  placed,  but  no 
other  relics.  In  another  place,  at  Mound  City,  mica  plates  are 
laid  like  scales,  one  against  the  other,  the  whole  deposit  having 
made  a  remarkable  crescent,  which  might  be  supposed  to  have 
glistened  with  the  silvery  radiance  of  the  moon.  This  crescent 
was  situated  at  the  bottom  of  the  largest  mound  in  the  group 
found  at  Mound  City,  and  was  itself  placed  above  a  layer  of  clay, 
four  layers  above  it  composed  of  sand,  the  whole  being  very 
hard  and  compact.  The  mound  itself  was  17  feet  high  and  90 
feet  in  diameter,  and  overtopped  all  the  rest.  The  symbolism 
consisted  in  the  crescent,  which  was  19  down  and  19  feet  across 
from  horn  to  horn,  the  greatest  width  being  about  5  feet. 

Still  the  two  altars — the  one  formed  of  leaf-shaped  implements 
and  the  other  containing  the  crescent — were  very  large,  and  it 
is  supposed  that  both  deposits  were  equally  sacred  among  this 
mysterious  people.  In  the  Ohio  mounds  were  other  altars,  on 
which  many  valuable  relics  had  been  placed.  At  the  fort  on  the 
north  fork  of  Paint  Creek,  where  the  leaf-shaped  flints  were 
placed,  a  large  number  of  pipes  had  been  offered,  and  among  the 
pipes  were  some  in  the  shape  of  serpents,  the  very  symbol  of  the 
Mahedeo  being  suggested  by  one  of  them.  This  coiled  snake 
may  indeed  have  been  a  mere  mythologic  object,  embodying  one 
of  the  myths  which  have  survived  to  modern  times.  Still  the 
presence  of  the  serpent  effigy  with  the  other  features  would 
indicate  that  phallic  worship  had  been  observed.  The  clay  was  at 
the  bottom  of  these  altars,  and  sand  layers  above  just  as  clay 
was  beneath  the  flint  deposit  in  Illinois.  So  there  was  afire-bed 
of  black  soil  beneath  the  cremated  bodies  and  white  soil  above, 
the  evidence  of  a  studied  design  given  in  both  cases.  There 
are,  to  be  sure,  no  two  altars  alike  and  no  conventional  or  stere- 
otyped mode  of  burial  in  the  mounds,  yet  with  the  variety  the 
uniformity  is  apparent,  the  uniformity  being  always  confined  to 
the  symbol,  but  the  diversity  coming  out  in  the  mode  of  burial 
and  the  articles  deposited.  This  is  also  one  of  the  strange  fea- 
tures of  the  Mound-builders'  religion.  They  seem  to  have  been 
saturated  with  superstition.  It  was  almost  childish  in  its  sim- 
plicity, for  it  seized  upon  the  most  trifling  things  to  express 
itself;  it  was  also  held  under  the  control  of  a  fixed  and  formal 
symbolism,  which  constantly  reminds  one  of  foreign  customs. 
Stately  ceremonies  resembling  those  of  Druidic  worship  were 
associated  with  the  trifling  details  of  a  savage  people.  The  in- 
ference is  that  human  sacrifices  were  made,  and  that  burials  of 
an  extraordinary  character  were  practiced  in  certain  cases,  but 
in  other  cases  the  commonest  things  seem  to  have  been  laid 
away  as  if  with  all  the  care  of  the  most  sacred  treasure.  We 
are  puzzled  by  these  deposits,  and  yet  we  recognize  a  strange 


PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AXD  FIRE  WORSHIP.  215 

symbolism  in  them  all.  The  great  serpent  in  Ohio  is  only  such 
an  effigy  as  perhaps  any  superstitious  savage  might  possibly  de- 
vise; nothing  conventional  or  foreign  about  its  shape,  but  when 
we  come  to  the  oval  and  the  altar  in  the  oval,  we  are  at  once 
reminded  of  the  phallic  symbol  and  the  offering  to  the  fire  divin- 
ity of  the  east.  So,  too,  the  serpent  effigy  in  Illinois  seems  like 
a  very  rude  semblance  of  a  massive  snake.  Its  shape  conforms 
to  the  bluff  in  every  part.  It  seems  only  an  effigy,  but  when  we 
compare  its  double  bend  to  the  curve  of  the  Hindu  fire  generator 
and  to  count  the  number  four  in  the  mounds  on  its  summit,  and 
see  the  contents  as  they  are,  it  seems  as  if  the  same  latent  sym- 
bolism was  strangely  present,  and  so  it  is  everywhere.  Superstition 
degenerated  or  advanced,  one  of  the  two.  Symbolism,  too,  was 
either  gradually  lost,  being  merged  into  the  totem  system  of  the 
hunter  races,  or  it  grew  up  under  the  same  races  and  became  a 
complicated  system,  very  like  the  sun  symbols  of  other  countries. 
The  resemblance  may  have  been  accidental,  but  the  impression 
is  growing  that  the  symbolism  was  not  a  native  growth,  but  was 
introduced  from  some  other  land. 

III.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  cremation  was  in  Europe  dis- 
tinctive of  the  bronze  age,  and  was  comparatively  unknown  in  the 
neolithic  age.  We  are  also  to  remember  that  the  phallic  symbol 
was  very  common  during  that  age,  so  common  that  many  think 
it  was  introduced  into  the  north  of  Europe  by  the  Phoenicians, 
who  took  long  voyages  for  the  sake  of  finding  tin.  The  Druids 
also  are  supposed  to  have  cremated  bodies,  and  to  them  have 
been  ascribed  the  horse-shoe  symbols  which  are  still  recognized 
in  those  celebrated  temples  formed  from  standing  stones.  With 
the  Druids,  fire  worship,  sun  worship,  serpent  worship  and  phal- 
lic worship  formed  a  complicated  system,  which  stamped  itself 
upon  the  megalithic  monuments  of  the  land.  The  discovery  of 
these  various  forms  of  superstition  in  the  American  continent 
suggests  to  us  the  possibility  of  a  transmission  of  the  same  com- 
plicated cultus  to  the  western  coasts  of  the  great  sea.  This  is 
an  important  fact.  Was  it  owing  to  the  extension  of  the  Phoe 
nician  voyages  or  to  the  zeal  of  Druidic  priests  that  these  things 
were  introduced?  The  contact  seemed  to  have  produced  a  mar- 
vellous effect.  It  was  not  a  decline  from  the  bronze  age  which 
we  see  in  these  familiar  symbols,  but  the  effect  of  contact  with 
European  voyagers  in  pre-Columbian  times,  pre-Columbian  dis- 
covery in  fact.  The  conclusion  is  startling,  but  this  is  the  only 
way  that  we  can  account  for  the  marvellous  resemblances.  Cer- 
tainly no  ordinary  nature  worship  could  produce  a  cultus  which 
would  combine  all  the  elements  of  the  eastern  faiths — Druidic, 
Phoenician,  Hittite,  all  in  one,  nor  could  the  law  of  growth  ac- 
count for  the  details  as  they  are  seen.  Parallel  development 
might  indeed  result  in  the  prevalence  of  animal  worship  among 
the  hunter  races,  of  sun  worship  among  the  agricultural  races. 


216  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

possibly  of  serpent  worship;  but  when  all  of  these  are  combined 
and  made  expressive  of  a  strange  esoteric  system,  with  the  mys- 
tic significance  of  the  sun  symbol  as  the  source  of  life,  we  are 
led  to  say  that  something  else  must  be  brought  in  to  account  for 
the  phenomena.  Phallic  worship  is  not  a  simple  cult  which 
might  be  introduced  anywhere,  nor  is  it  to  be  expected  that  the 
worship  of  fire,  or  of  the  sun,  or  the  serpent,  would  all  come  from 
natural  causes.  There  might  be  a  decline  from  a  previous  ad- 
vanced condition.  The  bronze  age  might  sink  back  into  the  stone 
age.  The  absence  of  tin  might  result  in  the  substitution  of  cop- 
per for  the  bronze,  and  the  change  go  on  until  savage  hunters  are 
seen  carrying  about  with  them  strange  reminders  of  their  pre- 
vious condition;  but  we  cannot  see  how  the  process  of  growth 
could  bring  together  on  the  American  tree  the  varied  fruit  of  the 
eastern  climes  or  place  its  many  symbols  in  these  western  lands. 
The  custom  of  keeping  alive  the  sacred  fire  was  common  among 
the  southern  tribes.  With  them  the  sun  was  the  great  divinity. 
Idolatry,  of  a  primitive  kind,  also  prevailed  among  them.  They 
built  pyramids  of  earth,  and  placed  their  idols  in  niches  on  the 
sides  of  those  pyramids,  with  their  faces  towards  the  four  points 
of  the  sky.  They  kept  their  dead  in  sacred  charnel  houses,  and 
placed  images  near  by  to  watch  the  remains  or  to  receive  the 
spirits   as   they  returned,   reminding   us   of  Egyptian   customs. 

The  Mound-builder's  cult  was  as  strange  as  this.  Here  we 
see  the  pipes  offered  to  the  sun,  but  the  pipes  are  covered  with 
animal  figures,  suggestive  of  animal  worship  or  totemism.  Here 
also  we  see  the  serpent  effigy,  everything  about  it  expressive  of 
a  still  higher  cult,  namely,  the  worship  of  fire  or  the  sun.  Here 
we  see  the  sun  circle  and  the  crescent,  showing  that  sun  worship 
was  very  prevalent.  Here  we  see  the  phallic  symbol,  a  marvel- 
lous cult,  holding  its  sway  over  a  united  people.  Southern  Ohio 
being  its  chief  seat  of  power.  Everything  of  value  which  was 
ever  offered  to  the  sun  was  subject  to  the  action  of  the  sacred 
flame.  Here  we  see  the  horse-shoe  symbol  in  the  mounds  and 
the  phallic  symbol  in  the  serpent  pipes.  And  with  all  this  com- 
plicated symbolism  we  learn  that  the  bodies  were  cremated 
exactly  as  they  were  on  Druidic  altars,  though  the  flames  are 
smoothered  beneath  the  layers  of  the  sacred  soil.  Surely  it  is 
mysterious.  Could  the  Mound-builders  have  invented  all  this, 
and  established  their  system  over  so  great  a  territory,  brought 
so  many  strange  conceptions  into  their  worship,  unless  they 
had  received  from  some  source  a  cult  which  was  not  indigenous 
to  the  continent.  It  is  said  by  some  that  they  were  nothing 
more  and  nothing  less  than  the  ancestors  of  the  present  race  of 
Indians,  but  by  others  that  they  were  gifted  with  great  intelli- 
gence; but  whichever  way  we  look  at  them,  it  does  seem  that 
they  could  not  have  had  such  a  marvellous  symbolism  unless 
there  had  been  among  them  some  one  fiom  another  continent. 


TlfE  SVASrlKA  AND  FlkE  IVORS/I/P  IN  AMERUOA.     217 

IV.  There  was  in  all  parts  of  the  American  Continent,  as 
well  as  in  the  lands  of  the  East,  a  union  of  fire  and  phallic 
worship.  How  the  two  came  to  be  associated  together  is  a 
mystery,  but  it  was  perhaps  owing  to  the  superstition  in  refer- 
ence to  the  occult  princip  e  of  life,  which  is  hidden  in  fire  and 
in  the  phallus.  In  the  East  the  Hindu  belief  was  that  the  fire 
generator  was  propelled  by  the  snake,  which  constituted  the 
rope,  and  the  two  classes  of  divinities  pulled  the  rope.  The 
result  was  that  the  fluid  of  life  was  churned  out  of  the  sea  and 
made  great  convulsions. 

We  have  in  the  preceding  pages  spoken  of  phollic  symbols 
which  are  common  on  this  continent,  and  of  their  resemblance 
to  those  found  in  the  far  East.  Among  these  are  the  cups 
or  circular  depressions  which  are  so  often  seen  on  the  rocks,  a 
specimen  of  which  may  be  seen  in  the  cut.  These  cup-stones 
are  generally  supposed  to  have  been  used  as  fire  generators, 
though  some  have  regarded  them  merely  as  depressions 
caused  by  nut  cracking.  The  fact,  however,  that  similar  cup- 
stones  are  found  scattered  over  Europe  and  Asia,  and  are  used 
by  persons  in  India  in  connection  with  religious  ceremonies, 
has  led  many  to  believe  that  they  are  fire  symbols. 

There  was  another  symbol  which  was  as  wide-spread  as  this. 
It  is  in  reality  the  hooked  cross,  or  the  suastika,  called  by  some 
the  "Gammadion  "  from  its  resemblance  to  the  Greek  letter 
Gama.  The  "  hooked  cross  "  is,  however,  the  most  expressive 
name,  for  it  suggests  the  shape  of  the  symbol,  and  yet  does  not 
explain  its  use.  Mr.  Schliemann  discovered  many  such  sym- 
bols in  Troy,  and  in  his  work  on  "Troja"  he  refers  to  the 
opinions  of  Mr.  E.  Burnouf  and  Mr.  R.  P.  Gregg.  The  first  of 
these  held  to  the  theory  that  it  represented  the  two  pieces  of 
wood,  which  were  laid  crosswise  upon  one  another  before  the 
sacrificial  altars,  in  order  to  produce  the  sacred  fire;  the  ends 
of  which  were  bent  around  at  right  angles  and  fastened  by 
means  of  four  nails,  so  that  the  framework  might  not  be 
moved.  Mr.  Gregg  held  to  the  opinion  that  the  symbol  came 
to  mean  the  god  of  the  sky.  Mr.  A.  H.  Sayce  thinks  that  the 
Trojan  suastika  was  derived  from  the  Hittites,  but  that  it 
originated  in  the  far  East. 

Mr.  Thomas  Wilson,  now  deceased,  wrote  extensively  upon 
the  subject,  and  says  the  suastika  is  one  of  the  symbolic  marks 
of  the  Chinese,  and  quotes  the  opinion  of  many  other  writers. 
Count  de  Alviella  says  the  suastika  is  in  use  among  the 
Buddhists  of  Thibet.  Mr.  W.  Crook  says  the  mystical  emblem 
of  the  suastika  appears  to  represent  the  sun  in  his  journey 
through  the  heavens,  and  is  common  among  the  Hindus.  It 
is  no  less  known  to  the  Brahmans  than  to  the  Buddhists. 

The  Jains  make  the  sign  of  the  suastika  as  frequently  as  the 
Catholics  make  the  sign  of  the  cross.  The  suastika  is  found 
on  the  pottery  of  the  Bronze  Age  in  Asia  Minor.  It  is  also 
found    among   the    Lake    Dwellings   of    the    Bronze   Age    of 


218 


NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


Switzerland;  on  the  spear-heads  of  Germany;  on  the  ancient 
coins  of  Gaza,  Palestine;  on  the  ancient  Hindu  coins;  and  on 
the  gold  ornaments  of  Denmark. 

The  distribution  of  this  symbol  throughout  the  continent  of 
America,  is  a  subject  which  Mr.  Thomas  Wilson  treats  exten- 
sively. He  shows  that  it  is  found  upon  the  shell  gorgets  of 
Tennessee;  on  the  copper  plates  of  Ohio;  and  on  the  bead  belts 
of  the  Iroquois  and  Sac  Indians.  A  modified  form  is  found  in 
the  sand-paintings  of  the  Navajos.  Mr.  Wilson  refers  to  the 
discovery  of  an  engraved  shell  in  the  Toco  Mound  of  Tennes- 
see, on  which  was  an  image  resembling  the  statue  of  Buddha, 
and  thinks  the  symbol  was  introduced  by  Buddhists.  Mr.  \y. 
H.  Moorehead  found  many  specimens  of  copper  ornaments  in 
the  Hopewell  Mounds.     Among  them  were  stencil  ornaments 


CUP   STONE    AT   CINCINNATI,  OHIO.* 

of  thin  copper,  cut  in  the  shape  of  the  clover  leaf  and  the  fish, 
giving  the  idea  that  they  were  introduced  by  the  missionaries 
from  Europe,  and  became  mingled  with  those  common  among 
the  aborigines;  five  suastika  crosses;  a  long  mass  of  copper 
covered  with  wood;  eighteen  single  copper  rings;  a  number  of 
double  copper  rings;  ten  circular  copper  rings,  with  holes  in  the 
center;  an  ornament  in  the  shape  of  a  St.  Andrews  cross;  cop- 
per plates;  copper  hatchets;  pearl  beads;  a  copper  eagle; 
spool-shaped  objects;  one  stool  of  copper;  a  human  skull  with 
horns;  a  copper  plate,  placed  on  the  breast  of  the  skeleton; 
and  an  altar.  This  find  is  important,  and  does  not  decide  the 
question  as  to  the  transmission  of  the  suastika  before  the  time 
of  the  Discovery.     It  would  seem,  however,  that  on  general 

•The  cut  representi  a  rock  found  in  Southtrn  Ohio,  which  ii  now  in  the  Museum  in  Cincin- 
nati, Ohio. 


THE  SUASTIKA  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP  IN  AMERICA .     219 

principles  it  is  easier  to  borrow  such  symbols  than  to  invent 
them. 

It  should  be  said  here,  that  the  fire  symbol,  the  phallic  sym- 
bol, the  horseshoe,  the  looped  square,  the  serpent,  and  the  cross 
were  closely  associated  in  American  symbolism.  The  serpent 
was  divided  into  four  parts,  the  number  four  reminding  us  of 
the  four  parts  of  the  heavens.  It  is  supposed  that  the  serpent 
symbolized  the  water  and  cloud,  and  sometimes  the  lightning. 
The  phallic  symbol  signified  the  life  principle. 

The  significance  of  the  hooked  cross  in  America  is  difficult 
to  decide  upon,  for  it  is  found  in  a  great  variety  of  materials; 
sometimes  on  the  shell  gorgets,  sometimes  on  copper  plates, 
sometimes  cut  into  the  rocks,  and  moulded  into  pieces  of  pot- 


k^fe 


FIRE    DANCERS. 


tery.  Such  is  the  case  among  the  mounds.  It  is  here  asso- 
ciated with  the  circle,  the  square,  the  common  cross,  the  coiled 
serpent,  and  many  other  symbols.  In  fact  there  is  scarcely  any 
ordinary  symbol  which  is  not  found  in  some  form,  in  some  ma- 
terial among  the  mounds.  This  shows  that  there  was  an  ex- 
tensive system  of  symbolism  which  had  either  been  introduced 
among  the  Mound-Builders,  or  had  been  invented  by  them. 
The  description  of  these  symbols  is  given  in  the  book  on  the 
Mound-Builders.* 

In  connection  with  the  subject  of  the  hooked  cross  as  a  fire 
symbol,  it  may  be  well  to  consider  the  various  ceremonies 
which  were  connected  with  the  fire  among  the  aborigines. 
Dr.  Washington  Matthews  bas  described  a  ceremony  which 
prevailed  among  the  Navajos.    The  ceremony  took  place  after 

•See  "The  Mounil-Builders;  Their  Works  »ind  Relips,"  pp.  51-54,  301-304. 


220  XA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISAfi, 

nightfall,  in  the  midst  of  an  open  circle.  It  appears  that  those 
who  took  part  in  it,  had  on  only  their  breech-cloth  and  their 
moccasins,  and  were  daubed  with  white  earth  until  they  seemed 
a  group  of  living  marbles.  As  they  advanced  in  single  file 
and  moved  around  the  fire,  they  threw  their  bodies  into  divers 
attitudes:  now  they  faced  the  east;  now  the  south,  west,  and 
north — bearing  aloft  their  slender  wands,  tipped  with  eagle 
down.  Their  course  around  the  fire  was  to  the  left,  by  way  of 
the  south.  When  they  had  circled  the  fire  twice  they  began  to 
thrust  their  wands  towards  it  and  throw  themselves  back,  with 
the  head  to  the  fire,  as  though  to  thrust  the  wand  into  the 
flames.  When  they  succeeded  in  lighting  it,  they  would  rush 
out  of  the  corral. 

There  were  other  ceremonies  among  the  Navajos,  in  which 
they  raced  with  firebrands  in  their  hands,  the  brands  throwing 
out  long  brilliant  flames  over  the  hands  and  arms  of  the  dancers; 
they  strike  one  another  with  the  flaming  wand,  and  sometimes 
catch  ^ne  another  and  bathe  them  in  flame.     The  significance 
of  this  ceremony  is  unknown,  but  seems  to  be  very  impressiN'^. 
The  most  interesting  ceremony  of   the  Navajos  was  con- 
nected with  the  suastika,  or  hooked  cross,  which  was  used,  not 
so  much  as  a  symbol  of  fire,  as  a  symbol  of  life.     The  cross 
was  a  part  of  the  sand-paintings  and  represented  the  common 
cross,  but  in  different  colors.     On  the  ends  of  the  cross,  the 
divine  forms  stood,  making  the  arms  of  the  cross  lie  with  their 
ends  extended  one  to  each  of  the  four  cardinal  points.    On  the 
cross  are  figures  which  wear  around  their  loins  skirts  of  red 
sunlight  adorned  with  sunbeams.     They  have  ear  penjants, 
bracelets,  armlets  of  blue  and  red  turquoise  and  coral,  the  em- 
blematic jewels  of  the  Navajos;    the  four  arms  and  legs  are 
black,  showing  in  each  a  zigzag  mass  representing  lightnii.^  on 
the  surface  of  the  black  rain  cloud.     Each  bears  attached  by 
a  string  to  his  right  arm,  a  basket  and  a  rattle,  painted  to  sym- 
bolize the  rain  cloud  and  the  lightning.     Beside  each  one  is  a 
highly  conventionalized  picture  of  a  plant,  which  has  the  same 
color  as  the  god.     The  body  of  the  eastern  god  is  white,  so  is 
the  stalk  of  the  corn  on  the  left;  the  body  of  the  southern  god 
is  blue,  so  is  the  beanstalk  beside  him;  the  body  of  the  western 
god  is  yellow,  so  is  the  pumpkin  vine  beside  him;  the  body  of 
the  north  god  is  black,  so  is  the  tobacco  plant  by  his  side. 
Each  of  the  four  sacred  plants  is  represented  as  growing  from 
five  white  roots  in  the  central  waters  and  spreading  outwards. 
The  gods  form  one  cross,  which  is  directed  to  the  four  cardinal 
points;  the  plants  form  another  cross,  but  all  have  a  comrnon 
center.     On  the  head  of  each  god  is  an  eagle  plume,  all  point- 
ing in  one  direction.     The  gods  are  represented  with  beautiful 
embroidered  pouches,  symbolizing    the   rainbow,  or  rainbow 
deity;  one  end  of  which  is  the  body  below  the  waist,  having 
legs  and  waist  and  feet  and  skirt,  at  the  other  end  head  and 
neck  and  arms.     This  is  the  rainbow  goddess,  which  resembles 


THE  SUASTIKA  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP  IN  AMERICA.     221 

the  Iris  of  the  Greeks.  In  the  cast,  where  the  picture  is  not 
enclosed,  are  two  birds,  standing  with  wings  outstretched 
facing  one  another.  The  blue  bird,  the  herald  of  the  morning, 
has  the  color  of  the  south  and  the  upper  regions;  he  is  sacred 
and  his  feathers  are  plume-sticks.  These  blue  birds  stand 
guard  at  the  door  of  the  house  wherein  the  gods  dwell. 

The  colors,  among  the  Navajos,  are  sacred  to  the  different 
points  of  the  compass.    The  east  is  white;  the  south,  blue;  the 


NAVAJO    SAND    PAINTING. 

west,  yellow;  and  the  north,  black.  The  upper  world  is  blue, 
and  the  lower  world,  white  and  black  in  spots. 

This  cross,  formed  by  the  bodies  of  the  goddesses  standing 
on  the  rafts,  with  the  plants  standing  on  the  side,  the  rainbow 
colors  with  the  symbols  of  the  sky  in  their  hands,  shows  the 
love  for  beauty  which  prevailed  among  this  mountain  people, 
and  at  the  same  time  shows  the  symbol  of  the  cross. 

There  is  no  mythology  more  beautiful  than  that  of  the 
Navajos,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  original  with  them.  Still 
we  are  to  notice  that  the  humanized  rainbow  resembles  that 
which  was  common  among  the  Egyptians  and  signified  about 
the  same  thing.  This  resemblance  leads  us  to  the  subject  of 
the  transmission  of  symbols.    This  has  been  treated  by  Goblet 


'222  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

de  Alviella,  who  is  regarded  as  the  best  authority  upon  the 
subject.  He,  however,  confined  his  studies  mainly  to  the  sym- 
bols found  in  Eastern  lands,  and  only  refers  briefly  to  those 
scattered  over  this  continent.  He  maintains  that  an  esoteric 
system  prevailed  throughout  the  world,  but  was  better  under- 
stood by  the  priests  and  magicians  than  by  the  common  peo- 
ple, but  that  there  was  so  much  secrecy  about  it,  that  it  was 
difficult  to  decide  whether  it  was  borrowed  from  others,  or  in- 
vented independently. 

It  is  acknowledged  by  all  that  there  are  many  symbols  in 
America  which  so  strongly  resemble  those  found  in  Europe 
and  in  Asia,  as  to  suggest  that  they  came  from  some  common 
center  and  were  gradually  transmitted  from  one  continent  to 
another.  Among  these  symbols,  the  most  common  and  wide- 
spread are  those  which  are  connected  with  the  worship  of  the 
elements,  and  especially  with  the  worship  of  fire.  As  proof  of 
this,  we  have  only  to  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  cup  stones, 
as  v.ell  as  the  suastika,  arc  very  common  in  this  country 
and  in  Asia,  and  the  explanation  which  has  been  given,  that 
they  were  used  for  generating  fire,  is  the  most  plausible  one. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  custom  of  making  a  new  fire  was 
common  among  the  natives  of  America.  Prescott  has  described 
that  which  occurred  among  the  Mexicans.     He  says: 

"Among  the  Aztecs  it  was  at  the  end  of  fifty  years  that  the 
new  fire  was  created,  instead  of  every  year  as  among  the  Mus- 
kogees.  The  ceremony  took  place  upon  the  summit  of  a 
mountain,  about  two  leagues  distant  from  the  city.  A  proces- 
sion of  priests  moved  toward  this  mountain,  taking  with  them 
a  captive  taken  in  war  and  the  apparatus  for  kindling  the  new 
fire.  On  reaching  the  summit  of  a  mountain,  the  procession 
paused  till  midnight;  then  as  the  constellation  of  the  Pleiades 
reached  the  zenith,  and  while  the  people  waited  in  great  sus- 
pense, the  new  fire  was  kindled  by  the  friction  of  the  fire  drill 
placed  on  the  breast  of  the  victim.  The  flame  was  then  com- 
municated to  the  funeral  pile  on  which  the  body  of  the  captive 
was  thrown.  As  the  light  streamed  up  to  heaven  shouts  burst 
from  the  countless  multitudes  which  covered  the  hills,  terraces, 
temples,  and  housetops.  Couriers  with  torches  lighted  bore 
them  over  every  part  of  the  country,  and  the  cheering  element 
was  soon  brightened  on  many  a  hearthstone  within  the  circuit 
of  many  a  league." 

Mr.  Thomas  Wilson  has  given  a  map  showing  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  suastika  throughout  Asia,  America,  and  Europe. 
This  map  is  very  suggestive,  for  it  shows  that  the  symbol 
might  have  been  introduced  into  America  from  either  side — 
from  Asia  or  from  Europe.  If  from  Asia,  it  seems  probable 
that  it  was  in  prehistoric  times;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was 
introduced  from  Europe,  it  might  have  been  in  historic  times. 

There  is  one  point  to  be  considered  in  connection  with  this 
theory  of  the  transmission  of  such  symbols  as  the  hooked  cros? 


THE  S  UA  S  UK  A  A  Nl)  FIRE  /  /  'ORSHIP  IX  A  MERI CA .     223 


or  suastika  and  the  winged  figure.  If  they  were  transmitted 
from  Europe  they  did  not  carry  with  them  those  symbols  which 
were  quite  common  in  mediaeval  times,  and  so  must  have  been 
transmitted  before  that  date.  There  were  fire  symbols  in 
Europe  before  mediaeval  times,  but  the  basilisk  and  the  cocka- 
trice, and  other  symbols,  became  common  at  a  later  time. 

The  dragon,  or  winged  serpent,  has  performed  a  part  m 
many  creeds,  and  the  dragon  slayer  has  been  the  hero  of  count- 
less legends.  These  legends  vary  with  climate  and  country 
and  the  development  of  the  people  with  whom  it  is  found.  In 
Egypt  the  dragon  was  called  Typhon;  in  Greece,  Pytho;  in 
India,  KalU  Naga,  the  "vanishment  of  Vishnu";  in  Anglo-Saxon 
chronicles  he  is  called  Draco,  "  the  fire  drake,"  "the  denyer  of 


MAP   SHOWING   DISTRIBUTION   OF   THE   SUASTIKA. 

God,"  "the  unsleeping,  poisoned  fanged  monster,"  "the  terri- 
ble enemy  of  man,  full  of  subtilityand  power." 

The  story  of  St.  George  and  the  dragon  is  a  common  one, 
which  has  come  down  to  us  through  the  ages,  but  it  is  a  sur- 
vival of  hundreds  of  earlier  ones.  An  old  legend  of  the 
founding  of  Thebes  by  Cadmus,  is  as  follows:  "Arriving  on  the 
site  of  the  future  city,  he  proposed  to  make  a  sacrifice  to  the 
protecting  goddess  Athene,  but  on  sending  his  men  to  a  dis- 
tant fountain  for  water,  they  were  attacked  by  a  dragon. 
Cadmus  therefore  went  himself,  and  slew  the  monster  and,  at 
the  command  of  Athene,  sowed  its  teeth  on  the  ground,  from 
which  immediately  sprang  a  host  of  armed  giants.  These  on 
the  instant  all  turned  their  arms  against  each  other,  with  such 
fury  that  they  were  all  presently  slain,  save  five.  Cadmus  in- 
voked the  aid  of  these  giants  in  the  building  of  the  new  city, 
and  from  these  five  the  noblest  families  of  Thebes  hereafter 
traced  their  lineage."     The    meaning   of   this   story  and   the 


224  NA  rtVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

origin  of  the  dragon  itself,  are  difficult  to  understand.  It  is 
supposed,  however,  that  they  originally  represented  some 
operation  of  nature.  "The  dragon  wing  of  night  overspreads 
the  earth,"  is  an  expression  which  shows  the  effect  of  imagina- 
tion when  aroused  by  the  story  of  such  monsters. 

Pliny,  the  elder,  gathered  these  stories  into  a  book,  which 
shows  their  prevalence  before  his  day;  but  they  continued  to 
be  told  even  through  the  Middle  Ages.  Among  these  stories, 
were  others  of  the  unicorn,  and  of  the  cockatrice.  The  uni- 
corn, alive  or  dead,  seems  to  have  eluded  observation  in  a 
wonderful  way,  and  the  men  of  science  have  been  left  to 
abstract  their  facts  from  the  slightest  hints.  One  of  the 
mediaeval  writers  adopted  the  plan  of  compiling  statements  in 
reference  to  the  unicorn,  just  as  they  came  to  hand.  Pliny 
states  that  it  is  a  fierce  and  terrible  creature.  Those  which 
Graceas  de  Herto  described  about  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
were  beheld  with  heads  like  horses.  Those  which  Vartomanus 
beheld,  he  described  as  a  huge  lizard. 

The  cockatrice  was  another  creature  which  was  often  de- 
scribed. It  is  called  the  king  of  serpents,  because  of  its 
majestic  pace,  for  it  does  not  creep  like  other  serpents  but 
goes  half  upright,  from  which  cause  all  other  serpents  avoid 
him,  and  it  seems  that  nature  designed  him  for  preeminence 
from  the  crown  or  cornet  on  his  head.  It  is  said  to  be  half  a 
foot  in  length,  the  hinder  part  like  a  serpent,  the  fore  part  like 
a  cock.  These  monsters  are  supposed  to  be  found  in  Africa 
and  some  other  parts  of  the  world.  Guildaumes,  a  Norman 
priest,  who  wrote  a  book  in  the  Middle  Ages,  which  is  a  full 
description  of  these  monsters,  and  especially  of  the  cockatrice, 
says  their  poison  is  so  strong  that  there  is  no  cure  for  it,  and 
one  is  in  such  a  degree  affected  by  its  presence  that  no  creature 
can  live  near  it.  It  kills  not  only  by  its  touch,  but  even  the 
sight  of  the  cockatrice  is  death,  and  all  other  serpents  are  afraid 
of  the  sight  and  hissing  of  a  cockatrice.  The  heraldic  cocka- 
trice is  represented  as  having  the  head  and  legs  of  a  cock,  a 
scaley  body  of  a  serpent,  and  the  wings  of  a  dragon,  but  a 
crowned  head.  The  basilisk  was  the  king  of  serpents.  It  is 
described  as  a  huge  lizard,  but  in  later  times  it  became  a 
crested  serpent.  Like  the  cockatrice,  the  glance  of  its  eye  was 
death.  Pliny  says,  "We  come  now  to  the  basilisk,  which  all 
other  serpents  flee  fiom  and  are  afraid  of;  albeit  he  killeth 
them  with  his  very  breath  and  the  smell  that  passeth  from 
him,  and  if  he  do  set  his  eye  on  a  man,  it  is  enough  to  take 
away  his  life." 

V.  Associated  with  the  fire  drill  was  a  symbol  which  in  the 
East  was  called  the  Sacred  Grove.  It  consisted  of  an  upright 
shaft,  with  branches  extending  to  either  side  and  a  vine  run* 
ning  over  the  shaft  at  the  end  of  the  branches.  At  the  end  of 
the  branches  were  pine  cones.  These  symbols  are  common  in 
the  East.    They  are  seen  on  the  facades  of  palaces  in  Babylonia 


PHALLIC  WORSHIP  AND  FIRE  WORSHIP.  225 

and  are  significant.  We  call  them  human  tree  figures.  They 
remind  us  of  the  so-called  groves  or  idols  of  Asherah,  which 
were  condemned  in  the  Scriptures  as  the  symbols  of  a  degraded 
worship.  We  do  not  know  that  fire  worship  was  thus  perverted 
to  a  base  system  in  America,  but  these  figures  are  worthy  of 
study  m  this  connection. 

VI.  We  now  consider  the  contrast  between  the  fire  worship  in 
America  and  in  Asia,  ascribing  the  latter  mainly  to  an  historic 
source  and  the  former  to  a  prehistoric  source — one  aboriginal 
and  the  other  traditional.  Here  the  archseology  ot  the  East 
will  assist  us.  In  Egypt  the  work  of  creation  was  ascribed  to 
the  gods  ot  fire,  though  the  element  of  moisture  came  in. 
Ptah,  an  appropriate  name  for  the  god  of  fire,  was  a  "creator," 
"sculptor;"  Sachet  denotes  "kindling  fire;"  Pechet  isthe"de- 
vourer,"  and  Bes  is  the  "  ascending  flame."  The  Semitic  gods 
of  fire  and  light  contend:  The  consuming  and  destroying  sun 
god,  contends  with  darkness  as,  in  Egypt,  Osiris  does  with  Set. 
Among  the  Akkadians  fire  played  an  important  part,  though 
their  worship  consisted  of  magic.  The  Akkadians  are  supposed 
to  be  the  same  as  the  Turanians,  which  is  a  term  used  to  desig- 
nate the  so-called  Ural  Altaic,  of  which  the  Mongols,  Mag- 
yars, Finns,  Samoyedes  are  the  chief  branches.  The  religion 
of  the  Finns  embodied  much  of  the  system  which  belonged  to 
the  Turanians;  the  Klavala  is  the  book  which  contains  the  epic 
poems  of  the  Finns,  the  subject  of  which  is  simply  the  contest 
of  the  nature  powers  personified.  The  three  great  heroes  of 
the  Klavala  are  the  ancient  spirits  of  Heaven,  fire  and  earth, 
and  correspond  lo  Odin,  Loki  and  Humir,  the  German  triad 
of  gods. 

The  Persian  religion  was  one  in  which  there  was  a  great  de- 
velopment of  the  worship  ot  fire  and  the  drink  of  immortality. 
The  Persians  had  a  peculiar  superstition  about  the  disposal  of 
the  body.  They  supposed  it  could  not  be  burned,  because  that 
would  corrupt  the  fire;  they  could  not  bury  it,  because  that 
would  corrupt  the  earth;  it  could  not  be  left  exposed,  that 
would  corrupt  the  ^ir;  it  could  not  be  put  into  the  water,  for 
that  would  corrupt  the  water;  it  was  therefore  put  n  a  tower 
so  that  it  could  be  devoured  by  birds.  The  Wends,  however, 
on  the  contrary,  had  three  methods  of  disposing  of  the  body: 
burial  that  carried  the  soul  to  the  under  world;  burn'ng,  which 
bore  it  in  smoke  to  the  heavens;  burial  in  a  boat,  which  tra  s- 
ported  it  to  the  island  of  the  sun.  Among  the  Scandinavians, 
Loki  was  the  God  of  fire;  he  was  not  to  be  trusted;  while  he 
was  benificent,  he  was  treacherous.  Lenormant  in  his  Chal- 
dean Magic  has  given  the  same  history.  He  says  the  Chaldaic 
Babylonians,  -^  ho  were  devoted  lo  astronomy,  read  in  the  sid:  real 
and  planetary  system  a  revelation  of  the  divine  being.  First  was 
Seiy  Cronos,  mysterious  source  of  all  things;  Ami,  primordial 
chaos,  god  of  time;  I/ea,  god  of  water,  the  spirit  that  brooded 


226  NA Tl VE  A MERl CAN  S YMB OLISM. 

over  the  water;  Bel,  the  demiurge;  next,  the  gods  of  the  five 
planets — Adar,  S^Xurn',  J/ar^z^X',  Jupiter;  IVcrgal,'M.d.rs\  Istar, 
Venus;  JVcho,  Mercury. 

The  demons  were  seven  phantoms  in  flame,  who  were  the 
counterparts  to  the  seven  gods  of  the  planets,  including  the  sun 
and  moon.  In  Anu  was  recognized  the  ideal  of  a  cosmic  or 
uranic  triad,  heaven  and  earth  and  fire.  The  Chaldeans  had 
the  opinion  that  the  shape  of  the  earth  was  a  boat  turned  up- 
side down,  a  coracle;  the  interior  cavity  was  the  abyss  where 
the  dead  found  a  home.  Above  the  earth  extended  the  sky, 
spangled  with  stars,  the  central  point  was  the  nadir  ;  here  was 
the  mountain  of  the  East  with  its  four  spurs  or  peaks,  and  the 
central  point.  Between  the  earth  and  heavens  was  the  zone  of  the 
atmosphere  where  the  winds  blow  and  the  storms  rage.  Fire 
worship  was  at  first  common  to  both  the  Turanians  and  Aryans 
of  ancient  origin;  fire  was  the  most  active  of  all  the  gods;  man 
could  hold  direct  communication  with  him  by  means  of  sacred 
rites  and  by  lighting  the  sacrificial  flame.  Under  the  name 
Izdubhar,  "  man  of  fire,"  he  became  one  of  the  heroes  of  epic 
history;  he  was  called  the  supreme  pontiff  of  the  earth;  he  was 
recognized  in  the  flame  of  the  domestic  hearth  and  protected 
the  house  from  evil  influences,  and  was  called  the  "  god  of  the 
House."  In  his  natural  reality,  he  was  superior  to  the  sun ;  in 
his  historical,  he  was  the  survivor  of  the  deluge;  in  his  offlce, 
he  was  the  divinity  of  the  hearth;  the  insignia  of  his  office  was 
a  reed,  which  took  the  place  of  a  wand.  The  rush  was  used  as 
the  fire  generator;  hence  he  was  called  the  god  of  the  rushes. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  fire  worship  carried  to  a  high  stage 
of  personification.  Taken  in  connection  with  the  cult  as  it  ex- 
isted in  America,  we  have  the  entire  history.  We  may  trace  it 
through  all  its  stages. 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH.  227 


CHAPTER    X. 
THE  WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH. 

One  of  the  mysterious  things  about  American  archaeology 
and  mythology  is  that  they  contain  so  many  reminders  of  the 
events  which  belonged  to  the  early  days  in  historic  countries, 
some  of  which  have  been  transmitted  through  Scripure.  We 
are  constantly  coming  upon  these  in  whatever  region  or  prov- 
ince we  may  be,  whether  in  the  territory  of  the  Mound-builders, 
Cliff-dwellers,  Pueblos,  wild  hunters  of  the  north,  the  fishermen 
of  the  northwest  coast,  the  agriculturists  of  the  south,  the  semi- 
civilized  people  of  the  interior,  or  the  civilized  races  of  Mexico, 
Central  America  and  Peru.  Among  all  these  we  find  not  only 
symbols,  but  traditions  and  myths  which  strikingly  resemble 
those  of  the  east.  This  makes  the  department  of  symbolism 
interesting  and  important,  though  there  is  no  branch  of  study 
which  does  not,  in  this  respect,  become  suggestive.  If  we  take 
up  the  solar  cult,  the  moon  cult,  the  water  cult,  the  fire  cult, 
serpent  worship,  animal  worship,  totemism,  animism,  fetichism, 
going  from  the  most  elaborate  to  the  most  primitive,  we  find 
reminders  of  familiar  events  which  have  occurred  elsewhere,  and 
can  not  resist  the  impression  that,  even  in  the^least  developed  or 
most  primitive  of  these  systems,  there  are  traces  of  something 
that  lies  back  of  them  which  does  not  belong  to  them  and  can 
not  be  ascribed  to  any  indigenous  or  native  origin.  The  clue 
may  be  misleading  and  we  may  take  too  much  for  granted,  but 
we  certainly  ought  not  to  ignore  its  existence  or  refuse  to  admit 
the  evidence  when  presented. 

Dr.  C.  P.  Tiele  said,  several  years  ago  :  "  The  question  of  the 
relation  which  the  religions  of  savages  stand  to  the  great  his- 
toric families  of  religions  has  just  been  opened."  But  very 
great  progress  has  been  made  since  that  time,  and  we  ought 
to  be  able  to  trace,  before  long,  not  only  the  relations,  but 
also  the  channels  through  which  these  reminders  have  come. 
Over  a  large  extent  of  Asia  and  Europe,  the  Aryans  were  pre- 
ceded by  Turanian  people.  Such  is  the  evidence  of  history. 
Archaeologists  have,  to  be  sure,  been  thinking  of  late  that  there 
were  no  Aryans  or  Turanians,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  all 
classes  descended  from  the  paleolithic  people  of  Europe.  Some 
also  claim  that  imigration  to  America  took  place  during  the  latter 
part  of  that  age,  and  that  settlement  occurred  some  time  in  the 
early  part  of  the  neolithic  age.  But  we  can  not  do  away  with 
the  distinction  which  linguists  recognize,  nor  can  we  destroy 
the  evidence  which  is  presented  to  the  mythologist  that  there  is 


228  NA  TIVE  A MERICA N  S  YMB OLISM. 

a  filtering  of  the  events  and  traditions  of  historic  countries 
through  the  tokens  and  myths  of  prehistoric  America,  and  we 
cannot  certainly  allow  a  speculation  to  destroy  or  do  away  with 
that  which  is  so  plain.  Too  many  discoveries  have  been  made 
in  Egypt,  Assyria  and  the  far  East  for  us  to  ignore  the  record  of 
creation,  the  deluge,  and  other  events  as  they  are  recorded  in 
Scripture  and  confirmed  by  the  monuments  and  tablets. 

In  fact,  it  seems  to  us  to  be  time  that  the  historic  and  prehis- 
toric archseologists  should  be  working  together  instead  of  apart, 
and  the  department  of  Biblical  archaeology,  which  has  been 
making  so  great  advance,  should  be  recognized  as  a  coadjutor 
in  the  field  instead  of  an  enemy.  We  do  not  lessen  the  impor- 
tance of  nature  worship  when  we  deny  that  the  tradition  of 
the  creation  was  the  result  of  personification,  or  that  of  the  flood 
the  result  of  local  freshets,  for  there  is  a  strange  mingling  of 
the  local  and  the  universal,  of  the  modern  and  the  ancient,  and 
it  is  very  difficult  to  separate  them  without  destroying  the 
whole  fabric. 

The  water  cult  in  America  seems  to  have  come  from  foreign 
countries  ;  at  least  that  part  of  it  which  perpetuated  the  tradition 
of  the  flood  must  have  done  so,  for  in  this  the  symbols  are  too 
suggestive  to  be  explained  in  any  other  way. 

The  knowledge  of  the  Pleiades,  the  traditions  of  the  first  man, 
the  conception  of  the  dragon,  the  worship  of  the  serpent,  the 
prevalence  of  the  phallic  symbol,  the  association  of  the  water 
cult,  fire  cult,  moon  cult  and  the  sobr  cult,  are  all  arguments 
for  the  transmission  of  the  tradition  of  the  flood  from  foreign 
countries,  even  if  the  cult  is  found  in  a  very  elementary  and 
primitive  condition.  Take  the  following  cosmogonic  legend  of 
Cannes  by  Berosus:  "According  to  extracts  from  the  Grecian 
historian  of  Chaldea,  he  had  a  body  of  a  fish  entire,  but  under- 
neath his  fish's  head  there  was  a  second  human  head,  while 
human  feet  appeared  under  his  tail,  and  he  possessed  a  human 
voice.  This  monster  spent  the  whole  day  amongst  men  with- 
out taking  any  food,  while  he  taught  them  letters,  science,  and 
the  principles  of  every  art,  the  rules  of  the  foundations  of  towns, 
the  building  of  temples,  the  measurements  and  boundaries  of 
lands,  seed  time  and  harvest  ;  in  short,  all  that  could  advance 
civilization,  so  that  nothing  new  has  been  invented  since  that 
period.  Then  at  sunset  this  great  Oannes  regained  the  sea  and 
passed  the  night  in  the  vast  region  of  waves,  for  he  was  am- 
phibious." This  description  of  Oannes  is  interesting  when 
studied  in  connection  with  the  following  picture  of  the  Zuni 
water-snake,  which  was  found  by  Lieut.  Whipple  on  the  rocks 
in  Arizona.     See  Fig.  i. 

It  was  observed  by  the  explorers  near  the  Rocky  Dell  Creek. 
The  interpretation  of  it  as  given  by  a  Pueblo  Indian  was  that 
it  represented  the  great  water  snake  created  by  Montezuma,  to 
give  rain;  they  describe  the  snake  as  of  great  length,  slowly 


WATER  CULT  AND  2HE  DELUGE  MYTH. 


229 


grliding  upon  the  water.  The  great  feathered  serpent  of  the 
Zuni  was  supposed  to  live  in  the  water  and  to  guard  the  springs. 
The  celebrated  Aztec  spring  was  its  favorite  haunt.  Vessels 
taken  from  this  fountain  had  upon  them  crescents,  serpents, 
frogs,  tadpoles  and  other  water  animals.  Lieut.  Whipple  says: 
"I  do  not  know  that  upon  this  continent  any  animal  has  been 
found  similar  to  it;  it  would  seem  to  be  of  Eastern  origin." 
There  is  a  tradition  among  the  Zuni  of  a  great  flood;  this 
flood  came  from  the  west  and  rushed  down  the  great  canon  and 
filled  it  with  water;  a  great  many  of  the  people  fled  to  the  top 
of  the  mesa  and  were  saved  from  the  waters;  the  rest  perished — 
the  Navajos,  Apaches  and  wild  beasts — in  the  sea  of  waters,  ex- 
cept such  as  found  safety  there.  The  Zuni  built  a  pueblo  upon 
the  lofty  eminence,  and  waited  the  subsidence  of  the  waters. 
Time  passed  and  the  waves  still  surrounded  their  refuge.  A 
sacrifice  was  devised  to  appease  the  water  divinity.  The  son 
of  a  chief  and  a  beautiful  virgin  were  the  chosen  offerings.  As 
they  were  let  down  from  the  clifT  into  the  deep,  the  waters 
rolled  back,  leaving  the  young  man  and  maid  statues  of  stone. 


Fig,  1.— Water  Snake  of  the  Zunis. 

An  isolated  rock  is  pointed  out  to  the  travelers  as 
containing  upon  its  summit  the  statues  of  the  two 
persons.  The  high  priest  or  governor  of  the 
Pueblo  has  it  his  especial  duty  to  officiate  before 
the  water  deities.  Among  the  wild  tribes — the 
Algonquins,  Iroquois,  and  Dakotas — there  are  various  myths 
as  to  how  the  earth  was  recreated  after  the  deluge  of  waters. 
There  are  variations  as  to  this  myth,  but  generally  Manobozho 
is  the  divinity  who  personates  Noah.  He  survives  the  flood, 
floats  above  the  water  in  his  canoe;  he  sends  different  animals 
down  into  the  water  to  bring  up  the  earth.  The  muskrat  suc- 
ceeds. Manobozho  takes  the  mud  from  the  claws,  sprinkles  it 
upon  the  water,  causes  it  to  grow  until  it  becomes  a  great 
island;  he  sprinkles  small  lumps  on  the  island,  and  they  become 
mountains;  he  sticks  arrows  into  the  ground  and  they  become 
men  and  women.* 

This  story  has  its  analogies  among  the  Sioux,  Athabascans, 
Iroquois,  Cherokees  and  various  tribes  of  British  Columbia  and 
California.  The  story  varies  according  to  locality.  Among 
the  Algonquins  he  is  Michabo,  the  giant  rabbit,  but  he  is  a  god 


*See  American  Journal  of  Folk  Lore,  Sept.  '91,  article  by  A.  Chamberlain,  -which 
gives  the  variations  of  this  tradition.    Page  15,  Vol.  IV.,  article  by  Dr.  F.  Boas. 


230  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

of  wind,  storm  and  rain;  he  is  said  to  have  scooped  out  the  ba- 
sins ot  the  lakes.  Among  the  Ojibways  a  mighty  serpent  began 
to  flood  the  land,  but  Michabo  destroyed  him  with  his  dart. 
Among  the  Cherokees  the  animals  were  above,  nothing  was 
below  but  a  wide  expanse  of  water;  but  the  water  beetle  and 
the  water  spider  dove  to  the  bottom  and  brought  up  the  mud. 
Among  the  Yocusts  of  California  the  earth  was  covered  with 
water;  there  existed  a  hawk,  crow,  duck,  but  the  duck  brought 
up  his  beak  full  of  mud.  Among  the  Chinooks  and  Bilqulas  it 
was  the  muskrat,  but  the  buzzard  flapped  his  wings  and  made 
the  mountains. 

The  description  given  by  Catlin  of  the  religious  ceremonies 
which  prevailed  among  the  Mandans  before  and  after  the  in- 
itiation of  their  young   men  as  warriors,  is  worthy  of  notice. 

The  Mandan  religious  ceremony  commences  not  on  a  par- 
ticular day  of  the  year,  but  at  a  particular  season,  which  is 
designated  by  the  full  expansion  of  the  willow  leaves  ;  for  ac- 
cording to  their  tradition  the  "twig  the  bird  brought  home  was 
a  willowbough  and  had  full-grown  leaves  on  it."  The  bird  to 
which  they  allude  is  the  mourning  or  turtle  dove,  and  being  as 
they  call  it  a  medicine  bird,  it  is  not  to  be  destroyed  or  harmed 
by  any  one,  and  even  their  dogs  are  instructed  not  to  do  it  in- 
jury. During  the  ceremony  a  figure  is  seen  approaching  ;  the 
body  of  this  strange  personage,  which  was  chiefly  naked,  was 
painted  white,  resembling  at  a  little  distance  a-  white  man  ;  he 
wore  a  robe  of  four  white  wolf  skins,  falling  from  his  shoulders, 
on  his  head  a  splendid  head-dress  of  two  raven's  skins;  in  his 
left  hand  a  pipe  was  cautiously  carried  as  it  of  great  impor- 
tance. After  passing  the  chiefs  and  braves,  he  approached  the 
medicine  or  mystery  lodge,  which  he  had  the  means  of  opening 
and  which  had  been  religiously  closed  during  the  year.  While 
preparations  were  making  in  the  medicine  lodge  Nu-mohk- 
muck-a-nah,  "the  first  or  only  man,"  traveled  through  the  village, 
stopping  in  front  of  every  man's  lodge  and  crying  until  the  owner 
came  out  and  asked  who  he  was  and  what  was  the  matter. 
To  which  he  replied  by  relating  the  sad  catastrophe  which  had 
happened  on  the  earth's  surface  by  the  overflowing  of  waters, 
saying  that  he  was  the  only  person  saved  from  the  universal 
calamity,  that  he  landed  his  Sig  canoe  on  a  high  mountain  in 
the  west,  where  he  now  resides  ;  that  he  has  come  to  open  the 
medicine  lodge  which  must  needs  receive  a  present  of  some 
edged  tool  from  the  owner  of  every  wigwam,  that  it  may  be 
sacrificed  to  the  water  ;  for  he  says,  "  if  this  is  not  done  there 
will  be  another  flood  and  no  one  will  be  saved,  as  it  was  with 
such  tools  that  the  big  canoe  was  made."  Having  visited  every 
lodge  and  wigwam  during  the  day  and  having  received  such  a 
present  at  each,  he  returned  at  evening  and  deposited  them  in 
the  medicine  lodge,  where  they  remained  until  the  afternoon  of 
the  last  day  of  the  ceremony,  when  they  were  thrown  into  the 


WA TER  CULT  A ND  THE  BEL UGE  M YTH.  231 

river  in  a  deep  place  from  a  bank  thirty  feet  high,  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  village,  from  whence  they  can  never  be 
recovered.  These  were  undoubtedly  sacrificed  to  the  Spirit  of 
the  Water. 

Catlin,  with  this  description  of  the  ceremony  of  the  big 
canoe,  the  medicine  man,  the  gathering  of  the  knives,  brings  in 
a  few  remarks  in  reference  to  the  symbols.  He  says  the  num- 
ber four  seemed  to  be  sacred;  the  ceremony  lasted  four  days; 
there  were  four  medicine  men  who  searched  the  lour  parts  of 
the  ramp  or  village;  there  were  four  groups  of  dancers;  four 
sacks  of  water,  resembling  large  tortoises,  were  placed  on  the 
fioor;  four  men  were  selected  to  cleanse  out  the  lodge;  four  car- 
dinal points  were  symbolized;  four  skewers  were  placed  as  in- 
struments of  torture  in  the  arms  and  legs  of  the  warriors;  four 
sacrifices  were  made;  four  colors;  and  narrates  that  there  were 
four  tortoises  which  supported  the  earth;  they  carried  dirt  on 
their  back,  though  he  brings  in  the  idea  of  forty  days,  as  the 
buffalo  dance  was  repeated  four  times,  eight  times,  twelve  times, 
sixteen  times  in  the  successive  days.* 

Among  the  civilized  races  the  tradition  of  the  flood  is  com- 
mon, and  it  is  there  associated  with  the  divinity  of  rain,  and  with 
the  water  cult  as  it  is  in  the  uncivilized.  Here,  however,  we 
find  some  peculiarities  not  elsewhere  known.  A  white  God  is 
the  culture  hero  who  answers  to  the  Noah  of  the  Bible,  but 
his  history  is  something  like  that  of  the  Messiah.  The  Fair  God 
yields  to  his  enemy  Texcatlipoca,  who  is  a  very  Loki,  whose 
symbol  is  the  serpent  He  escapes  to  the  pyramid  of  Cholula,  in 
connection  with  which  there  is  still  a  tradition  of  the  flood;  he 
withdraws  from  this  and  takes  his  canoe  made  of  serpent  skins 
and  crosses  the  water,  promising  to  return  again.  This  tradi- 
tion or  story  of  the  Fair  God  has  been  interpreted  by  Dr.  Brin- 
ton  as  a  personification  of  the  sun  having  a  contest  with  the 
god  of  darkness.  Others,  however,  maintain  that  he  belonged 
to  a  race  different  from  the  one  he  civilized;  that  he  created  a 
new  religion,  based  on  fasting,  penance  and  virtue.  The  Aztec 
Neptune,  or  water  god,  was  Tlaloc,  whose  image  is  painted 
green  and  azure,  representing  the  various  shades  of  water.  He 
is  armed  with  a  wand,  twisted  into  a  spiral,  ending  in  a  sharp 
point,  in  representation  of  a  thunder  bolt.  Tlaloc  had  a  chapel 
on  the  top  of  the  great  temple  of  Mexico,  as  important  as  that 
of  Huitzilipochtli,  with  which  it  was  connected.  On  the  day  of 
the  feast  of  the  Tlalocs  the  priests  of  these  ministers  of  the  god 
of  waters  betook  themselves  to  the  lagoon  of  Citlatepetl,  sit- 
uated a  few  miles  from  Mexico,  to  cut  the  reeds  for  decorating 
the  altar. 

Dr.  Brinton  says:  "The  American  nations  among  whom  a 
distinct  and  well  authenticated  myth  of  the  deluge  was  found 

*Catlin's  North  American  Indians,  Vol.  I.,  page  158. 


232  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

are  as  follows:  Athapascans,  Algonquins,  Iroquois,  Cherokees, 
Chickasaws,  Caddos,  Natchez,  Dakotas,  Apaches,  Navajos, 
Mandans,  Pueblos,  Aztecs,  Mixtecs,  Zapotecs,  Tlascalons, 
Mechoacans,  Toltecs,  Nahuas,  Mayas,  Quiches,  Haitians,  the 
natives  of  Darien  and  Popoyan,  Muyscas,  Quichuas,  Tuppin- 
ambas,  Achaguas,  Araucanians,  and  doubtless  others."* 

A  mountain  figures  in  most  of  these  traditions.  The  Mexican 
Codex  Vaticanus  represents  the  picture  of  the  deluge  wth  a 
bird  perched  on  the  summit  of  a  tree.  One  of  the  Mexican 
traditions  preserved  by  Torquemada,  identified  the  pyramid  of 
Cholula  as  the  mountain  of  TIaloc,  the  god  of  rain.  Among 
the  Araucanians  it  was  a  three-peaked  mountain  and  had  the 
property  of  floating  on  water.  These  people  kept  on  hand 
wooden  bowls  to  use  as  parasols,  reminding  us  of  the  symbol 
of  the  umbrella  in  India.  The  peak  of  Old  Zuni  in  New  Mex- 
ico; that  of  Colhuacan  of  the  Pacific  coast;  Mount  Neba  in 
the  province  of  Guaymi,  and  Mount  Apoala  in  the  Mixtec 
province;  Mount  Hood  among  the  Klallams,  and  many  other 
mountains  have  traditions  connected  with  them  as  places  of 
refuge  for  their  ancestors.  The  number  seven  has  been  pre- 
served; one  Mexican  and  one  Peruvian  myth  give  out  exactly 
seven  persons  as  saved  in  their  floods.  This  is  remarkable,  be- 
cause the  mystic  number  in  America  is  four  instead  of  seven, 
though  the  seven  stars  of  the  Pleiades  are  known  and  have  a 
myth  connected  with  them.  Another  feature  of  the  myth  is 
that  the  survivor  of  the  flood  is  always  called  the  first  man  and 
is  generally  pictured  as  white,  and  as  coming  from  the  east. 
Quetzacoatl  was  the  god  of  light  to  the  Aztecs.  His  emblem 
was  the  bird  serpent  and  his  rebus  the  cross.  He  was  born  of 
a  virgin.  The  temple  of  Cholula  was  dedicated  to  him.  He 
had  a  full  flowing  beard,  a  white  complexion,  and  wore  long 
white  robes.  Among  the  Muyscas  the  hero  Bochica  bore  the 
name  "the  white  one".  The  Caribs'  patron  Tamu  was  "the  old 
man  of  the  sky".  He  had  a  light  complexion,  came  from  the 
east,  and  went  to  the  east.  The  Tupis  of  Brazil  were  named 
after  the  first  man  who  survived  the  flood — Tupa,  "guardian  of 
the  nation,"  "ruler  of  the  lightning,"  whose  voice  is  the  thuader. 
The  expectation  of  the  coming  of  the  white  man  was  common. 
Natives  of  Hayti  told  Columbus  that  his  arrival  was  predicted; 
Montezuma  of  Mexico  told  Cortez  the  same;  the  Inca  Huascar 
told  De  Soto  the  same.  Old  writers — Gomara,  CogoUudo  and 
others — have  taken  pains  to  collect  the  instances  of  this  presenti- 
ment among  the  native  races.  Brinton  says:  "Few  tribes  were 
destitute  of  such  presentiments.  The  Chickasaws,  the  Mandans 
of  the  Missouri,  the  Pueblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  the  Muy- 
scans  of  Bogota,  the  Botocudos  of  Brazil,  the  Araucanians  of 
Chili,  have  been  asserted,  on  testimony  that  leaves  no  room  for 


*See  "Myths  of  the  New  World,"  page  126. 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH.  233 

skepticism,  to  have  had  these  forebodings."  These  traditions 
of  the  flood  must  have  been  transmitted.  We  do  not  undertake 
to  follow  up  the  channel  through  which  they  flowed,  nor  to  decide 
as  to  the  country  trom  which  they  came,  but  we  cannot  help  the 
conviction  that  they  bear  the  impress  of  systems  which  were  known 
in  historic  countries. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  customs  connected  with  the  water  cult. 
We  imagine  that  there  was  once  in  the  Far  East  a  system  ot 
nature  worship  which  was  as  rude  as  anything  found  in  America; 
that  at  that  time  the  elements  of  fire,  water,  lightning,  the  sun 
and  moon,  and  all  the  nature  powers,  were  worshiped,  or,  at  least, 
divine  attributes  ascribed  to  them.  We  are  sure  that  serpent 
worship  and  tree  worship  prevailed,  and  appeared  in  the  East, 
though  we  do  not  know  exactly  at  what  time  they  appeared. 
Phallic  worship  and  image  worship  also  came  in  at  a  certain  stage 
in  the  progress  of  thought.  The  last  served  to  corrupt  and  degrade 
the  other  systems,  and  very  soon  perverted  them,  so  that  they 
became  sources  of  degradation  to  the  people.  The  Scriptures 
condemn  these,  and  history  confirms  the  justice  of  the  sen- 
tence. The  tradition  of  the  serpent  in  the  Scriptures  may  be  an 
allegory  or  a  statement  of  fact,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
serpent  worship  was  a  source  of  degradation  and  a  sentence  was 
placed  upon  it  by  enlightened  conscience.  The  personification  of 
the  nature  powers  did  not  elevate  the  people,  for  when  the  per- 
sonification grew  more  elaborate  the  moral  practices  grew  more 
degraded.  When  the  Eleusinian  mysteries  were  introduced  into 
Greece  from  Egypt,  everything  became  significant  of  the  processes 
of  nature.  Names  were  given  to  the  nature  powers,  and  myths 
were  invented  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  names  ;  but  the  myths 
and  mysteries  did  not  save  the  people  from  degradation. 

While  the  doctrine  of  immortality  and  the  future  state  was 
understood,  and  the  anticipation  was  symbolized  in  Egypt  by 
embalming  the  body  and  transporting  it  across  the  Nile;  in 
Phoenicia  phallic  worship  and  fire  worship  were  devoted  to  human 
sacrifices,  and  sun  worship  itself  was  attended  with  the  immola- 
tion of  human  victims. 

All  of  these  systems  are  found  in  America,  and  their  symbols 
are  scattered  far  and  wide.  We  do  not  know  whether  they  are  to  be 
connected  with  the  decline  of  religion  in  oriental  countries,  or 
with  the  progress  of  religion  in  America,  for  they  are  closely 
connected  with  the  nature  worship,  from  which  all  moral  distinc- 
tions were  absent.  Still,  the  symbols  which,  in  Eastern  lands, 
are  suggestive  of  degraded  practices  are  the  very  symbols  prev- 
alent here.  They  are  symbols  which,  in  the  East,  belonged  to 
the  secret  mysteries,  some  of  which  were  known  to  be  full  of 
degradations. 

We  maintain  that  the  religion  of  the  aborigines  here  not  only 
embodied  the  same  elements  as  those  which  became  so  strong 


234  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

in  the  oriental  religions  when  at  a  certain  stage,  but  it  shows 
how  these  elements  interacted.  The  fire  became  the  symbol  of 
the  sun  and  consumed  the  offerings  made  to  the  sun,  and  became 
sacred  as  his  servant.  The  serpent  was  frequently  regarded 
as  a  divinity  in  some  way  amenable  to  the  sun,  and  so  serpent 
pipes  and  serpent  effigies  were  connected  with  the  sun  circle  in 
the  symbolism  of  the  Mound-builders.  It  is  possible  that  there 
was  a  certain  kind  of  tree  worship;*  the  same  element  of  life  hav- 
ing its  chief  embodiment  in  the  tree,  which  was  able  to  stand  up 
in  its  force.  The  moon  cult  also  prevailed,  for  the  moon  is  al- 
ways an  attendant  upon  the  sun.  Whether  there  was  a  distinc- 
tion of  sex  between  the  sun  and  moon  is  unknown;  but  the  sun 
circle  and  the  moon  crescent  may  have  been  male  and  female. 

These  three  types  of  nature  v/orship,  in  which  the  fire,  the 
serpent  and  the  sun  were  the  chief  divinities,  probably  prevailed 
throughout  the  Mound-builders'  territory,  though  their  symbols 
varied  with  different  localities.  We  recognize  the  water  cult, 
the  solar  cult,  and  the  image  worship,  as  different  phases  of 
nature  worship;  but  we  find  that  in  the  symbols  there  was  a  re- 
markable resemblance  to  the  symbolism  of  other  countries,  and 
whether  able  or  not  to  trace  one  to  the  other,  we  are  struck  with 
the  thought  that  there  was  a  studied  and  intentional  symbolism, 
which  resembled  that  of  the  Druids,  in  all  their  earthworks.  The 
altars,  the  temple  platforms,  the  burial  mounds,  the  dance  circles, 
the  village  enclosures,  and  the  covered  ways,  were  all  here  used 
not  only  for  practical  purposes  and  such  as  would  subserve  the 
convenience  of  the  people  living  in  the  villages,  but  they  were 
especially  devoted  to  religious  purposes  and  contained  sym- 
bols in  them.  The  relics  also  were  symbolic,  and  many  of 
them  were  buried  with  the  persons, — their  very  position,  in  con- 
nection with  the  bodies,  having  a  religious  significance.  It  was 
not  one  cult  alone  that  was  symbolized  in  these,  for  some  of  the 
burial  mounds  contained  offerings  to  the  spirit  of  the  dead — the 
symbols  of  the  soul  being  placed  in  the  mouth ;  but  there  were 
other  offerings  made  to  the  water,  to  the  sun,  others  to  the  fire, 
and  others  to  the  moon.  The  relics  placed  upon  the  altars,  the 
ornaments,  the  flint  discs,  the  copper  crescents,  the  mica 
plates,  the  carved  images,  and  the  pottery  figures,  were  all  conse- 
crated to  the  sun,  and,  when  placed  as  offerings  upon  the  altar, 
bore  in  their  shape  the  symbol  of  the  sun,  as  much  as  the  altars 
themselves,  or  the  earth-works  in  which  they  were  enclosed. 
There  is  no  locality  where  this  system  of  sun  worship  is  not 
symbolized.  What  is  more,  the  system  seemed  to  have  brought 
into  its  service,  and  made  useful,  the  symbols  of  the  preceding 

*This  is  the  explanation  given  by  the  Dakotas  of  tree  worship.  The  spirit  of  life 
was  in  the  tree.  It  may  be  that  this  will  account  for  the  tree  worship  in  the  East. 
and  will  explain  how  tree  worship  and  phallic  worship  became  associated.  The  two 
in  the  East  were  symbolized  by  the  sacred  groves,  so-called,  the  symbol  of  Asharah, 
or  Astarte,  the  moon  goddess. 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH.  235 

stages  of  worship.  The  serpent,  the  phallic  symbol,  the  carved 
animals,  the  crescent-shaped  relics,  the  fire-beds, — all  were  as- 
sociated with  the  sun  circle  and  made  parts  of  the  symbolism  of 
sun  worship.  We  imagine  the  combination  to  have  been  as  fol- 
lows: The  sun  symbol  was  embodied  in  the  earth  circles;  the 
moon  cult  in  the  altars;  the  fire  cult  in  the  ashes  in  and  beside 
the  altars;  the  water  cult  in  the  ponds  and  wells  found  in  and 
near  the  enclosures;  animal  worship  in  the  effigies;  the  phallic 
symbol  in  the  horse-shoe  earth-works.  We  also  find  that  the 
elements,  such  as  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky,  four  winds,  four 
points  of  the  compass,  are  symbolized  by  the  cross  and  four  con- 
centric circles.  So  we  come  to  look  at  everything  as  more  or 
less  symbolic.  It  is  remarkable,  as  we  study  the  village  sites, 
how  many  of  the  conveniencies  of  village  life  were  placed  under 
the  protection  of  the  sun  divinity,  and  how  much  provision  was 
made  for  the  worship  of  the  sun  under  all  circumstances.  We 
notice  that  the  ponds  and  springs  are  near  the  villages;  that 
covered  ways  connect  the  villages  with  the  river's  bank,  and  we 
imagine  there  was  among  the  Mound-builders,  as  well  as  among 
the  Pueblos  and  Cliff-dwellers,  a  cult  which  regarded  springs  and 
rivers  as  sacred  and  peopled  them  with  divinities.  We  imagine 
that  the  most  sacred  ceremonies  were  observed  in  connection  with 
these  springs,  and  that  the  elaborate  earth-works  were  erected 
to  give  solemnity  to  the  various  mysteries,  which  were  directed 
by  the  secret  orders.  These  different  cults  were  combined,  but, 
for  the  sake  of  convenience,  it  will  be  well  to  take  them  up 
separately.  Let  us  consider  the  water  cult  as  it  existed  among 
the  Mound-builders  of  America.  We  shall  find  very  many  re- 
semblances in  it  to  the  system  as  it  was  in  the  Far  East.  It 
seems  to  have  existed  here,  but  was  closely  connected  with  the 
solar  cult,  the  ceremonies  of  that  cult  requiring  the  presence  of 
water  to  make  it  complete.  We  have  shown  how  extensively  dis- 
tributed was  the  tradition  of  the  flood  in  America,  how  varied 
was  the  symbolism  which  perpetuated  this  tradition.  We  do  not 
know  that  any  such  tradition  existed  among  the  Mound-builders 
nor  can  we  discover  any  symbol  which  perpetuated  it ;  but  the 
water  cult  which  we  recognize  is  very  similar  to  that  which  pre- 
vailed in  Europe  at  a  very  early  date,  and  was  there  symbolized 
in  the  prehistoric  earth-works.  We  turn,  then,  to  the  resemblance 
which  may  be  recognized  between  some  of  the  earth-works  in 
Southern  Ohio  and  those  in  Great  Britain.  We  have  already 
spoken  of  this,  but  as  certain  new  investigations  and  new  discov- 
eries have  been  made,  we  review  the  evidence. 

I.  The  first  group  of  works  which  we  shall  cite  is  the  one 
at  Portsmouth.  The  chief  evidence  is  given  by  the  avenues  or 
the  covered  ways,  which  seem  to  have  connected  the  enclosures 
on  the  difterent  sides  of  the  river.  These,  by  aid  of  the  ferry 
across  the  river,  must  have  been  the  scene  of  extensive  religious 


236 


NA2IVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


processions,  which  can  be  compared  to  nothing  better  than  the 
mysterious  processions  ot  Druid  priests  which  once  characterized 
the  sacrifices  to  the  sun  among  the  ancient  works  of  Great  Brit- 
ain. It  has  been  estimated  that  the  length  of  the  avenues  or 
covered  ways  was  eight  miles.  The  parallel  walls  measure  about 
lour  feet  in  height  and  twenty  feet  base,  and  were  not  far  from 
1 60  feet  apart.  It  is  in  the  middle  group  that  we  discover  the 
phallic  symbol  (see  Fig.  2),  the  fire  cult,  the  crescent  of  the 
moon  and  the  sun  circle.  In  the  works  upon  the  west  bank  of 
the  Scioto  we  find  the  effigy  enclosed  in  a  circle  (see  Fig.  3),  as 
a  sign  of  animal  worship,  and  in  the  concentric  circles  (see  Fig.  4) 
with  the  enclosed  conical  mound,  on  the  Kentucky  side,  we  find 
the  symbols  of  sun 
worship.  V/e  would 
here  call  attention 
to  the  theories  re- 
cently thrown  out 
by  Mr.  A.  L.  Lewis 
that  the  water  cult 
was  combined  with 
the  sun  cult  at  the 
great  works  at  Ave- 
bury;  the  avenues 
made  of  standing 
stones  having  pass- 
ed over  the  Kennet 
Creek  before  they 
reached  the  circle  at 
Beckhampton  ;  the  same  is  true  at  Stanton  Drew  and  at  Mount 
Murray,  in  the  Isle  of  Man.  In  each  of  these  places  were  covered 
avenues  reaching  across  marshy  ground  towards  the  circles.  "If 
the  circles  were  places  of  worship  or  sacrifice,  such  avenues  con- 
necting them  with  running  streams  may  have  had  special  object 
or  meaning."* 

Mr.  Lewis  says:  "I  have  never  adopted  Stukeley's  snake 
theory,  for  I  could  never  see  any  great  resemblance  to  a  serpent, 
nor  could  I  see  any  thing  very  suggestive  of  a  serpent  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  other  circles.  Still,  Stukeley's  statements  about 
the  stones  of  the  avenue,  leading  from  the  great  circle  toward 
the  river,  are  very  precise."  Stukeley  says:  "There  were  two 
sets  of  concentric  circles  surrounded  by  another  circle,  which 
was  encircled  by  a  broad,  deep  ditch,  outside  of  which  was  an 
embankment  large  enough  for  a  railway;  two  avenues  of  stone 
leading  southwest  and  southeast.  The  theory  now  is  that  they 
led  across  the  water  of  Kennet  Creek  to  Beckhampton  and  to 
Overton  Hill.     The  so-called  coves  in  the  large  circles  mark  the 


SCAtC 
BOOftuthe  InfU 


lig.  2.— Horse  Shoe  Enclosures  at  Portsmouth. 


♦Journal  of  Anthropological  Institute,  February,  1891 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH. 


237 


site  of  altars,  whereon  human  sacrifice  may  have  been  offered  to 
the  sun;  but  the  avenues  mark  the  place  through  which  proces- 
sions passed  in  making  their  sacrifices, — a  passage  over  water 
being  essential  to  the  ceremony." 

This  is  a  new  explanation  of  these  works,  but  it  is  one  which 
becomes  very  significant  in  connection  with  the  works  at  Ports- 
mouth. Here  the  avenues  approach  the  river  in  such  a  Way  as 
to  show  that  a  canoe  ferry  was  used  to  cross  the  river,  the  cere- 
mony being  made  more  significant  by  that  means.  The  covered 
ways,  to  be  sure,  do  not  reach  the  edge  of  the  water,  but  termi- 
nate with  the  second  terrace,  leaving  the  bottom-land  without 
any  earth-work.  This  would  indicate  that  the  works  are  very 
old,  and  were,  in  fact,  built  when  the  waters  covered  the  bottom- 
land. It  may  be  said,  in  this  connection,  that  all  the  covered 
ways  are  similar  to  these;  they  end  at  the  second  terrace,  and 

were  evidently  built 
when  the  flood- 
plain  was  filled  with 
water.  As  addition- 
al evidence  that  the 
works  at  Ports- 
mouth were  devot- 
ed to  the  water  cult 
and  were  similar  to 
those  at  Avebury, 
in  Great  Britain,  we 
would  again  refer  to 
the  character  of  the 
works  at  either  end 
of  the  avenues. 
Without  insisting 
upon  the  serpent 
symbol  being  embodied  in  the  avenues,  we  think  it  can  be 
proven  that  the  most  striking  features  of  the  work  at  Avebury 
are  duplicated  here;  the  sun  symbol  being  embodied  in  the  con- 
centric circles  upon  the  Kentucky  side;  the  phallic  symbol  in 
the  horse-shoe  mounds  upon  the  Ohio  side  (see  Figs.  2,  3,  4)  and 
the  avenues  of  standing  stones  corresponding  to  the  covered  ways 
which  connected  the  enclosures  on  the  Kentucky  side  with  that 
on  the  Ohio  side. 

2.  The  group  on  the  third  terrace  is  one  which  is  the  most  sig- 
nificant. Here  the  circle  surrounds  the  horseshoes,  as  the  circle 
of  stones  does  at  Avebury.  Here,  too,  is  a  natural  elevation  that 
has  been  improved  by  art,  and  made  to  serve  a  religious  pur- 
pose. Mr.  T.  W.  Kinney  says  this  mound,  which  was  a  natural 
elevation,  was  selected  as  the  site  for  a  children's  house.  In  ex- 
cavating the  cellar  there  was  discovered  a  circular  altar  composed 
of  stones  which  were  standing  close  together,  and  showed  evi- 


fcHEiriEMff  wmaJK. 


AND  ANrUAL 

scmra  couHT 


Fig.  3.— Effigy  on  the  Scioto. 


238 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


dence  of  heat.  This  altar  was  four  feet  below  the  surface.  Lead- 
ing from  the  altar  was  a  channel  about  eighteen  inches  wide, 
composed  of  clay,  which  was  supposed  to  be  designed  to  "  carry- 
off  the  blood",  givingthe  idea  that  human  sacrifices  were  offered 
here,  as  they  were  upon  the  altars  at  Avebury.  Squier  and 
Davis  say  that  the  horse-shoes  constitute  the  most  striking  feat- 
ures; they  are  both  about  the  same  size  and  shape.  They  meas- 
ure about  eighty  feet  in  length  and  seventy  feet  in  breadth. 
Enclosing  these  in  part  is  a  wall  about  five  feet  high.  These 
horse-shoes  might  well  be  called  coves.  The  ground  within  them 
was  formerly  perfectly  level.  They  open  out  toward  the  river 
and  were  on  the  edge  of  the  terrace,  and  so  were  elevated  above 
the  surro  un  di  ng 
country  and  were 
in  plain  sight.  Near 
them  was  a  natural 
elevation  eighteen 
feet  high,  but  grad- 
ually subsiding  into 
a  ridge  towards  the 
enclosed  mound.  A 
full  view  of  the  en- 
tire group  may  be 
had  from  its  sum- 
mit. The  enclosed 
mound  was  28  feet 
high  by  no  feet 
base.  It  is  trun- 
cated and  surround- 
ed by  a  low  circumvallation.  Dr.  Hempstead,  an  old  resident, 
of  Portsmouth,  surveyed  the  works  and  has  furnished  the  author 
with  a  diagram.  He  represents  the  walls  surrounding  the  horse- 
shoes as  continuous,  making  it  a  complete  circle.  In  this  diagram 
the  resemblance  to  the  works  at  Stone  Henge  is  more  striking 
than  in  the  one  furnished  by  Squier  and  Davis.  He  says  the 
animal  mound  on  the  west  side  was  460  feet  long,  300  feet  wide. 
the  square  enclosure  400  feet  in  diameter.  There  was  a  living 
spring  near  this  square,  thus  showing  that  the  water  cult  and  the 
animal  worship  were  associated. 

Atwater  speaks  of  this  group  as  having  wells  in  close  proximity 
to  the  horse-shoes.  He  speaks  of  the  earth  between  the  parallel 
walls  as  having  been  leveled  by  art  and  appearing  to  have  been 
used  as  a  road-way  by  those  who  came  down  the  river  for  the 
purpose  of  ascending  the  high  place. 

Most  noticeable  is  the  mound  with  concentric  circles,  which  is 
situated  on  the  Kentucky  side.  The  four  circles  were  cut 
at  right  angles  by  four  broad  avenues  which  conform  nearly  to 
the  cardinal  points.     From  the  level  summit  of  this   mound  a 


c 


600  It  to  die  IdcK  . 


Fig.  U.—Sun  Circles. 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH. 


239 


complete  view  of  every  part  of  this  work  is  commanded.  On 
the  supposition  that  it  was  in  some  way  connected  with  reh'gious 
rites,  the  mound  afforded  the  most  conspicuous  place  for  their 
observance.     See  Fig.  4. 

"The  mound  in  the  center,  at  first  glance,  might  be  taken  for 
a  natural  elevation.  It  is  possible  that  it  is  a  detached  spur  ot 
the  hill  enlarged  and  modified  by  art.  It  is  easy  while  standing 
on  the  summit  of  this  mound  to  people  it  with  the  strange 
priesthood  of  ancient  superstition  and  fill  its  walls  with  the 
thronging  devotees  of  mysterious  worship.  The  works  were  de- 
voted to  religious  purposes  and  were  symbolic  in  their  design."* 


Mg.  5 — Terraced  Mound  opposite  Portsmouth. 

As  additional  evidence,  we  may  mention  the  terraced  mound 
situated  about  a  mile  west.  See  Fig.  5.  Here  is  a  group  of  ex- 
quisite symmetry  and  beautiful  proportions.  It  consists  of  an 
embankment  of  earth,  five  feet  high,  thirty  feet  base,  with  an  in- 
terior ditch  twenty-five  feet  across  and  six  feet  deep.  Enclosed 
is  an  area  ninety  feet  in  diameter;  in  the  center  of  this  is  a 
mound  forty  feet  in  diameter  and  eight  feet  high.  There  is  a 
narrow  gateway  through  the  parapet,  and  a  causeway  over  the 
ditch  leading  to  the  enclosed  mound.  This  is  a  repetition  of  the 
central  mound  with  its  four  concentric  circles.  It  is  said  that 
there  was  near  this  a  square  enclosure  resembling  the  chunky 
yards  ot  the  South,  and  that  the  group  taken  together  was  of  a 
Southern  type.  There  are  several  small  circles,  measuring  from 
one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred-  and  fifty  feet  in  diameter; 
also  a  few  mounds  in  the  positions  indicated  in  the  plan.f 

We  have  dwelt  upon  the  Portsmouth  works  for  the  reason  that 
they  seem  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  water  cult,  and  because  they 
so  closely  resemble  those  in  which  the  water  cult  has  been  rec- 


♦Anclent  Monuments,  page  82. 
tMounds  like  this  are  common  In  this  district  and  may  be  regarded  as  sun  sym- 
bols.   See  the  cut  of  works  at  Portsmouth;  also  of  terraced  mound  in  Greenup 
County,  Kentucky,  and  at  "Winchester,  Indiana. 


240 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


ognized  in  Great  Britain.  We  maintain,  however,  that  it  was  a 
cult  which  was  associated  with  sun  worship,  and  that  the  phalHc 
symbol  was  embodied  here.  We  maintain  that  sacrifices  were 
offered  to  the  sun,  and  that  the  human  victims  were  kept  in  the 
corral  on  one  side  of  the  river ;  that  they  were  transported  across 
the  water  and  carried  up  to  the  third  terrace,  and  immolated 
near  the   horseshoe,  and  that  afterwards  the  processions  passed 

down  the  terrace, 
through  the avenue 
across  the  river,  a 
second  time,  and 
mounted  the  spiral 
pathway  to  the 
summit  of  the  ter- 
raced mound  situ- 
ated at  the  end  of 
the  avenue. 

In  reference  to 
this  corral  (see  Fig. 
6),  we  may  say  that 
the  walls  surround- 
ing the  area  are 
very  heavy,  and  are 
raised  above  the 
area  enclosed,  in 
places  as  much  as 
50  feet.  They  con- 
vey the  idea  that 
the  enclosure  was 
for  holding  captives 
for  they  resemble 
the  walls  ofa  state's 
prison  rather  than 
those  ofa  fort;  be- 
ing level  on  the  top 
and  made  as  if  de- 

Fig.e.-Corral  for  Prisoners.  signed    for    3,    Walk 

for  sentinels.  The  parallel  walls  or  covered  ways  on  each  side 
of  this  enclosure  have  an  explanation  from  this  theory.  They 
were  built  to  the  end  of  the  terrace  and  were  probably  intended 
to  protect  the  sentinels  wlio  were  stationed  at  the  ends.  Ihey 
command  extensive  views,  both  up  and  down  the  river,  and 
were  convenient  places  from  which  to  watch  the  enemy,  as  they 
might  approach  to  release  the  captives.  The  groups  upon  the 
Kentucky  side  and  the  effigies  on  the  Scioto  are  connected  with 
these  horse-shoes  and  with  one  another  by  the  avenues.  The 
group  to  the  east  is  interesting  on  account  of  its  symbolism,  and 
the  most  interesting  part  is  the  mound  with  the  spiral  pathway 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH. 


241 


Wc  thus  see  that  there  were  various  localities  where  the 
Mound-builders  placed  their  works  near  fountains  and  streams. 
Worthington,  in  Southern  Ohio:  Mt.  Sterling,  in  Kentucky;  the 
Messier  mound  in  Georgia.  These  works  indicate  that  there 
were  sacred  ceremonies  connected  with  the  springs.  There  are 
no  traditions  which  explain  these  works,  nor  were  there  any 
known  customs  among  the  tribes  formerly  in  this  region  wich  we 
can  identify  with  these  works.  We  find,  however,  as  we  go  far- 
ther west  and  study  the  customs  and  myths  of  the  various  tribes 
still  dwelling  there,  that  the  water  cult  prevailed,  and  that  springs 
were  regarded  as  sacred.  See  Plate.  The  Shoshones  have  a  spring 
whose  origin  they  explain  as  follows:  Wankanaga  was  the 
father  of  the  Shoshones  and  the  Comanches.  He  arose  from  a 
cloud  as  a  white-haired  Indian,  with  his  ponderous  club  in  his 
hand  and  with  his  totem  on  his  breast  and  struck  a  rock  with 


Fig.  7 .—Enclosure  and  Spring  near  Worthimjion,  Ohio. 

his  club  and  caused  it  to  burst  forth  with  bubbling  water.  In 
Sitka  they  had  a  light  and  fire,  but  no  fresh  water,  as  Kanuph 
kept  it  all  in  his  well.  Yehl,  the  great  divinity,  visited  this  per- 
sonage and  managed  to  steal  the  water  and  to  scatter  it  in  drops 
over  the  land,  and  each  one  became  a  spring. 

The  question  arises,  how  came  these  symbolic  works  to  be 
so  connected  with  springs  and  with  water  courses.  Shall  we 
say  that  the  symbols  of  nature  worship  originated  in  this  country 
and  that  they  are  associated  with  the  springs  according  to  the 
law  of  parallel  development.  In  England  sacred  springs  are 
regarded  as  proving  that  the  water  cult  was  introduced,  and 
localized,  and  afterwards  perpetuated  into  historic  times.  M.  Law- 
ence  Gomme  has  treated"  of  this  in  his  book,  called  "  Ethnology 
in  Folk  Lore."  He  maintains  that  the  localizing  of  such  myths 
as  relate  to  the  water  cult,  stone  worship  and  demons,  preceded 
the  tribal  myths,  and  that  they  were  pre-historic  or  pre-Aryan 
in  their  origin;  that  the  pin  wells,  rag  wells,  and  other  sacred 


242 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


springs  were  the  same  as  those  that  were  haunted  by  the  rain 
gods  and  the  water  divinities.  The  belief  in  *'  river  gods,  sea 
serpents,  hill  deities  and  well  worship  was  nearly  universal,  and 
was  contemporaneous  with  the  area  of  the  negalithic  monuments  " 
In  this  country  the  localizing  of  the  myth  and  the  water  cult 
may  also  have  preceded  the  tribal  myth,  though  the  presence  ot 
symbols  near  the  springs  would  show  that  this  cult  was  trans- 
mitted. The  "rain  gods"  and  the  "nature  powers"  were  asso- 
ciated with  the  springs,  and  there  were  offerings  to  the   water 

divinities  exactly  as  in  Great 
Britain  during  pre-Aryan  times. 
The  association  of  the  story  ot 
the  deluge  with  some  of  these 
springs  may  be  merely  accident- 
al, yet  the  presence  of  the  sym- 
bols known  in  historic  countries, 
near  some  of  the  springs,  would 
render  it  probable  that  the  water 
cult  and  the  deluge  myth  were 
introduced  in  prehistoric  times 
and  it  may  be  from  historic 
countries. 

The  story  of  the  deluge  pre 
vailed  among  the  eastern  tribes 
of  Indians,  the  Algonkins,  the 
Sioux,  the  Athabascans,  the 
Crees,  and  the  Cherokees.  In 
these  the  mountain  and  tree,  the 
lake,  the  raft  or  canoe,  are  prom 
inent,  and  the  ancient  Noah 
appears  as  a  divinity,  under  dif- 
ferent figures  and  names.  There 
is  generally  an  animal,  either  a  muskrat,  a  loon,  a  diver  duck,  or 
otter,  which  serves  the  behests  of  the  chief  divinity,  in  bringing 
up  the  soil  from  below  and  making  a  new  earth.  The  story  has 
been  localized.  A  rock  at  the  Mackinaw,  another  on  the  Ottawa 
River,  a  beach  at  Grand  Traverse  Bay,  and  a  mountain  on 
Thunder  Bay  are  selected  as  the  spot  where  the  event  occurred. 
The  falls  of  Sault  St.  Marie  are  the  scene  of  another  tradition — 
that  of  the  Great  Beaver,  who  opened  the  dams  and  let  out  the 
water, — a  tradition  which  reminds  us  ot  one  which  is  common 
in  Great  Britain,  which  is  contained  in  Faber's  History  of  Idolatry. 
The  largest  number  of  symbolic  works  were  placed  near  streams 
and  fountains,  indicating  that  the  use  of  water  was  essential  to 
religious  cerem.ony.  The  traditions  linger  about  many  of  these 
springs,  some  of  which  are  interesting  and  very  suggestive. 

Ewbank  speaks  of  the  Higli  Priest  of  the  Zuni,  whose  special 
flutv  was  to  ofificiate  before  the  water  deities.     He  seeks  for  some 


Mg.8. — Legendary  Rock. 


wat£:r  cult  and  the  deluge  myth. 


243 


sacred  spot  where  he  plants  sticks  in  a  circle  adorned  with 
feathers  and  threads,  and  dedicates  them  to  the  divinities  of  water, 
such  as  frogs,  snakes  and  turtles;  these  embody  his  invocation 
for  rain.  They  are,  in  fact,  snares  for  the  spirit  of  the  "water 
divinity".  Near  these  "sacred  circles"  there  are  wooden  col- 
umns covered  with  such  symbols  as  the  crescent,  the  Nile  key 
and  the  suastika.  These  symbols  remind  us  of  the  nations  of 
the  east,  but  the  custom  is  peculiar  to  the  Zunis,  among  whom  there 
is  a  tradition  in  reference  to  the  Montezuma  as  having  been  the 
divinity  of  the  springs  and  the  preserver  of  the  people.  The 
myth  bearer  is  contained  in  the  legendary  rock  represented  in 
the  cut.  See  Fig.  8.  This  rock  perpetuates  the  tradition  of  the 
flood  and  the  pair  wdiich  was 
sacrificed  to  appease  the  water 
divinity.  The  ruins  of  an  an- 
cient town  upon  a  high  mesa  are 
said  to  be  he  place  to  which  the 
Zuni  escaped.  A  horizontal  vein 
in  the  rocks  marks  the  line  of 
high  water.  In  the  valley  of 
Zuni  is  the  singular  spring  illus- 
trated in  the  plate,  upon  which 
is  a  number  of  earthen  jars  in  an 
inverted  position.  It  was  held 
sacred  to  the  "rain  god".  No 
animal  may  drink  of  its  waters. 
It  must  be  annually  cleaned  with 
ancient  vases,  which  have  been 
transmitted  from  generation  to  generation  and  placed  upon  the 
walls.  The  frog,  the  tortoise  and  the  rattle  snake  are  depicted 
upon  these  vessels,  for  they  represent  the  water  divinities. 

Both  the  Moquis  and  Zunis  have  a  custom  of  bringing  water 
from  a  sacred  lake  to  their  pueblo  before  they  commenced  their 
rain-dance.*  They  have  one  who  represents  a  "fire-god"  during 
these  rain-dances.  There  is  another  singular  custom  which  re- 
minds us  of  the  one  described  by  Catlin  as  common  among  the 
Mandans.  A  man  comes  from  the  west  and  approaches  the  pueblo 
and  finally  enters  the  estufa,  while  he  remains.  Food  is  handed 
down  to  him.  He  may  represent  the  ancient  man,  possibly  the 
Noah  of  the  Zunis.  There  is  a  rock  spring  near  Williams  River, 
within  which  is  a  pool  of  water  and  a  crystal  stream  flowing  from 
it.  The  rock  is  covered  with  Dictographs.  There  are  figures  cut 
upon  the  rock  near  Arch  spring  near  Zuni.  There  seems  to  be 
a  similarity  between  them  and  the  inscriptions  near  Rocky  Dell 
Creek. 

Prof,  Tylor  takes  the  ground  that  all  such  deluge  myths  can  be 


Fiff.  'J.— Aztec  Micjralwii  Legend, 


*See  Studies  ol"  the  Ceremonies  of  tlie  Moquis,  by  Walter  l<'e\vl{es. 


244  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

ascribed  to  the  influence  of  the  missionaries,  and  that  they  were 
all  post-Cokimbian  in  their  origin.  He  maintains  that  many  of 
them  are  owing  to  the  misinterpretation  of  the  picture  writings 
and  other  traditions  of  the  natives.  To  illustiate:  The  migra- 
tion myth  of  the  Aztecs  has  been  preserved  in  a  kind  of  picture 
writing.  In  part  of  this  picture  there  may  be  seen  a  curved 
mountain,  which  arises  from  a  lake;  on  either  side  of  the  mount- 
ain crowned  heads;  beneath  it  is  a  boat;  above  it  a  tree.  In 
the  tree  a  bird;  from  the  mouth  of  the  bird  issue  a  number  of 
symbols,  resembling  "commas,"  which  might  be  taken  for 
tongues.  Fifteen  human  forms  are  in  front  of  the  bird,  each  one 
with  a  totem  above  his  head.  This  part  of  the  picture  has  been 
interpreted  as  representing  the  Ark,  Noah  and  his  wife,  and  Mt. 
Ararat,  the  confusion  of  tongues  and  the  dispersion  of  the  races. 
This  interpretation  Dr.  Tylor  thmks  entirely  gratuitous,  and 
maintains  that  the  picture  contains  no  reference  to  traditions 
which  prevailed  among  the  civilized  races,  but  in  reality  repre- 
sents the  history  of  the  'migrations  of  the  Aztecs.  It  was  the 
popular  tradition  among  the  Aztecs  that  their  starting  place  was 
an  island  in  a  lake,  and  that  the  voice  of  a  bird  started  them  on 
their  wanderings;  so  a  bird  with  the  usual  symbols  of  speech 
was  drawn  above  the  mountain. 

Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  also  says  that  not  one  of  the  earliest  writers 
on  Mexican  mythology,  those  who  were  familiar  with  the  old 
traditions  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  seem  to  have  known  this 
tradition.  "A  careful  comparison  of  the  passages  (in  the  later 
writers)  will  show  that  the  escape  of  the  Ancon  and  his  wife 
by  a  boat  from  the  deluge,  and  of  the  distribution  by  a  bird  of 
different  languages  to  their  descendants,  rest  upon  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  Aztec  paintings."  He  intimates  that  the  tradition 
which  connects  the  great  divinity  of  the  Toltecs — the  white 
god,  who  was  called  Quetzatlcoatl — with  the  pyramid  at  Cho- 
iula,  came  from  the  same  source.  The  story  about  the  departure 
ol  this  god  belonged  to  the  ancient  Toltec  period,  which  pre- 
ceded the  Aztec,  and  the  person  that  represented  the  national 
god  of  the  Toltecs,  who  had,  like  all  the  national  gods  of  the 
Americans,  a  personified  nature  worship  as  a  basis,  but  the  his- 
torical tradition  fastened  itself  upon  the  pyramid  because  of  the 
resemblance  of  the  divinity  to  the  ancient  Noah. 

There  is  a  plausibility  about  this  view,  but  there  are  other 
"picture  writings"  which  contain  migration  myths,  but  begin 
with  figures  or  events  which  resemble  those  described  in  Genesis. 
The  Red  Score  or  Walum  Olum  of  the  Lenapes  is  a  genuine 
"bark  record,"  which  is  supposed  to  be  prehistoric  in  its  origin. 
It  contains  pictures  of  the  "primal  fog,"  the  "misty  waste,"  the 
"extended  land,"  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars,  and  the  group  of 
islands ;  also  of  the  "mighty  snake"  who  brought  a  rushing  water, 
destroying  much,  and  the  "Strong  White  One,"  grandfather  of 


WATER  CULT  AND  THU  DELUGE  MYTH.  245 

men,  who  lived  on  the  "Turtle  Island;"  also  the  Manitou's  daugh- 
ter, who  came  with  a  "canoe"  and  helped  all  who  came.  Then 
the  grandfather  of  all  made  the  "turtle"  into  "dry  land,"  the 
"mighty  snake"  departed  and  the  Lenape  lived  together  in  "hollow 
houses".  The  resemblance  to  the  scripture  narrative  becomes  more 
apparent  as  we  examine  the  myths  of  the  civilized  races.  In 
these  myths  we  find  allusions,  not  only  to  "the  mountain,"  "the 
boat,"  "the  bird,"  "the  gift  of  tongues,"  and  other  events  of  the 
"flood,"  but  we  find  also  many  allusions  to  the  "creation,"  with  the 
same  figures  which  are  used  in  the  Scriptures.  To  illustrate: 
from  the  fragments  of  the  Chimalpopoca  manuscript  we  learn 
that  the  Creator  produced  his  work  in  successive  epochs  under 
one  sign  (Tochtli)  the  earth  was  created,  in  another  (Acalt)  the 
firmament,  in  the  third  (Tecpatl)  the  animals;  on  the  seventh 
(Checatl)  man  was  made  out  of  ashes  or  dust,  by  that  mysterious 
personage  or  divinity  (Quetzalcoatl).  This  manuscript  is  sup- 
posed to  be  prehistoric,  although,  according  to  Bancroft,  it  shows 
traces  of  Christian  influence  and  is  by  him  ascribed  to  the  Toltec 
School.*  Still  it  is  regarded  as  "one  of  the  most  authentic 
accounts  of  such  matters,  extant."  There  is  also  the  tradition  of 
giants  upon  the  earth.  We  are  told  by  Boturini  that  the  first  age 
or  sun  was  called  the  "Sun  of  the  water;"  it  was  ended  by  a  tre- 
menduous  flood,  in  which  every  living  thing  perished  except  a 
man  and  woman  of  the  "great  race."  The  second  age  was  called 
the  "Sun  of  the  earth" — giants  or  Quinames  were  the  only  in- 
habitants of  the  world.  The  third  age,  the  "Sun  of  the  air,"  was 
ended  by  tempests  and  hurricanes.  The  fourth  age  is  the  pres- 
ent, and  belongs  to  the  "Sun  of  fire."  It  is  to  be  ended  by  con- 
flagration. Another  Mexican  version  is  that,  in  the  "age  of 
water  the  great  flood  occurred,  and  the  inhabitants  were  turned 
into  fishes  and  only  one  man  and  woman  escaped."  The  man's 
name  was  Coxcox.  They  saved  themselves  in  the  hollow  trunk 
of  a  bald  cypress.  They  grounded  their  "ark"  on  the  peak  of 
Colhuacan,  the  "Ararat"  of  Mexico.  Their  children  were  born 
dumb,  but  a  "dove"  came  and  gave  them  tongues.  A  Michoachan 
tradition  has  the  name  of  Tezpi  as  a  substitute  for  Noah.  When 
the  waters,  began  to  subside  he  sent  out  a  vulture,  but  the  vul- 
ture fed  upon  carcasses.  Then  Tezpi  sent  out  other  birds,  and 
among  them  a  humming  bird.  The  humming  bird  found  the 
earth  covered  with  new  verdure  and  returned  to  its  old  refuge 
bearing  green  leaves.  There  is  another  version  which  fastens 
upon  the  pyramid  of  Cholula.  According  to  this  the  world  was 
inhabited  by  giants;  some  of  these  were  changed  to  fishes,  but 
seven  brothers  enclosed  themselves  in  seven  caves.  When  the 
waters  were  assuaged  one  of  these,  surnamed  the  "Architect," 
began  to  build  an  artificial  mountain,  but  the  anger  of  the  "gods" 
was  aroused.     As  the  pyramid  slowly  rose  toward  the  clouds 

*See  Bancroft's  Native  Race.s,  Vol.  II,  p,  547;  also  Vol.  II,  p.  69. 


246  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

they  launched  their  fire  upon  the  builders  and  the  work  was 
stopped.     The  half  finished  pyramid  still  remains,  dedicated  to 
Quetzalcoatl.the  god  of  the  sun.     According  to  another  extract 
of  this   Chimalpopaca  manuscript,  the  god  Titlacahuan  warned 
the  man,  Nata  and  his  wife  Nena,  saying  hollow  out  for  your- 
selves a  great  cypress  in  which   you  shall  enter  and  he  "shut 
them  in."     The  Miztecs  have  a  legend  which  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  depict  in  their  primitive  scrolls.  "In  the  year  and  in  the 
days  of  obscurity  and  darkness  before  the  days  of  the  years  were, 
when  the  v/orld  was  in  great  darkness  and  chaos  when  the  earth 
was  covered  with  water,  and  there  was  nothing  but  mud  and 
slime  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  behold,  a  god  became  visible 
named  the  deer,  and  surnamed  the  'lion  snake,'  and  a  beautiful 
goddess  also  called  the  deer  and  surnamed  the  'tiger  snake.' " 
The  palace  of  the  gods  was  on  a  mountain,  in  the  province  of 
Mizteca  Alta.     It  was  called  the  "palace  of  Heaven."     Two  sons 
were  born  to  them,  very  handsome  and  learned.     The  brothers 
made  to  themselves  a  "garden,"  in  which  they  put  many  trees, 
flowers,  roses  and  odorous  herbs.     They  fixed  themselves  in  this 
garden  to  dress  it  and  to  keep  it,  watering  the  trees  and  the 
plants  and  the  odorous  herbs,  multiplying  them,  and  burning 
incense  in  censors  of  clay,  to   the  "gods" — their   father   and 
mother.     But   there   came  a    great  deluge  afterward,  wherein 
perished  many  sons  and  daughters  that  had  been  born  to  the 
gods,  but  when  the  deluge  had  passed  the  human  race  was  re- 
stored as  at  first.     In  Nicaragua  it  was  believed  that  ages  ago 
the  world  was  destroyed  by  a  flood  and  that  the  most  of  man- 
kind perished.     In  the  Papago  county,  lying  south  of  the  Gila, 
there  is  a  tradition  that  the  "Great  Spirit"  made  the  earth  and 
all  other  things,  but  when  he  came  to  make  man  he  descended 
from  heaven  and  took  clay,  such  as  the  potters  use,  from  which 
he  made  the  hero  god,  Montezuma,  and  afterward  the  Indian 
tribes  in  their  order.     He  made  them  all  brethren;  men  and 
beasts  talked  together  in  common  language,  but  a  great  flood 
destroyed  all  flesh,  Montezuma  and  his  friend,  the  Coyote,  alone 
escaping.     This  Montezuma  afterward  hardened  his  heart  and 
set  about  building  a  house  that  should  "reach  up  to  heaven." 
Already  it  had  attained  a  great  height,  when  the  Great  Spirit 
launched  his  thunder  and  laid  its  glory  in  ruins.     This  legend 
accounts  for  the  connection  of  the  name   of  Montezuma  with 
ancient  buildings  in  the  mythology  of  the  Gila  Valley,  and  per- 
haps, also  for  the  connection  of  the  same  name  with  the  various 
ruins  in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.     The  legendary  adventures 
of  this  hero  are  narrated  by  the  natives  in  all  this  region. 

We  call  attention  to  the  wide  distribution  of  the  deluge  myth 
over  both  continents  of  America,  and  would  ask  whether  there 
was  not  a  good  reason  for  the  interpreting,  the  "picture 
writing"    of   the    Aztecs,  as    having    reference    to    the    same 


WATER  CULT  AND  THE  DELUGE  MYTH.  247 

event.  The  picture  refers  to  a  migration  which  had  occurred  at 
the  very  earliest  date  of  history,  the  mountain  where  it  is  located 
being  often  the  starting  point  for  the  tribe  or  nation.  May  it 
not  be  that  the  picture  embodied  the  tradition  itself,  and  that  it 
represented  the  starting  point  of  the  Aztecs,  exactly  as  Scripture 
traditions  represent  the  starting  point  of  Eastern  tribes?  We 
maintain  that  this  deluge  myth  is  as  thoroughly  incorporated 
into  the  aboriginal  literature  of  America  as  it  is  in  the  ancient 
literature  of  the  East,  and  that  mythology  everywhere  abouuds 
with  it. 

Let  us  look  at  some  of  the  traditions.  Mount  Shasta  was 
the  wigwam  of  the  great  divinity.  The  smoke  was  formerly 
seen  curling  above  it.  The  Great  Spirit  stepped  from  cloud  to 
cloud  down  the  great  ice  pile,  and  planted  the  first  trees  near 
the  edge.  He  blew  upon  the  leaves  and  the  leaves  became 
birds.  He  broke  sticks  in  pieces  and  they  became  fishes  and 
animals.  The  sun  melted  the  ice  and  they  became  rivers.  The 
daughter  of  the  Great  Spirit  looked  out  of  the  wigwam  and  was 
so  curious  at  the  sight  that  she  flew  away  to  the  earth,  and 
mingled  with  the  great  bears,  and  became  Eve,  the  mother  of 
the  human  race.  The  Papagoes  have  the  tradition  that  a  great 
flood  destroyed  all  flesh,  but  Montezuma  and  a  Coyote  escaped. 
Montezuma  was  forewarned  and  kept  his  canoe  ready  on  the 
topmost  summit  of  Santa  Rosa.  The  Coyote  prepared  an  ark 
out  of  cane,  and  the  two  sailed  over  the  waters  and  repopulated 
the  world.  In  Northern  California  the  tradition  of  the  flood  is 
connected  with  Tahoe.  Lake  Tahoe  was  caused  by  an  earth- 
quake. A  great  wave  swept  over  the  land;  the  Sierra  Mount- 
ains were  formed;  the  inhabitants  fled  to  a  temple  tower,  which 
rose  like  a  dome  above  the  lake ;  but  the  divinity  thrust  them  like 
pebbles  into  a  cave  and  keeps  them  there  until  another  earth- 
quake shall  occur. 

The  Calitornians  tell  of  a  great  flood  which  covered  the  earth, 
with  the  exception  of  Mount  Diablo  and  Reed  Peak.  The 
Coyote  escaped  to  the  peak  and  survived  the  flood.  At  that 
time  the  Sacramento  and  San  Joaquin  began  to  find  their  way  to 
the  Pacific.  Thus  we  see  that  the  myth  is  localized  in  connec- 
tion with  nearly  every  mountain,  river  and  lake.  The  springs 
on  the  Pacific  coast  are  also  localized  among  the  former  tribes  of 
the  Atlantic  coast.  Now  the  inquiry  arises,  would  a  tradition 
which  had  been  introduced  by  the  missionaries  at  different  times, 
and  received  by  the  converts  to  Christianity,  and  so  altogether 
modern,  have  been  likely  to  spread  so  extensively  among 
the  pagan  tribes  and  to  have  been  so  thoroughly  adopted  by 
them  as  an  integral  part  of  their  history.  It  is  to  be  noticed 
that  the  tradition,  as  localized  by  the  pagan  tribes,  always  refers 
to  an  event  which  occurred  at  the  very  earliest  date  of  history 
and  has  reference  to  the  starting  point  or  original  home  of  the 


248  iV:^  Tl  VE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

tribes.  The  only  exception  to  this  is  the  one  that  relates  to  the 
pyramid  of  Cholula,  this  having  been  the  last  place  of  refuge, 
rather  than  the  starting  point  of  the  Toltec  race.  In  the  picture 
writing  of  the  Aztecs,  the  starting  point  is  like  that  of  other 
tribes.  It  is  represented  as  a  mountain  beside  a  lake.  After 
the  departure  from  the  mountain  to  the  various  points  of  the 
immigration  route  the  same  symbol  of  the  mountain  and  the  tree 
continues.  This  correspondence  between  the  verbal  and  the 
written,  or  in  other  words,  the  traditionary  and  recorded,  proves 
that  the  story  must  have  existed  in  pre-Columbian  times,  and 
perhaps  was  known  by  the  Aztec  before  they  commenced  their 
wanderings.  It  is  to  be  noticed  further  that  the  imagery  used  by 
the  pagan  tribes  wherever  any  is  used  in  repeating  the  story 
of  the  deluge  is  always  such  as  would  be  natural  to  them.  The 
wild  hunters  of  the  north  used  the  figure  of  the  canoe,  the  island 
and  the  lake;  the  semi-civilized,  in  the  interior,  used  the  figure 
of  the  cave,  the  mountain,  the  auroya;  the  civilized  tribes  of  the 
southwest  used  the  figure  of  the  boat,  the  curved  mountain,  the 
symbol  of  speech,  the  temple  and  the  pyramid.  This  might 
have  occurred  if  the  tradition  was  modern,  for  the  story,  when 
filtered  through  the  native  minds,  would  naturally  receive  the 
tinge  of  their  own  thoughts  and  would  vary  according  to  differ- 
ent habits,  conceptions  and  surroundings  of  the  people.  We 
must  remember,  however,  that  while  there  is  a  great  difference 
between  the  versions  of  the  story,  yet  the  same  elements  remain 
— the  boat,  the  mountain,  the  ancient  divinity  who  was  the  first 
ancestor,  the  flood,  the  survival  from  the  flood  and  the  repeopling 
of  the  land. 

These  elements  or  images  seem  to  have  been  a  part  of  the 
story  of  the  deluge  itself.  They  are  evidently  prehistoric  in 
their  character  and  are  associated  with  the  prehistoric  cultus. 
They  have  been  regarded  as  autochthonous,  but  taken  in 
connection  with  the  deluge  story,  they  furnish  an  additional 
evidence  of  contact  with  historic  countries.  There  are  also 
symbols  of  the  cross,  the  suastika,  the  serpent,  the  horse-shoe, 
the  hand,  the  eye,  the  spectacle  ornament,  the  loop,  the  turreted 
figure,  the  bird,  the  Nile  key.  These  symbols  are  the  most 
prevalent  in  Oriental  countries,  and  the  most  widespread  in  this 
country.  These  symbols  are,  indeed,  associated  with  the  various 
forms  of  nature  worship,  but  sometimes  with  the  tradition  of  the 
deluge.  In  this  we  recognize  a  contrast.  The  water  cult  in  this 
country  was,  like  that  of  Great  Britain,  a  pre-historic  system.  It 
was  always  localized  at  some  spring  and  was  preserved  by  the 
spring  into  historic  times.  These,  with  the  mountains  and 
streams,  are  reminders  of  the  early  history  of  the  native  tribes 
and  of  the  traditions  which  seem  to  have  been  as  familiar  to  them 
as  to  us. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

TRANSFORM  A  TION  MYTHS. 

There  is  an  element  in  the  mythology  of  America  which  is 
very  interesting,  but  not  often  described.  It  may  be  called 
-"  transformation,"  for  that  is  the  word  which  best  expresses  its 
character.  It  consists  in  the  constant  overleaping  of  those 
barriers  which,  according  to  modern  science,  separate  the 
various  orders  of  creation,  and  treats  them  as  though  they  did 
not  exist;  mingling  birds,  animals,  and  human  beings,  as 
if  they  belonged  to  one  order.  The  effect  of  this  habit,  or 
custom,  is  very  peculiar,  for  it  brings  all  the  objects  of  nature, 
whether  plants,  trees,  birds,  animals,  or  human  beings,  indis- 
criminately together,  and  as  a  consequence  there  are  many 
figures' which  are  distorted  and  present  a  very  strange  appear- 
ance. Animals  appear  with  human  faces;  human  forms  appear 
as  having  bird's  wings,  claws  and  beaks,  but  with  arms  and  legs, 
having  weapons  in  their  hands,  either  fighting,  or  in  the  atti- 
tude of  dancing;  nondescript  figures  appear  made  up  of  forms 
of  vegetation,  such  as  trees,  but  surrounded  by  human  figures, 
and  yet  mingled  with  serpent's  jaws  and  all  the  varying  sym- 
bols which  may  come  from  the  creation  without. 

This  element  gives  a  great  variety  to  native  mythology,  for 
there  is  nothing  to  prevent  the  stories  which  are  told  from 
transcending  all  material  bounds.  The  imagination  is  given 
full  play  and  the  most  extravagant  tales  are  told,  and  seem  to 
be  believed,  as  though  they  were  true.  It  is,  however,  not  con- 
fined to  mythology,  for  it  forms  a  prominent  feature  in  many 
religious  ceremonies.  In  these  ceremonies,  creatures  resembl- 
ing animals,  human  beings  and  supernatural  creatures  are 
mingled  together,  and  seem  to  be  closely  related.  The  animals 
do  not  themselves  appear,  but  the  persons  who  take  part,  are 
so  covered  and  dressed  that  they  resemble  animals,  and  atti- 
tudes are  taken  which  imitate  the  motions  of  the  animals.  It 
is  an  element  which  often  appears  in  the  relics  and  gives  a 
peculiar  character  to  aboriginal  art.  There  are  many  speci- 
mens which  show  great  taste  for  colors  and  correct  ideas  of 
form,  and  much  skill  in  representing  forms  and  faces;  yet  as  a 
fact  there  are  no  limitations  to  hinder,  and  the  strangest  crea- 
tions appear. 

The  same  element  of  transformation  also  appears  in  all  the 
secret  societies,  and  forms  a  prominent  part  of  all  the  sacred 
mysteries.  It  also  enters  into  the  amusements,  public  dances, 
and  open  air  performances,  and  gives  to  them  their  greatest 


>oO 


NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


zest.  It  exists  among  all  the  tribes,  but  varies  according  to  their 
social  condition  and  habits,  for  the  hunter  tribes  have  one  sys- 
tem; the  agricultural,  another;  the  mountaineers,  another, 
and  those  who  dwell  in  the  arid  regions,  still  another,  though 
the  equipments  and  ceremonies  of  all  partake  of  the  physical 
peculiarites  of  the  region  in  which  they  take  place. 

The  strangest  thing  about  this  "  transformation,"  is  that  it 
increases,  rather  than  diminishes,  as  civilization  advances,  for 


Fig.  I . — Miui-Eagle. 

the  most  elaborate  and  complicated  figures  appear  where  art 
and  architecture  are  most  advanced,  and  where  the  people  have 
attained  to  wealth  and  power.  Illustrations  of  these  different 
points  are  numerous  and  are  found  among  the  various  tribes. 
There  are  many  stories  told  among  the  Crows,  a  tribe  situated 
in  the  northern  part  of  Montana,  about  the  different  animals, 
and  especially  the  coyotes.  These  are  turned  to  buff^los,  bears, 
bulls,  bald-headed  eagles,  and  thunder  birds.     There  are  also 


TRANSFORM  A  TION  MYTHS.  '-'51 

giants  and  young  and  old  men,  who  interchange  their  forms 
and  are  married  to  animals,  and  have  children  which  are  also 
constantly  changing  their  form  and  appearance.  In  one  case, 
a  buffalo  skull  is  seen  in  the  water  of  a  spring.  A  chief's 
daughter  comes  to  the  spring,  but  the  buffalo's  skull  is  gone, 
and  in  its  place  a  young  man  wearing  a  buffalo  robe  appears 
upon  the  bank  of  the  spring.  The  two  are  married  and  dis- 
appear. All  the  animals  set  to  work  to  find  the  wedded  pair. 
They  call  upon  the  buffaloes,  who  come  from  every  direction 
in  great  nujnbers  and  gather  around  the  tree  where  the  two  are 
hidden.  This  is  the  reason  why  buffaloes  are  so  numerous  at 
certain  times.  Many  other  stories  are  told  by  the  hunting 
tribes,  which  represent  the  most  remarkable  changes  of  form 
and  appearance  as  occurring,  both  among  the  animals  and 
human  beings. 

There  is  a  story  among  the  Arapahoes,  about  a  boy  who  was 
gifted  with  the  power  of  transforming  creatures.  He  was  left 
by  his  grandmother  at  home  alone,  but  during  her  absence  he 
exercised  his  power,  which  had  previously  been  unknown  to 
himself,  and  suddenly  there  appeared  before  him  in  the  house 
all  his  relatives,  especially  his  uncles,  who  came  dancing  out 
from  every  corner  and  every  side,  and  appeared  to  him.  His 
grandmother,  who  was  at  the  end  of  the  world,  also  suddenly 
appeared,  herself  surprised  that  this  power  had  become  known 
to  the  boy.  There  are  many  other  novel  and  interesting  stories 
of  the  same  kind. 

This  habit  or  superstition  about  the  different  creatures  be- 
ing transformed  and  assuming  unnatural  shapes,  will  account 
for  the  abundance  of  strange  relics  which  are  found  among  the 
mounds  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  especially  the  copper  plates 
and  shell  gorgets,  which  are  so  numerous  in  the  stone  graves. 
In  these  we  see  human  figures,  with  the  beaks  and  wings  of 
birds,  but  dressed  as  warriors,  with  elaborate  headdress,  pouch, 
and  war  club,  and  dancing  with  tokens  of  victory  in  hand. 
These  have  been  called  "  man  eagles,"  or  "  eagle  men,"  and  are 
interesting  as  reminders  of  the  mythology  which  prevailed 
among  the  Mound-Building  tribes.     (See  Fig.  i.) 

Catlin,  the  celebrated  painter,  has  represented  the  dances 
which  occurred  among  the  Mandans,  and  Miss  Alice  Fletcher 
has  described  those  which  occur  among  the  Dakotas.  The 
most  prominent  feature  in  these  dances  is  that  the  men  appear 
covered  with  the  skins  of  buffaloes,  or  with  the  horns  of  deer 
or  elk,  and  throw  themselves  into  the  different  attitudes  which 
these  animals  assume  and  personate  their  very  shapes  and 
moods. 

The  tribes  on  the  Northwest  coast  believe  in  this  transforma- 
tion, to  the  extent  that  they  often,  in  their  dances  and  religious 
ceremonies,  put  great  masks  upon  their  heads,  and  will  march 
or  dance  about  the  fire  throughout  the  long  winter  nights  and 
find  a  vast  amount  of  amusement   in    imagining   themselves 


2.52 


NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


tranbformed  into  these  very  creatures.  They  have  also  a  cere- 
mony in  which  some  person,  who  is  hidden  in  an  adjoining 
room,  bursts  through  the  barrier  and  suddenly  appears  in  a  strik- 
ing attitude.  (See  Plates.)  The  best  illustration  is  found  among 
the  Navajoes,  among  whom  the  sand  paintings  are  the  most 
conspicuous  objects  of  native  art.  These  consist  of  figures 
which  represent  the  Nature  powers.  Rainbows  which  form  arches 
resembling  the  arch  of  the  sky,  arc  humanized,  having  heads 
and  arms  at  one  end,  and  body  and  legs  at  the  other.  There 
are  sunbeam  rafts  in  the  form  of  crosses,  made  of  different 
colored  sand,  and  upon  these  are  placed  the  figures  of  god- 
desses, which  have  many-colored  skirts  and  wear  caps  or  hats 


Fig.  2. —  The  Maya  Gods  of  Death.,  Life  and  Growth. 

which  are  trimmed  with  fleecy  clouds;  around  their  waists  they 
wear  sashes,  which  resemble  rainbows;  at  their  side  are  birds 
and  animals  which  come  from  the  mountains,  also,  sprigs  and 
sprays  which  come  from  the  forest.  The  sand  paintings  repre- 
sent the  personal  divinities  of  the  Navajoes,  and  in  this  respect 
resemble  the  sacred  dramas  of  the  Zunis  and  the  codices  of 
the  Mayas. 

The  figures  in  the  cut  are  from  the  Dresden  Codex  and 
represent  the  Gods  of  Death,  Life  and  Growth,  as  well  as  the 
various  operations  of  nature. 

The  Pueblo  tribes  also  believe  in  this  transformation,  and 
embody  their  belief  in  their  dances  and  ceremonies  in  such  a 
way  as  to  make  them  the  most  realistic  of  all  the  religious  cere- 


TRANSFORMA  TION  MYTHS.  253 

monies  that  are  known.  Among  this  people  are  many  so-called 
*' altars,"  which  resemble  the  "sand  paintings,' in  that  they 
present  a  great  variety  of  figures  or  symbols,  and  with  all 
colors  displayed  upon  them.  These  altars  have  been  described 
by  Mr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  who  explains  their  different  parts.  It 
appears  that  every  clan  had  a  great  sky  god,  and  an  earth  god, 
or  goddess.  Each  clan  also  had  its  totemistic  ancestors,  male 
and  female,  and  culture  heroes,  or  heroines;  these  are  imper- 
sonated symbolically,  and  may  be  represented  by  a  human  be- 
ing, or  by  animals  and  birds,  or  by  all  combined.  In  these 
altars  are  medicine  bowls  covered  with  symbols,  also  radiating 
lines  of  sacred  meal  representing  the  six  directions;  ears  of 
corn  of  different  colors,  which  corresponded  to  the  directions: 
Yellow,  for  north;  blue,  for  west;  red,  for  south;  black,  for  the 
above,  and  speckled,  for  the  below.  The  altars  are  made  out 
of  wooden  slats  cut  in  shape  to  resemble  the  human  form,  but 
painted  with  many  different  colors.  A  large  number  of  them 
are  placed  upright,  making  them  resemble  an  old-fashioned 
fire-place,  while  in  front  of  them  are  figures  made  of  different- 
colored  sand,  surrounded  by  images  of  various  kinds  and  ears 
of  corn  of  different  colors.  They  are  called  altars  because 
they  are  objects  of  worship  and  are  full  of  symbols. 

There  are  pictures  of  "  the  Growth  God,"  and  slats  bearing 
symbolic  birds;  also  boards  painted  with  semi-circular  figures 
representing  the  sky,  parallel  lines  symbolizing  rain,  zigzag 
markings  symbolizing  lightning;  also  images  which  are  the 
tutelary  "clan  ancients,"  and  others  representing  the  sun  and 
"Germ  Gods";  also  the  butterfly  symbols,  and  many  other 
objects. 

The  public  dances  of  the  Hopis  and  other  Pueblo  tribes  are 
also  full  of  symbols  and  ceremonies,  which  are  the  result  of 
this  belief  in  transformation;  and  many  different  societies  em- 
body the  belief  that  supernatural  beings  were  present.  Mr. 
Fewkes  recognizes  strong  affinities  with  the  tribes  further 
south,  such  as  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas,  in  these  ceremonials, 
and  traces  a  resemblance  between  the  symbols  common  among 
them  and  those  found  in  the  codices.* 

Among  the  partially  civilized  tribes  of  the  Southwest, 
mainly  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas,  the  same  supersitition  formerly 
prevailed,  for  here  we  find  symbols  of  various  kinds  scattered 
among  the  ruins,  and  also  see  pictures  with  many  colors  and 
strange  figures,  in  which  there  is  a  mingling  of  all  orders  of 
creation  in  the  codices.  In  fact,  this  element  of  transforma- 
tion is  so  prominent  in  Mexico  and  Central  America,  that  it 
furnishes  us  a  key  to  the  solution  of  the  problems  which  have 
been  very  difficult. 

There  are  in  the  codices  figures  which  represent  the  different 

•See  "Central  American  Ceremony,  which  Sugfests  the  Snake  Dance  of   the  Tusayan 
Villagers."    Reprinted  from  the  American  Anthropologist,  WasBing ton,  D.  C;  1903. 

Also,  "A  St«dy  of  Certain  Figuras  in  a  Maya  Codex,"  Washington,  D.  C,  July,  1894. 


254 


NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


divinities.  Some  of  them  appear  in  skeleton  form  in  strange 
attitudes;  others  have  faces  with  peculiar  expressions,  but  trom 
the  mouth  are  seen  issuing  serpent  tongues.  Other  figures  are 
partly  animal  and  partly  human.  The  whole  picture  or  page 
represents  creatures  in  the  most  grotesque  attitudes,  but  all  of 
them  so  strange  and  shadowy  that  we  can  scarcely  tell  whether 
they  were  intended  to  represent  animals,  human  beings,  or 
divinities,  and  yet  they  are  in  the  midst  of  hieroglyphics  which 
evidently  tell  the  story  of  the  past.     (See  Fig.  2.) 

There  are  also  among  the  codices  charts  which  contain  trees 
in  the  form  of  crosses,  with  flowers  at  the  end  of  the  branches. 
Above  the  trees  are  birds  of  different  kinds,  while  below  may 
be  seen  the  jaws  of  serpents  and  other  strange  figures.     Repre- 


Fig.  j". —  The  Tree  of  Life  Transformed . 

sentatives  of  all  the  different  orders  of  creation  are  mingled 
together  in  a  strange  way,  and  yet  make  symbols  which  repre- 
sent periods  of  time  and  convey  religious  thoughts. 

It  appears  from  this,  that  all  the  different  kingdoms 
of  nature  are  combined  together  and  symbolized;  the  sky 
above,  by  the  birds;  the  earth,  by  the  plants  and  flowers;  the 
realms  below,  by  the  dragons'  or  serpents'  heads.  The  four 
seasons  were  also  represented  by  the  four  trees;  the  four 
directions,  or  cardinal  points,  by  the  branches  of   the  trees. 

There  were  many  religious  ceremonies,  also  among  the 
partially  civilized  tribes,  which  depended  upon  this  element 
of  transformation  for  their  effect,  and  there  are  even  temples 
and  palaces  which  present  strange  figures  in  their  interior,  in 
the  shape  of  crosses  surmounted  by  birds,  with  a  human  form 
on  either  side,  and  contorted  animals  below  them;  the  whole 


TRANSFORMA  TION  MYTHS. 


255 


symbolizing  the  Nature  powers,  and  at  the  same  time  terming 
objects  of  worship. 

In  studying  the  symbols  which  are  thus  brought  together 
in  the  calendars  and  codices  we  will  find  that  nothing  appears 
separate  and  distinct,  for  all  the  realms  of  nature  are  united; 
the  Nature  powers  being  generally  represented  by  human 
creatures.  It  is  remarkable  that  symbolism  should  have  been 
carried  so  far  by  these  partially-civilized  peoples,  but  it  must 
be  remembered  that  pictographs  and  symbols  took  the  place 
of  writing.  The  pictographs  were  historical  records,  but  these 
charts  were  calendars,  from  which  the  priests  and  learned  men 
reckoned  the  time.  The  employments  of  the  people,  as  well 
as  their  religious  ceremonies,  were  regulated  by  the  priests, 


Fig.  4  —  The  Tree  of  Life  Transformed. 

who  studied  these  calendars  and  their  symbols,  and  it  is  sup- 
posed by  some  that  the  astronomical  events  and  long  periods 
of  time  were  recorded  by  them.  The  codices  contain  the  best 
specimens  of  transformation,  for  in  these  the  divinities  are 
represented,  generally  by  human  figures  in  such  a  way  that 
theiv  sphere  of  action  and  character  are  plainly  indicated. 
The  transformation  is  not  so  apparent  at  first,  yet  the  more  we 
study  the  codices  and  calendars,  the  more  we  realize  that  all 
the  realms  of  creation  are  represented  in  them,  but  are 
strangely  blended  and  interchanged. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  there  are  below  the  figures  of  the 
trees  twenty  different  symbols,  consisting  of  birds,  animals, 
minerals,  reptiles,  house,  &c.  These  are  grouped  so  as  to  re- 
present the  twenty  days  of  the  month  divided  into  four  weeks 
of  five  days  each.     We  find  in  these  symbols  and  the  accom- 


256  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

panying  pictographs,  a  chart  which  gives  to  us  a  pretty  correct 
idea  of  the  calendar  which  prevailed  among  the  Mayas. 

It  was,  however,  the  religious  sentiment  that  gave  signifi- 
cance to  the  symbols,  for  this  threw  a  mysterious  air  over  all 
the  realms  of  creation,  and  mingled  the  natural  with  the  super- 
natural. The  study  of  the  symbols  convince  us  that  the  same 
general  principles  which  were  embodied  in  the  ceremonies  and 
in  the  relics  of  the  wild  tribes  were  brought  together  in  a  small 
compass  and  presented  to  the  eye  by  the  mute  symbols,  which 
required  close  study  to  understand  and  interpret. 

Interesting  specimens  of  this  transformation  maybe  found 
in  Nicaragua,  for  here  we  see  idols,  finished  in  the  round  but  in 
singular  attitudes,  while  upon  their  shoulders  and  above  their 
heads  may  be  seen  the  great  jaws  of  crocodiles;  and  again 
other  figures,  with  a  semblance  of  bears,  yet  having  human 
forms.  This  element  of  transformation  appears  even  in  the 
codices  and  sacred  writings  of  the  Mayas,  for  in  them  we  sec 
rows  of  hieroglyphics,  but  between  the  rows  are  nondescript 
creatures,  dressed  with  varied  costumes  and  assuming  different 
attitudes,  but  upon  their  heads  they  wear  ornaments  which  are 
in  reality  symbols.  Their  faces  are  very  unnatural,  for,  while 
they  have  the  eyes,  nose,  and  mouth  of  human  beings,  there 
can  be  seen  the  serpent  fangs  and  tongues  and  other  strange 
symbols  which  transformed  them  into  human  beings. 

This  element  of  transformation  seems  to  have  had  effect 
upon  the  architecture  of  the  region,  for  nearly  all  the  palaces 
have  facjades  on  which  are  sculptured  figures  of  plumed  ser- 
pents, and  above  them  are  seated  figures  with  glaring  eyes  and 
hooked  noses,  generally  called  the  manitou  face,  and  many 
barbaric  ornaments,  which  can  only  be  understood  and  ex- 
plained by  the  mythology  which  prevailed.  We  may  say  that 
the  religious  ceremonies,  the  mythologies,  and  the  symbols  of 
all  the  tribes  cannot  be  understood,  unless  we  take  this  element 
of  transformation  into  account.  By  its  aid,  however,  we  may 
trace  the  connection  between  the  different  tribes  and  races, 
and  learn  that  there  was  a  mass  of  symbolism  which  was  trans- 
mitted from  the  past. 

Discoveries  are  being  made  which'show  the  prevalence  of 
this  system.  Even  the  best  specimens  of  art  seem  to  have  been 
affected  by  it.  The  beautiful  urns  which  have  been  recently 
exhumed  in  Nicaragua,  are  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Museum 
of  Natural  History  of  New  York. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  among  the  tribes  of  the  North- 
west coast  the  chief  divinity  was  called  the  "Transformer." 
Such,  too,  was  the  real  character  of  the  divinities  of  the  Nava- 
joes,  the  Zunis,  and  the  various  Pueblo  tribes. 

As  to  the  divinities  of  the  Mound-Building  tribes,  we 
are  not  so  sure;  yet  the  relics  indicate  that  the  chief  trait 
was  this  power  of  transformation.  This  is  illustrated  by 
the  copper  plate,  especially  by  the  wings  and  the  beak  on 


TRA  NSFORMA  TION  M  YTHS.  257 

the  same.  There  were  also  taken  from  the  same  mound  certain 
copper  objects,  which  were  evidently  designed  for  ornaments  of 
a  head-dress.  These,  though  made  of  copper,  have  the  same 
shape  as  the  so-called  banner  stones. 

We  now  come  to  the  explanation  of  these  figures,  which  is 
really  the  object  of  this  chapter.  This  will  be  gained  by  the 
study  of  other  fignres,  especially  the  myths  connected  with  them. 

It  was  a  strange  conception  among  nearly  all  of  the  North 
American  tribes  that  there  were  no  lines  which  could  keep  apart 
the  natural  and  the  supernatural,  the  human  and  the  divine,  for 
all  things  were  blended  together  in  a  shadowy  way,  and  were 
easily  transformed,  as  if  seen  in  a  dream.  As  in  looking  into 
the  fog  which  sweeps  into  the  shore,  the  divisions  between  the 
sky  and  sea  and  solid  land  are  dimly  blended  and  obscure,  and 
even  those  objects  which  have  a  definite  shape  seem  to  be  mon- 
strous in  their  size,  and  fill  one  with  awe  because  of  their  strange 
appearance,  so  to  the  eye  of  superstition  there  was  no  separation 
between  the  different  realms  of  creation,  no  distance  between  the 
divine  and  human  beings,  but  all  were  mingled  together  in  one 
common  realm,  the  superstition  of  the  people  doing  away  with  the 
distinction  between  the  substance  and  shadow,  form  and  spirit,  the 
feeling  of  awe  and  the  sense  of  worship  being  aroused  by  every- 
thing that  was  strange  or  that  excited  their  wonder.  The  divini- 
ties could  assume  the  shape  of  animals  or  birds  and  nondescript 
creatures,  and  appear  in  any  of  the  elements — the  earth,  air  and 
water.  They  were  all  equivalent  to  the  nature  powers,  and  em- 
bodied in  their  strange  forms  the  different  forces  of  the  sky. 
They  could  assume  the  human  form  and  make  that  the  highest 
manifestation  of  their  presence.  They  were  always  supernatural, 
but  made  the  natural  objects  subject  to  their  power  and  so  made 
their  presence  known.  Stars  came  to  earth  and  dwelt  among 
men,  men  and  women  were  changed  to  stars  and  dwelt  in  the 
skies;  serpents  came  out  of  the  water  and  married  women; 
women  changed  to  serpents  and  followed  their  lovers  into  the 
water;  birds  swept  down  the  mountains  and  across  the  lakes, 
and  changed  to  feathered  serpents;  serpents  were  carried  up  to 
the  clouds  and  shot  as  lightning  from  the  skies;  great  monsters 
appeared  upon  the  earth  and  devoured  men  for  food,  but  the 
monsters  became  stones  and  their  bones  were  seen  upon  the 
shore;  forests  changed  to  shadows  and  through  them  invisible 
spirits  made  their  way.  Such  was  the  power  of  transformation 
that  even  the  spirit  world  became  as  substantial  as  the  material, 
the  material  itself  became  ethereal,  which  was  constantly  sug- 
gesting the  presence  of  the  divinities.  The  mythology  oi  the 
aborigines  was  full  of  these  strange  stories  of  transformation,  and 
owes  its  beauty  in  part  to  the  fact  that  it  had  to  do  with  the 
realms  of  the  spirit.  There  was  all  the  play  of  fancy  which  is 
possible  to  poetry,  and  all  the  charm  that  is  contained  in  the  fairy 


258 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


stories,  but  the  thought  was  controlled  by  the  spirit  of  devotion 
and  the  myths  were  of  a  dreamy  and  shadowy  character,  and 
have  a  peculiar  charm  which  is  found  no  where  else  in  literature. 
Now  it  is  to  this  transformation  element  in  the  myths  and 
symbols  that  we  are  to  call  attention,  for  this  is  the  clue  by 
which  we  are  to  interpret  the  various  figures  which  are  brought 
before  us,  and  especially  those  which  represent  the  human  form 
in  combination  with  the  various  parts  of  birds  and  beasts  and 
other  creatures.  These  figures  may  well  be  studied,  for  they 
contain  within  themselves  many  of  the  myths  which  were  preva- 
lent in  prehistoric  times,  and  so  may  be  regarded  as  "  myth- 
bearers"  to  the  historic  days.  They  are  to  be  compared  with 
the  masked  figures  which  are  recognized  in  the  various  dances, 
for  they  probably  represent  the  same  conceptions,  namely,  that 

human  beings  could  be 
easily  changed  into  ani- 
mals and  birds  and  that 
the  totems  of  the  clans 
could  thus  be  brought 
near,  and  the  divinities 
appeased  and  the  prayers 
be  granted,  the  drama- 
tization of  the  prayers 
being  perhaps  embodied 
in  the  figures  as  well  as 
in  the  dances,  the  relics 
thus  serving  the  same 
purpose  as  the  "sand- 
paintings"  and  the  carved 
columns,  the  transforma- 
tion element  being  con- 
tained in  all  alike. 

We  have  spoken  of  a 
few    of  these,  but  have 

Fig.  S.-Serpent  and  Human  Face.  confined  OUrselvCS  tO  the 

winged  figures  and  to  the  human  images  which  were  inscribed 
Upon  copper  plates  and  shell  gorgets  taken  from  the  mounds,  but 
there  are  many  other  specimens  scattered  over  the  different  parts 
of  the  continent,  and  many  means  of  representing  them.  These 
may  all  be  called  "mythologic  creatures,"  for  they  embody  the 
myths  of  the  prehistoric  races,  but  they  need  to  be  studied  with 
this  thought  in  mind,  for  they  are  so  varied  and  contain  so  many 
strange  conceptions  that  were  it  not  for  the  transformation  ele- 
ment we  should  be  utterly  baffled  in  our  effort  to  interpret  their 
meaning  or  to  understand  their  object.  We  shall  therefore  call 
attention  to  the  transform.ation  cult  as  it  is  presented  in  the 
various  localities,  and  to  the  different  figures  in  which  it  is  man- 
ifested throughout  the  land.     The  following  may  be  taken  as  a 


TRANS  FORM  A  TION  MYTHS. 


259 


list  of  the  objects  which  have  perpetuated  the  cult  and  which 
have  been  chosen  as  the  means  of  representing  it  to  the  eye: 
(i)  Figures  seen  in  the  rock  inscriptions;  (2)  effigy  mounds;  (3) 
carved  posts;  (4)  masks  and  helmets  used  in  dances;  (5)  painted 
figures  and  personal  decorations  and  the  attitude  of  dancers; 
(6)  the  images  which  were  used  in  religious  ceremonials;  (7)  the 
figures  inscribed  upon  the  shell  or  copper  plates,  stone  tablets, 
carved  pipes  and  pottery  vessels  found  in  the  mounds;  (8)  the 
figures  which  were  painted  or  carved  upon  the  houses;  (9)  the 
figures  which  were  wrought  in  stucco  and  placed  in  the  shrines; 
(10)  carved  stone  figures,  made  to  ornament  the  fagades  of  the 
palaces;  (11)  statues  in  stone  and  wood,  made  to  represent 
the  sun  divinities;  (12)  the  figures  which  are  portrayed  by  the 
codices  and  ancient  calendars  of  the  civilized  tribes.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  the  figures  are  numerous 
and  widely  scattered.  Such  is  the 
variety  and  distribution  of  these  va- 
rious figures  that  we  are  constantly 
reminded  of  the  great  store  of  myth- 
ology which  was  formerly  prevalent, 
but  which  is  passing  away.  These 
"mythologic  creatures"  often  baffle  in- 
terpretation and  are  very  mysterious, 
and  the  symbols  which  contain  them 
are  often  difficult  to  understand.  Yet 
the  more  we  study  the  mythologies 
of  the  people  and  compare  these  with 
the  figures  which  come  before  the  eye,  f^i\ 
the  better  are  we  able  to  identify  the  [ 
myths  in  the  symbols  and  the  more  ' ' 
meaning  do  we  find — that  which  was  ' 
a  sealed  book  becomes  eloquent  with 
a  hidden  sense,  and  beauties  which 
were  unobserved  are  brought  before  us  to  awaken  our  admira- 
tion and  surprise.*  The  best  aid,  however,  to  the  interpretation 
of  the  mythologic  creatures  is  the  one  which  is  furnished  by  the 
so-called  "transformation  myths."  We  shall  therefore  reier  to 
these,  taking  the  pictographs  and  the  myths  as  the  double  key, 
or  rather  as  the  lock  and  key,  by  which  we  may  open  the  door 
to  the  inner  chamber  of  the  various  religious  systems. 

I.  Let  us  consider  the  transformation  of  the  creator  into  animals. 
This  was  a  common  superstition  among  the  partially  civilized. 


Fig.  6.— Pottery  Idol. 


*One  of  the  most  important  aids  in  this  work  is  the  volume  which  has  recently  been 
published  by  the  Ethnological  Bureau  and  which  describes  the  Picture  Writing  of  the 
American  Indians  (see  Tenth  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology).  The  author.  Col. 
Garrick  Mallery.  makes  no  attempt  to  identify  any  of  the  mythologic  divinities  in  these 
hgures  and  briefly  refers  to  the  symbols  contained  in  them,  yet  from  the  study  of  the  rude 
drawings  or  engravings  in  the  volume  we  may  follow  on  from  one  figure  to  another  and  trace 
the  general  resemblance  between  them  and  then  apply  the  myths  already  known  until  we 
have  made  out  a  tolerably  satisfactory  system. 


260 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


tribes.  The  idea  of  the  Creator  with  them  was  that  he  was  a 
"transformer"  or  "changer."  He  was  called  "the  master  of  life," 
"the  holder  of  the  heavens,"  "the  old  man  of  the  ancients,"  "the 
god  of  beasts  and  men,"  and  was  regarded  as  a  person  having 
supernatural  power,  but  was  pictured  as  an  animal  or  bird,  though 
endowed  with  human  attributes.  The  animal  varied  according 
to  the  locality.  Among  the  eastern  tribes  it  was  the  rabbit; 
among  the  tribes  on  the  Pacific  coast  it  was  the  coyote;  among 
the  tribes  of  the  interior,  the  Moquis,  it  was  the  mountain  lion 
or  bear;  among  the  tribes  on  the  gulf  coast,  the  eagle;  in  the 
southwest,  among  the  civilized  tribes,  the  tiger  and  the  feather- 
headed  serpent  that  represented  the  creator  and  the  culture  hero. 
The  divinity,  however,  rarely  retained  any  ani- 
mal semblance  long  at  a  time,  for  he  was  con- 
stantly changing  into  other  animals  and  into 
the  human  form,  and  at  times  was  without 
form  except  as  the  elements,  such  as  the 
lightning,  the  clouds,  the  rain  obeyed  his  be- 
hests and  became  the  sign  of  his  power.  The 
myths  abound  with  stories  of  his  adventures 
and  he  always  comes  before  us  as  a  person 
having  human  frailties  and  resembles  Zeus, 
the  chief  god  of  the  Greeks,  in  this  respect. 
He  was  unlike  Zeus,  however,  in  that  he  could 
leave  his  Olympus  and  his  position  as  the 
"chief  of  gods  and  men"  and  become  an  ani- 
mal and  act  like  other  animals — proving  to  be 
the  "god  of  beasts  as  well  as  men." 

The  power  of  transforming  himself  into 
any  object  of  nature  was  also  enjoyed  by 
each  one  of  the  culture  heroes  and  creators. 
To  illustrate,  let  us  take  the  stories  of  Glooskap,  the  chief  god 
of  the  Abenakis.  He  was  able  to  transform  everything  at  his 
will.  One  story  is  that  there  were  stone  giants;  these  were 
ravenous  cannibals,  but  they  were  changed  to  stones,  which  can  be 
seen  in  various  places.  An  army  of  these  giants  ran  across  the 
river  at  Niagara,  just  below  the  falls,  but  they  were  changed  to 
stones,  which  are  still  to  be  seen.  The  story  is  told  of  the  great 
magician,  called  Kitpoosegenow,  that  he  changed  the  rocks  on 
the  sea  coast  into  canoes  and  the  smaller  rocks  into  paddles  and 
a  long  splinter,  taken  from  a  ledge,  into  a  spear.  He  changed  a 
Hian  into  a  pine  tree,  which  became  exceedingly  tall,  so  that  his 
head  rose  above  the  forest.  One  who  enters  a  pine  forest  and  listens 
may  hear  the  tree  murmuring  all  day  long.  He  took  the  great 
bird  callfd  the  "  wind-blower," — '' Wooclioivscn'' — who  lived  far 
to  the  north  and  sits  upon  a  great  rock  and  makes  the  wind  by 
the  moving  of  its  wings,  tied  both  his  wings  and  threw  him  into 
a  cha>ni,  and  there  was  a  dead  calm  for  many  weeks.     He  after- 


Big.  7.— Idol  from  the 
West  Indies. 


77?^  NSFORMA  TION  M 1  'THS.  261 

ward  loosened  one  of  his  wings  and  then  the  winds  blew  but  as 
if  with  a  broken  wing.  Glooskap  had  two  dogs  which  barked 
at  night  and  filled  the  forest  vvith  their  echoes.  One  was  the 
coyote  and  the  other  the  loon,  the  voices  of  both  these  creatures 
being  very  weird  and  ghost-like. 

The  Iroquois  also  have  many  myths  about  their  "master  of 
life"  or  "holder  of  heaven,"  who  is  called  loskeha  and  who  re- 
sembled Glooskap,  the  Abenaki  god.  He  was  pictured  as  a  giant 
rabbit,  but  was  a  great  magician  and  a  wonderful  "transformer."* 
He  was  able  to  change  himself  into  any  animal  and  could  change 
other  animals  into  new.  One  of  his  greatest  adventures  was 
that  he  caught  themischievious  sprite  Pauppukeewis,  who  eluded 
him  by  jumping  from  continent  to  continent,  and  changed  him 
into  a  war  eagle.  He  overcame  also  the  "prince  of  the  serpents," 
and  finally  himself  became  the  great  lawgiver  Hiawatha.  They 
hold  also  that  Hiawatha  himself  was  changed.  After  terminat- 
ing his  mission  upon  the  earth  he  took  his  magic  canoe  and 
sailed  away  to  the  skies.  A  modern  story  is  that  the  Atotarho, 
the  enemy  of  Hiawatha,  was  changed  from  a  horrid  monster  into 
a  quiet  man  by  a  series  of  prayers. 

There  are  many  stories  of  the  transformation  of  culture  heroes 
and  divinities  into  serpents.  We 
have  elswhere  told  the  story  of 
Manibozho,  the  Algonkin  di- 
vinity, and  have  given  a  cut  to 
illustrate  it — the  cut  of  the  pipe 
with  the  tree  and  serpent  and 
human  face.*  There  is  a  legend 
of  the  transformation  of  the  great  ^'^-  ^  -^«*'^"  ^°''^"'^- 

creator  into  a  serpent  still  extant  among  the  Hopis  or  Moquis. 
The  figure  given  herewith  (see  Fig.  5)  is  that  of  a  water  pitcher 
or  cooler  from  Peru.  It  represents  a  serpent  and  human  face 
combined,  and  reminds  us  of  the  idols  which  were  so  common 
in  Guatemala.  No  tradition  is  connected  with  it,  and  yet  it  may 
represent  the  same  superstition 

The  myths  of  the  northwest  coastf  among  the  tribes  of  the 
Klamaths,  Thlinkeets,  Haidahs,  illustrate  this  superstition  very 
clearly.  Among  the  Klamaths  the  creator  of  the  world  is 
(Kmukamtch)  the  "old  man  of  the  ancients."  the  "primeval  old 
man,"  equivalent  to  old  man  above,  or  the  chief  in  the  skies  of 
California.  He  was  as  great  a  deceiver  and  trickster  as  Gloos- 
kap was.  He  is  the  culture  hero  of  his  people.  He  did  not 
make  the  world  by  one  act,  but  made  the  lakes,  islands,  prairies 
and  mountains,  one  after  the  other,  and  gave  a  name  to  each. 
He  created  the  rocks  shaped  like  a  crescent,  because  the  sun 

*See  Chapter  XVI,  p.  377. 

tSee  American  Antiqu.\rian,  Vol.  6;  article  by  Rev.  M.  Eells.  See  the  Klamath 
Indian  of  Southwestern  Oregon,  by  A.  S.  Gatschet,  page  LXXIX. 


262  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

and  moon  once  lived  there.  He  was  changed  into  a  rock,  which 
stands  in  the  Williamson  River,  He  travels  in  the  path  of  the 
sun  till  he  reaches  the  zenith,  where  he  builds  a  palace  and  lives 
there  with  his  daughter.  The  second  in  importance  is  the  son  ot 
the  creator,  called  Aishish,  who  has  great  personal  beauty.  He 
is  the  genius  of  the  morning  star,  or  the  rainbow,  or  the  moon, 
and  personifies  the  atmospheric  changes.  The  moon  is  his 
campfire.  The  moon,  seen  through  the  pine  trees,  is  the  shadow 
of  the  famished  Aishish.  As  the  moon  brings  the  months  and 
the  seasons,  so  the  quadrupeds  and  birds  which  appear  after  the 
long  winter  months  are  considered  his  wives,  and  the  flowers  of 
summer  vegetation  are  the  beads  of  his  garments.  He  is  called 
the  time  measurer,  the  one  that  tells  the  time.  As  the  revolutions 
of  the  moon  bring  the  weeks  and  months,  so  the  measuring  of 
time  was  ascribed  to  Aishish,  the  moon  god.  The  elementary 
deities  are  mysterious  shadowy  beings.  The  thunders  are  five 
brothers,  the  interior  of  whose  lodge  is  dark,  as  the  sky  obscured 
by  a  thunder-storm,  but  their  terrible  weapon  is  the  lightning,  or 
thunderbolt.  They  are  five,  because  the  thunder  rolls  along  the 
mountains  in  repeated  peals. 

2.  The  power  of  transforming  other  creatures  was  sometimes 
delegated  to  the  medicine  men  and  individuals.  Among  the  wild 
tribes  this  power  became  almost  equivalent  to  magic,  and  gave 
great  influence  to  the  sorcerers,  for  the  superstition  was  that  they 
had  control  over  the  elements  and  were  in  constant  communica- 
tion with  the  supernatural.  We  can  hardly  appreciate  this 
influence  unless  we  take  into  the  account  this  element  of  trans- 
formation. The  barriers  between  the  ghost  world  and  the  spirit 
of  man  were  so  broken  down  that  superstition  of  the  people  was 
easily  played  upon,  and  they  were  made  to  believe  that  super- 
natural leings  were  actually  present.  Even  among  the  more 
cultivated  tribes  there  was  a  dramatization  of  the  nature  powers 
under  the  semblance  of  serpents  and  other  figures,  the  transforma- 
tion of  the  elements  into  animal  forms  being  in  the  hands  of  the 
priests.  The  sand  paintings  owed  their  magic  power  in  curing 
the  sick  to  this  thought.  When  the  colors  of  the  sky  were  used 
the  sky  spirits  or  sky  divinities  were  actually  present.  The 
tracking  of  the  disease  into  the  various  parts  of  the  body  and 
using  the  power  of  magic  in  the  presence  of  the  sky  divinities 
was  sufficient  to  effect  marvelous  cures  in  many  cases.  The 
superstition  about  the  soul  being  able  to  pass  through  the 
mountains  and  into  the  rocks  and  to  change  its  form,  to  leave 
the  body  and  to  take  it  up  again,  was  also  owing  to  the  "trans- 
formation" elements,  which  so  ruled  the  fancies  of  the  people 
who  dwelt  among  the  mountains. 

We  may  say  of  all  these  different  kinds  of  transformation,  that 
they  were  based  upon  the  thought  that  the  human  was  the 
highest  form  of  being,  yet  the  human  must  become  animal  in 


TRANSFORMA  HON  MYTHS.  263 

order  to  hold  communion  with  the  divine.     This  was  the  case, 
especially  where  totemism  prevailed.* 

This  power  of  transformation  also  came  upon  individuals  on 
special  occasions,  especially  in  ceremonial  dances.  It  was  a  gift 
enjoyed  by  a  few  favored  individuals  in  their  childhooJ.  These 
were  looked  upon  with  peculiar  awe,  as  if  they  were  great 
manitous.  An  excellent  illustration  of  this  may  be  found  in  the 
account  which  has  already  been  given  of  the  dance  seen  by  Cat- 
lin,  called  the  buffalo  dance.f  This  dance  preceded  the  initiation 
of  warriors,  and  was  very  suggestive  of  the  transformation  ele- 
ment. Examination  of  the  plates  will  show  this.  In  them  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  dancers  wore  the  horns  and  skins  of  buffalos, 
but  various  persons  have  the  forms  of  bears  and  antelopes  and 
of  buzzards  or  vultures.  These  surround  the  "medicine  lodge," 
while  others,  with  their  bodies  painted  to  represent  the  day  and 
the  night,  appear  among  the  dancers,  all  the  animal  gods  and 
the  sky  gods  being  personified,  and  the  myth  of  the  creation  and 
the  flood  being  dramatized  in  the  dance. | 

We  have  the  testimony  on  this  point  of  Professor  William- 
son, a  son  of  a  missionary  among  the  Dakotas,  who  often 
witnessed  in  his  boyhood  the  dance  called  the  medicine  dance. 
He  says:  "The  celebrated  ghost  dance,  so-called,  of  the  Dakotas 
of  the  Pine  Ridge  agency  perpetuates  one  of  its  old  forms — 
an  old  craze  under  a  new  name.  In  my  boyhood  I  often  wit- 
nessed this  dance,  usually  called  the  medicine  dance,  although 
in  particular  forms  it  was  called  the  sun  dance.  The  ghost  is 
only  another  name  for  the  latter  form.  The  dance  I  best  remem- 
ber was  held  in  Kaposia,  (South  St.  Paul),  about  the  summer  of 
1849.  Its  chief  object  was  the  initiation  of  new  members  into  a 
secret  society,  the  Waukau  order,  into  which  only  favored  indi- 
viduals were  admitted.  Members  came  from  many  other  bands. 
They  stated  that,  in  some  of  these  dances,  the  dancers  actually 
became,  for  the  time,  by  transmigration  of  souls,  the  very  ani- 
mals they  worshiped,  and  involuntarily  and  necessarily  they 
imitated  them;  they  acted  not  as  men,  but  as  these  animals,  while 
under  the  spell.  The  bufTalo  and  deer  ate  grass,  panthers,  wolves, 
bears  and  foxes  raced  and  quarreled  over  the  small  annuals  and 
fishes  brought  into  the  enclosure  for  the  purpose,  tearing  them 
with  their  teeth,  and  eating  them  raw.  At  another  time  some 
malignant  spirit,  it  was  supposed,  took  possession  of  the  one  to 

*See  Charles  Leland's  Algonkin  Legends,  Micmac  Indian  Legends,  by  Rev.S.  T.  Rand. 

tSee  Chapter  on  Sky  Worship,  pp.  142-4.     Also  Water  Cult,  p.  231. 

tCatlin  has  als^  described  a  dance  of  the  Mandans  called  the  bear  dance  which  was  in 
reality  a  dramatization  of  a  prayer.  He  says,  "Many  in  the  dance  wore  masks  on  their 
laces  made  ot  the  skins  from  the  bear's  head,  and  all  with  the  motion  of  their  liands  closely 
imitated  the  movements  ot  the  animal,  some  representing  its  motion  in  running,  some  its 
peculiar  attitudes  and  hanging  of  its  paws  when  it  was  sitting  upon  its  hind  part  and  look- 
ing out  tor  the  approach  of  an  enemy."  The  same  was  true  also  of  the  buffalo  dance  for  in 
this  the  dancers  wore  the  head  and  liorns  of  the  buffalo  and  also  imitated  the  motions  of  tlie 
buffalo  when  they  were  hunted.  The  women  in  both  these  ioin  in  a  peculiar  song  to  the 
bear  or  buffalo  spirit  which  must  be  consulted  and  conciliated  before  success  can  be  gained. 
See  Catlin's  Indians,  Vol.  i,  p.  246. 


264  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

be  initiated,  and  he  must  be  exorcised  and  destroyed,  so  the 
dancers,  with  guns  and  bows  and  arrows,  were  ready  to  shoot 
the  evil  spirit  as  soon  as  the  signal  was  given.  Whatever  the 
object  of  worship,  whether  animal  or  bird,  tree  or  stone,  they 
were  always  careful  to  state  that  it  was  not  the  object  itself,  but 
the  Waukau,  the  god  that  was  accustomed  to  haunt  the  object, 
which  they  worshipped.  In  some  cases  the  soul  of  a  departed 
ancestor  had  entered  into  the  animal,  and  they  worshiped  that. 
They  stated  that  the  gods  not  only  haunted  the  animals,  but  in 
an  especial  manner  were  present  in  the  pictographs  and  images 
which  represented  the  animals  and  which  were  used  in  the 
dances.  They  also  spoke  of  particular  localities  in  which  they 
fancied  a  natural  resemblance  to  some  object,  either  animal  or 
other  form,  and  therefore  in  an  especial  sense  the  seat  of  the  god 
or  spirit  of  that  animal.  If  the  god  could  dwell  in  a  little  picto- 
graph.how  much  more  potently  might  he  be  expected  to  present 
himself  in  an  immense  effigy.  In  the  days  of  the  full  .sway  of 
superstition  not  only  the  members  ot  the  Waukau  society,  but  the 
whole  people  were  under  the  domination  of  the  leaders,  ready 
to  do  anything  that  might  be  demanded,  and  all  that  was  neces- 
sary was  for  some  leader  of  the  Waukau  to  command  the  people 
to  build  the  effigies  and  they  were  sure  to  be  erected." 

3.  The  superstition  that  the  divinity  was  transformed  into  various 
objects  in  nature,  making  them  "myth-bearers,"  was  common. 
Many  illustrations  of  this  have  become  familiar  to  the  author 
from  frequent  observation  of  the  effigy  mounds.  It  was  the  cus- 
tom of  the  native  tribes  throughout  the  Mississippi  valley  to  erect 
effigies  of  various  animals,  especially  serpents,  upon  the  cliffs 
and  hill-tops,  with  the  purpose  ot  bringing  out  the  resemblance 
which  had  been  recognized  in  the  shape  of  the  hill.  In  this  way 
the  hill  was  transformed  into  an  animal  effigy  and  it  was  shown 
that  the  spirit  of  the  animal  actually  haunted  the  hill.  This,  how- 
ever, was  the  same  superstition  which  recognized  the  shape  of 
the  animals  in  the  rocks  and  rivers  and  trees,  and  which  affixed 
a  myth  to  these  objects  to  account  for  the  resemblance.  The 
work  of  art  in  the  case  of  the  effigies,  the  rock  mscriptions,  and 
the  standing  stones,  was  only  designed  to  bring  out  the  thought 
the  more  clearly,  but  the  eye  of  superstition  was  always  ready  to 
recognize  the  resemblance.  Various  authors  have  spoken  of  this. 
Col.  Garrick  Mallery  says:  *Tn  many  parts  of  the  United 
States  and  Canada  rocks  and  large  stones  are  found  decorated 
with  paint,  which  were  regarded  as  possessing  supernatural 
power,  yet  not  directly  connected  with  any  special  personage  of 
Indian  mythology.  One  such  was  seen  by  LaSalle's  party  in 
1669  on  the  Detroit  River.  All  the  Indians  of  the  region  be- 
lieved that  the  rock  image  would  give  safety  in  the  passage  of 
the  lake."  He  also  says  that  in  Nova  Scotia  there  is  a  class  of 
incised  figures  illustrating  the  religious   myths   and  folklore  of 


TEA NS FORMA  TION  M  YTHS. 


265 


the  Indian  tribes.  One  of  them  indicates  an  episode  of  an  ad- 
venture of  Glooskap,  the  hero-god  of  the  Abenakis.  The  story 
is  that  the  fox,  who  was  Glooskap's  friend,  through  his  magic 
power  heard  the  song  of  Glooskap  miles  away,  beyond  forests 
and  mountains,  and  came  to  his  rescue.  Another  pictograph 
refers  to  the  story  of  Atosis,  the  snake,  who  appeared  out  of  the 
surface  of  a  lake  as  a  young  hunter,  with  a  large  shining  silver 
plate  on  his  heart,  covered  with  white  brooches  as  thick  as  a  fish 
is  covered  with  scales.  This  snake,  which  had  such  vvonderful 
powers  of  transformation,  married  an  Indian  girl  and  took  her 
to  dwell  with  him  beneath  the  lake.  There  is  a  variation  of  the 
same  story  among  the  Iroquois,  but  this  time  it  is  the  wife  which 
appears  above  the  water.  The  story  runs  that  a  young  hunter 
was  seekmg  for  his  friend  who  had  been  lost.  He  met  eight 
chiefs,  who  wore  white  plumes  on  their  heads  and  who  dwelt  in 
eight  tents  by  the  side  of  the  ^_  __ 
lakes.  These  chiefs  called  up 
the  snake-woman.  The  lake 
boiled,  great  waves  rolled  upon 
the  shore,  and  the  serpent's 
wife  came  out  of  the  water, 
shining  like  silver  and  very 
beautiful,  her  long  hair  hang- 
ing around  her  as  if  it  had 
been  gold.  The  snake  woman 
disappeared,  and  then  the 
chiefs  swept  in  the  form  of  a 
white  cloud  across  the  water.  It  was  the  cloud  in  the  lake  and 
not  in  the  sky.  Thus  the  conception  of  the  natives  transformed 
the  objects  of  nature  into  living  beings,  and  invented  beautiful 
myths  to  account  for  them.  The  pictographs  are  oftentimes 
nothing  more  than  the  mnemonic  reminders  of  the  myths. 

In  West  Virginia  there  are  rock  sculptures  in  which  are  ser- 
pents, death-heads,  animal  figures,  birds,  human  hands  and  various 
other  designs,  undoubtedly  designed  to  represent  the  animals 
which  were  subject  tu  the  power  of  the  medicine  man.  These 
inscriptions  are  on  the  walls  of  a  shelter  cave,  which  was  proba- 
bly once  used  as  a  shrine  or  medicine  lodge.  They  show  the 
communion  which  tlie  medicine  men  had  with  the  different 
species  of  animals  and  the  superstition  felt  towards  the  pictures 
or  figures  of  these  animals  wherever  seen.  The  fabulous  crea- 
ture called  the  Piasa,  which  was  seen  by  Marquette  on  the  rocks 
near  Alton,  Ilhnois;  was  another  of  these  myth-bearers,  which 
embodied  in  themselves  the  element  of  transformation,  the  very 
grotesqueness  of  the  figure  and  the  variety  of  its  parts,  the  horns 
of  the  deer,  the  head  of  the  tiger,  the  scales  of  the  fish,  the  feet 
of  the  panther,  the  tail  of  the  wildcat,  showing  the  shapes  which 
this  Caliban  might  assume.     Many  such  creatures  may  be  seen 


^""^Ml^  ,^. 


Pig.  9 -Figures  in  a  Cuce  in  West  Virginia. 


266  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

upon  the  rocks,  but  the)'  only  perpetuate  the  myths  which  have 
prevailed.  The  Dakotas  were  remarkable  for  their  manner  of 
representing  their  divinities  under  animal  forms.  They  picture 
the  ancestors  of  the  Hanga  as  a  giant  buffalo  moving  under  the 
water.  They  also  picture  the  chief  god  as  a  thunder  bird  resting 
on  the  rocks.  The  anti-natural  god  they  picture  as  a  man  car- 
rying a  bow  in  his  hands.  Mrs.  Eastman  has  given  a  drawing 
of  this.  In  this  the  giant  is  seen  using  the  frog  lor  an  arrow 
point.  He  is  surrounded  with  lightnings.  He  has  different 
animals,  the  bear,  deer,  elk,  buffalo;  also  meteors.  His  court, 
or  house,  is  ornamented  with  down.  He  has  a  whistle  and  rattle, 
bow  and  arrow,  and  other  objects  in  his  hands. 

There  are  many  other  illustrations  of  this  peculiar  superstition 
that  the  spirit  of  the  Divinity  was  transferred  to  the  images  which 
are  presented  in  the  different  localities.  This  superstition  was 
not  confined  to  the  figures  of  animals,  but  was  also  attached  to 
every  object  which  resembled  the  human  form,  and  was  espe- 
cially strong  toward  those  objects  which  contained  the  human 
and  the  animal  semblance  in  combination.  This  will  explain 
the  existence  of  the  idol  called  the  bear  idol.  In  this  the  bear's 
head  and  skin  covers  the  human  face  and  form,  but  the  mask 
in  the  shape  of  the  human  face  hanging  in  front  is  a  peculiar 
sign  of  the  transformation  process.*  It  also  explains  the  meaning 
of  the  various  figures  of  birds,  with  human  heads  and  animal 
claws,  which  are  so  common  on  the  northwest  coast,  as  well  as 
those  remarkable  idols  in  Guatemala,  in  which  human  forms  are 
covered  with  massive  and  gigantic  tigers. 

In  fact,  it  is  to  this  idea  of  transformation  which  explains 
nearly  all  the  nondescript  creatures  which  have  been  seen  in  the 
various  parts  of  the  continent,  and  which  makes  them  so  sug- 
gestive and  significant  of  the  divinities  which  were  worshiped. 

Schoolcraft,  Catlin  and  others  have  spoken  of  the  animal 
figures  which  are  depicted  in  the  Mida  songs  and  charts,  to  which 
peculiar  significance  was  given.  They  have  also  described  the 
transformation,  which  was  supposed  to  take  place  in  the  various 
dances  and  dramatizations.  But  it  is  to  later  writers,  such  as 
Mr.  Walter  Fewkes,  Mr.  Frank  Gushing,  and  Drs.  Brinton  and 
Mathews,  that  we  are  indebted  for  a  knowledge  of  the  deeper 
significance  which  was  given  to  many  of  them,  and  especially  to 
the  occultic  and  divinatory  power. 

There  were  several  classes  of  animal  figures  in  which  the 
transformation  element  was  contained,  some  of  them  being 
totemic,  others  mythologic,  others  fetichistic,  others  occultic  or 
divinatory,  and  still  others  largely  anthropomorphic.  The  class 
to  which  they  belonged  is  made  known  by  the  preponderance  of 
one   or  another  element,  the  totemic  prevailing  mainly  in  the 

•See  Chapter  on  Personal  Divinities,  p.  383,  304,  Fig.  2,  Bear  idol. 


TRANSFORMATION  MYTHS  267 

hunter  tribes  of  the  ease,  the  mytholocric  among  the  fishing  tribes 
of  the  northwest  coast,  the  fetichistic  among  the  village  tribes  of 
the  interior,  the  anthropomorphic  among  the  civilized  tribes  of 
the  southwest,  and  the  divinatory  especially  among  the  ancient 
Maya  race.  Different  classes  are  iound  in  each  locality,  but  one 
class  predominates  in  one  region  and  another  in  another,  so  that 
we  are  never  at  a  loss  to  decide  as  to  the  form  which  the  myth- 
ology has  assumed,  or  to  understand  the  peculiar  significance 
which  the  figures  may  possess. 

We  have  given  charts  and  cuts  taken  from,  the  works  of 
various  authors  to  illustrate  these  different  symbols,  but  have  not 
undertaken  to  describe  them  all.  Yet  the  reader  can  easily  dis- 
tinguish between  them  and  readily  recognize  the  peculiarities 
of  each  cult  from  the  various  representations  of  it  which  are  thus 
offered,  the  totemic  always  being  the  simpler  figure,  but  the 
mythologic  and  occultic  being  the  more  complicated  and  con- 
ventional. 

4.  The  transformation  of  the  nature  powers  into  birds  and  of 
birds  into  human  beings,  who  were  warriors  and  heroes,  was 
also  common.  There  was  a  reason  for  using  the  bird  as  a  sym- 
bol of  the  nature  powers  and  for  making  it  a  myth-bearer,  for 
it  was  very  suggestive  in  its  habits  and  shape  of  the  sky  divini- 
ties, and  so  was  likely  to  be  taken  as  a  representative  of  the 
thunder-cloud,  and  the  personal  divinity  who  made  the  thunder. 
Various  authors  have  noticed  this. 

Dr.  Brinton  says:  "Beyond  all  others,  two  subdivisions  of 
the  animal  kingdom  have  so  riveted  the  attention  of  men  by  their 
unusual  powers,  and  enter  so  frequently  into  the  myths  of  every 
nation  of  the  globe,  that  a  right  understanding  of  their  symbolic 
value  is  an  essential  preliminary  to  a  discussion  of  the  divine 
legends.  These  are  the  bird  and  the  serpent.  We  shall  not  go 
amiss  if  we  seek  the  reasons  for  their  pre-eminence  in  the  facility 
with  which  their  peculiarities  offered  sensuous  images  under 
which  to  carry  the  idea  of  divinity,  ever  present  in  the  soul  of 
man,  ever  striving  at  articulate  expression.  The  bird  has  the 
incomprehensible  power  of  flight,  it  floats  in  the  atmosphere,  it 
rides  on  the  winds,  it  soars  toward  heaven,  where  dwell  the  gods ; 
its  plumage  is  stained  with  the  hues  of  the  rainbow  and  the  sun- 
set; its  song  was  man's  first  hint  of  music;  it  spurns  the  clods 
that  impede  his  footsteps  and  flies  proudly  over  the  mountains 
and  moors  where  he  toils  wearily  along.  He  sees  no  more 
enviable  creation;  he  conceives  the  gods  and  angels  must  also 
have  wings,  and  pleases  himself  with  the  fancy  that  he,  too,  some 
day  will  shake  oft  this  coil  of  clay  and  rise  on  pinions  to  the 
heavenly  mansions.  All  living  beings,  say  the  Eskimos,  have 
the  faculty  of  the  soul,  but  especially  birds.  As  messengers 
from  the  upper  world  and  interpreters  of  its  decrees,  the  flight 
and  the  note  of  the  birds  have  ever  been  anxiously  observed  as 


268 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


omens  of  grave  import.  In  Peru  and  in  Mexico  there  was  a 
College  of  Augurs,  corresponding  in  purpose  to  the  horuspices 
ot  ancient  Rome,  who  practiced  no  other  means  of  divination 
than  watching  the  course  and  professing  to  interpret  the  songs 
of  fowls." 

"But  the  usual  meaning  of  the  bird  as  a  symbol  looks  to  a 
different  analogy  to  that  which  appears  in  such  familiar  expres- 
sions as  'the  wings  of  the  wind,'  'the  flying  clouds.'  Like  the 
wind,  the  bird  sweeps  through  the  aerial  spaces,  sings  in  the 
forests,  and  rustles  on  its  course;  like  the  cloud,  it  floats  in  mid- 
air and  casts  its  shadow  on  the  earth;  like  the  lightning,  it  darts 
from  heaven  to  earth  to  strike  its  unsuspecting  prey.  Therefore 
the  Algonkins  say  that  birds  always  make  the  winds,  that  they 

create  the  water-spouts, 
and  that  the  clouds  are 
the  spreading  and  agita- 
tion of  their  wings;  the 
Navajoes,  that  at  each 
cardinal  point  stands  a 
white  swan,  who  is  the 
spirit  ot  the  blasts  which 
blow  from  its  dwelhng; 
and  the  Dakotas,  that  in 
the  west  is  the  house  of 
Wakinyan,  the  Flyers, 
the  breezes  that  send  the 
storms." 

"As    the    symbol    of 
these  august  powers,  as 

mg.lO.-FujhHng  Figures  from  the  Mounds.         ^^^     meSSengerS     of     the 

gods,  and  as  the  embodiment  of  departed  spirits,  no  one  will  be 
surprised  if  they  find  the  bird  figure  most  prominently  in  the 
myths  of  the  red  race.  Sometimes  some  particular  species  seem 
to  have  been  chosen  as  most  befitting  those  dignified  attitudes. 
The  great  American  eagle  is  the  bird  beyond  all  others  which  is 
chosen  to  typify  supreme  control.  Its  feathers  composed  the 
war  flag  of  the  Creeks,  and  its  images  carved  in  wood,  or  its 
stuffed  skin  surmounted  their  council  lodges.  None  but  an 
approved  warrior  dare  wear  it  among  the  Cherokees,  and  the 
Dakotas  allowed  such  an  honor  only  to  him  who  had  first  touched 
the  corpse  of  the  common  foe.  The  Natchez  and  Arkansas  seem 
to  hdve  paid  it  even  religious  honors,  and  to  have  installed  it  in 
their  most  sacred  shrines;  and  very  clearly  it  was  not  so  much 
for  ornament  as  for  a  mark  of  dignity  and  a  recognized  sign  of 
worth  that  its  plumes  were  so  highly  praised."* 

These  remarks  are  very  suggestive,  and  yet  much  more  might 


*See  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  105. 


TRANSFORMAllON  MYTHS. 


269 


be  said  about  the  bird  as  a  "myth-bearer."     It  would  seem  that 
the  aborigines  were   all   very  imaginative   in  their  worship,  and 
that  they  looked  upon  the  powers  of  nature  as  if  they  vyere  full 
of  the  activities  of  the  supernatural  beings,  and  so  represented 
them  under  the  figures  of  birds  and  other  active  creatures  of  the 
sky.      There  is  no  class  of   myths   which   is    more    expressive 
than  the  one  which  has  regard  to  the  bird,  and  none  more  widely 
distributed  than  this.     The  figure  of  the  bird  is,  in  fact,  conven- 
tionalized and  made  to  serve  as  a  symbol  in  every  part  of  the 
land — being  drawn  in  the  pictographs  of  the  wild  tribes  of  the 
north,  inscribed  upon  the  tablets  and  gorgets   of  the    Mound- 
builders,  painted   upon   the  shields  and  ornaments  of  the  Cliff- 
dwellers,  carved  into  the  stucco  tablets  of  the  civilized  races  and 
placed  within  their  shrines  as  an  object  of  adoration,  and  yet 
it  always  signifies  the  same  thing,  namely,  the  transformation  of 
the  sky  god  into  a  personality  which  has 
assumed  the  bird-like    shape.     Illustra- 
tions  of  this   are   abundant,  in  fact,  too 
numerous  to  even  mention,  so  we  select 
from  widely  scattered  regions.     Amone^ 
the  Alaskans  the  thunder  is  caused  b\ 
an  immense  bird,  whose  size  darkens  the 
heavens,  whose  body  is  a  thunder-cloud, 
the  flapping  of  whose  wings  causes  tht 
thunder,  and  the  bolts  ot  fire  which  ii 
sends  out  of  its  mouth  are  the  lightning 
Rev.  r.i.  Eells  says:  "The  Twanas  and 
some  other  northwest  tribes   invest  thr 
animal  with  a  two  fold  character,  human 
and  bird-like.     According  to  them  the 
being  is  supposed  to  be  a  gigantic  Indian 
named  in  the  dialects  of  the  various  coast  tribes,  Klamaths,  Thlin- 
keets  and  Tinnehs.     He  lives  in  the  highest  mountains,  and  his 
food  consists  of  whales.     When  he  wants  food  he  puts  on  a  great 
garment  which  is   made   of  a  bird's  head,  a  pair  of  very   large 
wings,  and  a  feather  covering  his  body,  and  around  his  waist  he 
has  the  lightning  fish,  which   slightly  resembles  the   sea  horse. 
The  animal  has  a  head  as  sharp  as  a  knife,  and  a  red  tongue, 
v/hich  makes  the  fire.     He  then  flies  forth,  and  when  he  sees  a 
whale  he  darts  the  lightning  fish   into  its  body,  which   he  then 
seizes  and  carries  to  his  home.     Occasionally,  however,  he  strikes 
a  tree,  and  more  seldom  a  man. 

The  same  thought  of  the  thunder-bird  prevails  among  the 
eastern  tribes.  According  to  Mr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes.  there  were, 
among  the  Passamaquoddies,  men  who  were  able  to  pass  through 
the  rocks.  They  went  to  their  wigwams  and  put  on  wings  and 
took  their  bows  and  arrows  and  flew  over  the  mountains  to  the 
south.     They  could  not  get  home  because  the  bird  Woocliowsen 


i 

t 

^V^f^ 

V 

^V.^ac^ 

Fig.  11.— Wasco  and  Yetl. 


270  NA  Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

blew  so  hard  that  they  could  make  no  progress  against  it.  This 
bird  was  the  north  wind,  which  Glooskap  was  said  to  have  caught 
and  tied.  Thus  the  thunder-bird  was  here  an  Indian,  as  in  the 
northwest  coast.  The  lightning  from  him  never  strikes  one  of 
his  kind.*  The  legend  of  the  "thunderers"  prevailed  among  the 
Hurons.  The  story  is  that  a  youth  in  the  forest  heard  a  murmur 
of  voices  behind  him.  He  turned  and  saw  three  men  clad  in 
strange,  cloud-like  garments.  "Who  are  you?"  he  asked.  They 
told  him  that  they  were  the  thunder,  their  mission  was  to  keep  the 
earth,  in  order  to  bring  rain,  destroy  serpents.  The  great  deity, 
Hamen  diju,  had  given  them  authority  to  watch  over  the  people 
to  see  that  no  harm  came  to  them.  They  gave  him  a  dress  like 
that  which  they  wore,  a  cloud-like  robe,  having  wings  on  the 
shoulders,  and  told  him  how  they  were  to  be  moved.  They  said, 
we  will  leave  the  cloud  dress  with  you.  Every  spring,  when  we 
return,  you  can  put  it  on  and  fly  with  us  to  be  witness  to  what 
we  do  for  the  good  of  man.  In  the  spring  the  thunderers  returned 
and  he  took  the  robe  and  flew  with  them  in  the  clouds  over  the 
earth.  This  young  man  learned  from  his  divine  friends  the 
secret,  which  he  communicated  to  two  persons  in  each  tribe. 
From  him  came  the  power  of  making  rain,  which  was  trans- 
mitted.t 

The  Pawnees  hold  that  Tirawa  is  the  great  creator,  who  lives 
up  in  the  sky.  Attius  lives  upon  the  earth.  The  wild  animals 
are  the  servants  of  Attius.  They  are  called  Nahumac.  They 
personify  the  various  attributes  of  Attius,  but  have  the  power  of 
changing  from  an  animal's  shape  to  that  of  man.  The  black 
and  the  white-headed  eagle  and  the  buzzard  are  the  messengers 
of  this  Attius.  The  four  cardinal  points  were  respected  by  the 
Pawnees,  and  so  they  blow  four  smokes — first  to  Attius,  then 
to  the  earth,  and  last  of  all  to  the  cardinal  points.  They  sacrifice 
to  the  thunderer  in  the  spring-time  J 

Among  the  Omahas  there  was  a  society  which  had  a  peculiar 
regalia.  They  cut  their  hair  so  as  to  make  it  resemble  the  crow 
and  trimmed  it  with  crow-feathers;  they  blackened  their  faces, 
and  on  their  backs  had  white  spots,  to  make  them  emblematic 
ot  the  thunder-clouds  and  their  destructive  power  in  their  advance 
over  the  heavens.  Even  so  the  warrior,  as  he  approaches  his 
enemy,  deals  his  death-darts. 

The  thunder  bird  among  the  Klamath  Indians  is  the  raven, 
but  it  was  able  to  transform  itself  into  many  other  animals. 
Gatschet  says,  the  earth  (Kaila)  is  regarded  as  a  mysterious 
shadowy  power,  who  deals  out  gifts  to  her  children.  Her  eyes 
are  lakes  and  ponds  scattered  over  the  green  surface,  her  breasts 


*l   Walter  Fevvkes'  Journal  of  American  Folk  Lore.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  ii.  p.  257. 
tAn  interesting  engraving  by  Catlin  pictures  the  rain-maker  standing  upon  the  tent, 
bow  in  hand,  and  shooting  into  the  clouds. 

See  Horatio  Hale,  Journal  of  American  Folklore,  Vol.  IV,  No.  15.  p.  289. 
$See  Journal  of  American  Folklore,  Vol.  VI,  No.  21. 


TRA NSFORifA  2 10 X  M  YTHS.  271 

the  hills  and  hillocks.  The  rivulets  and  brooks  irrigate  the 
valleys.  Besides  the  earth  there  is  the  genius  of  the  under 
world  (Munatalkni)  and  the  ghosts  which  represent  the  souls  of 
animals  and  spirits  of  mountains,  winds  and  celestial  bodies. 
The  common  belief  is  that  after  death  the  soul  travels  the  path 
of  the  sun  to  the  west,  there  joins  in  the  spirit  land  the  in- 
numerable souls  which  have  gone  that  way  before.  The  shooting 
stars  are  regarded  as  the  spirits  of  the  great  chief  whose  heart 
can  be  seen  going  west,  and  the  polar  lights  are  supposed  to 
represent  the  dance  of  the  dead.  The  prairie  wolf  is  the  animal 
which  represents  the  creator  and  culture  hero  of  all  the  tribes  of 
the  northwest  coast.  His  doleful,  human-like  cries  heard  during 
moonlight  nights  set  him  up  in  the  esteem  of  the  Indians.     He 


Fir/.  12  — Bird,  Sun  and  Human  Figure. 

appears  in  sun  and  moon  stories  as  running  a  race  with  the 
clouds.  He  always  attends  another  person,  his  shadow  going  by 
his  side,  and  so  is  double;  but  the  raven  is  the  chief  subject  of 
their  mythology.* 

The  Moquis  also  have  pictographs  of  a  great  bird  on  the  rocks 
near  their  village.  In  this  pictograph  is  the  symbol  of  the  face 
of  the  sun,  also  the  symbol  of  the  dome  of  the  sky  with  zigzag 
lightning,  four  heads  of  serpents  and  a  frog.  And  another  picto- 
graph of  a  mythologic  bird  with  feathers  like  crest,  eight  small 
circles.  This  is  called  Kiictuqni,  the  war  bird.  The  god  of  the 
earth  among  the  Moquis  is  a  god  of  metamorphosis.  He  is  the 
deity  who  controls  growth. f 

Another  good  representation  of  the  metamorphic  thunder-bird 
is  the  one  which  is  depicted  on  the  shield  of  the  priest  of  the 

♦Journal  of  American  Folk-lore.    \'ol.  5,  No.  17.  p.  13''. 
tAmerican  Anthropologist,  \'ol.  \'.,  No'  i,  p.  16. 


272  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

bow.  In  this  shield  we  find  the  human  form  with  the  wings 
made  from  knife-bladed  feathers.  The  lightning  serpent  beneath 
his  feet,  the  human  rainbow  spanning  like  an  arch  above  his 
head,  a  bear  on  either  side.*  The  conventionalized  terraced  cap 
or  mask  with  the  feathers  crowning  the  turrets  or  peaks  also 
symbolizes  the  clouds  and  the  sky  and  the  thunder  as  does  the 
bird  itself. 

The  thunder  bird  is  also  seen  among  the  symbols  of  the  ancient 
Mayas.  Here  it  is  associated  with  the  cross,  which  is  a  symbol 
of  the  wind,  and  has  many  ornaments  attached  to  it,  the  idea  of 
transformation  being  suggested  by  the  bird  being  headless. 

The  best  illustration  of  the  bird  as  undergoing  transformation 
and  carrying  the  semblance  of  a  human  being  is  the  one  which  was 
seen  by  M.  Habel  sculptured  on  the  stones  in  Cosumala-huapa. 
See  Fig.  12.  Here  the  bird  has  the  flaming  sun  on  his  breast,  a 
human  arm  projecting  from  its  side  with  claws  instead  of  a  hand. 
It  seems  to  be  a  bird  of  the  sky  and  of  the  earth  and  at  the  same 
time  human.  No  explanation  of  this  figure  has  been  given,  yet 
the  probability  is  that  it  symbolized  the  transformation  of  the 
bird  into  the  sun  and  of  the  sun  into  a  human  being,  the  sculptor 
retainmg  all  the  symbols,  as  the  combination  would  the  better 
express  the  thought.  It  was  not  a  mere  fancy  that  led  to  the 
drawing  of  a  mythologic  figure  by  a  native  artist,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  always  controlled  by  a  definite  purpose  and  had 
in  his  mind  the  myth  as  it  was  told.  His  effort  was  to  make 
the  figure  as  graphic  as  possible.  There  came,  at  last,  a  conven- 
tionality in  the  manner  of  representing  a  myth,  and  so  the  figures 
which  are  found  upon  the  various  relics,  such  as  the  shell  gorgets 
and  copper  plates  of  the  Mound-Builders,  the  shields  of  the 
Cliff-dwellers  and  the  sculptures  of  the  civilized  nations,  have 
all  the  force  of  a  sacred  record.  They  show  the  progress  of 
thought  as  well  as  of  artistic  skill,  but  at  the  same  time  show 
that  the  same  religious  conception  ot  transformation  was  retained 
through  all  the  changes. 

5.  The  transformation  of  the  divinity  into  trees  was  another 
superstition  which  prevailed  extensively  among  the  aborigines 
of  America,  specimens  of  the  human  tree  being  found  in  nearly 
all  parts  of  the  country.  We  may  say  that  no  symbol  in  Amer- 
ica is  more  interesting  than  is  this,  and  none  that  more  thor- 
oughly reminds  us  of  the  old  world  stories.  These  all  may  be 
mere  coincidences,  yet  the  analogies  are  certainly  very  striking 
and  the  figures  are  the  more  worthy  of  close  and  candid  study 
on  this  account.  We  would,  therefore,  call  attention  to  the 
different  specimens  of  human  trees.  The  superstition  about  the 
tree  spirit  was  very  common  in  Europe  and  was  frequently  sym- 
bolized by  the  early  inhabitants,  conveying  the   idea  that  there 

*ln  another  figure  we  have  the  eagle  with  his  wings  spread,  two  serpents,  their  heads 
toward  their  wings,  and  a  figure  of  a  bear  above  the  head  of  the  eagle. 


TRANSFORMATION  MYTHS. 


273 


was  the  same  transformation  myth  there  as  here.  The  trans- 
formation myth  also  existed  in  Egypt,  and  was  embodied  in  the 
story  of  Osiris  and  Isis  and  their  various  adventures,  the  spirit 
of  life  hidden  in  nature  being  personified  in  this  way.  We  find 
also  in  Assyria  and  Chaldea  that  the  tree  of  life  or  the  sacred 
grove  was  set  up  in  their  temples,  and  priests  were  represented  as 
presenting  offerings  to  it  as  to  a  divinity.  In  fact,  there  is  no 
land  on  either  continent  where  there  are  not  stories  concerning 
the  tree,  and  very  few  places  where  there  is  not  the  same  con- 
ception that  the  tree  spirit  was  a  divinity  or  a  personal  being. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  tree  and  star  contained  in  the 
Dakota  pictograph  and  its  resemblance  to  the  Scandinavian  tree 
of  life,  Igdrasll.  There  are  relics, 
however,  which  suggest  that  the  hu- 
man spirit  was  transformed  into  a  tree, 
very  much  as  the  spirit  of  Osiris  was 
buried  in  the  pillar  of  the  house  of  the 
king  at  Biblos.  The  Gest  tablet  is  an 
illustration  of  this.  This  is  made  up 
of  a  variety  of  symbols,  among  which 
we  may  recognize  the  face  and  form 
of  a  man,  but  hidden  in  the  semblance 
of  a  tree,  the  branches  of  which  form 
the  legs  and  arms,  the  leaves  form  the 
feet  and  hands,  also  the  hair,  nose 
and  mouth,  circles  form  the  eye,  the 
human  face  looking  out  from  the  net- 
work of  leaves  and  branches  as  it 
sometimes  does  in  the  modern  picture 
puzzle.  It  reminds  us  of  the  sacred 
groves  or  trees  which  were  common 
among  the  Chaldeans  of  the  east. 
Another  tablet  has  also  been  discovered,  which  may  perhaps 
embody  the  same  conception,  but  in  a  modified  form,  for  the 
lines  upon  the  tablet  seem  to  represent  an  animal  head  as  hidden 
among  the  branches  of  the  tree,  instead  of  the  human  face, 
although  the  general  form  of  the  symbol  is  retained. 

These  various  tablets  were  taken  from  the  mounds  in  the 
Ohio  valley,  and  so  suggest  that  the  superstition  about  the  tree 
spirits  prevailed  among  that  mysterious  people.  A  similar  fig- 
ure of  a  tree  containing  a  human  face  is  found  in  the  tablet  of 
the  cross,  at  Palenque,  usually  called  "Malar's  cross."  The  pecu- 
liarity of  this  cross  is  that  its  arms  are  made  up  of  the  long 
leaves  of  corn,  each  of  which,  according  to  the  photograph  taken 
by  Charnay,  contains  a  human  face  hidden  away  among  the 
leaves.  The  standard  of  the  cross  is  made  up  of  a  solid  bar, 
which  supports  on  its  summit  the  consecrational  form  of  the 
thunder-bird,  but  on  the  bar,  at  the  junction  of  the  arms,  there 


Fig,  U.— Human  Tree,  Palenque. 


574 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


is  a  face  with  a  peculiar  bulging  eye,  and  below  the  face  a  neck- 
lace with  a  medallion  suspended  to  it  hangs  against  the  standard.* 
Another  peculiarity  is  that  two  human  figures  clad  in  priestly 
robes  stand  on  either  side  and  present  their  offerings  to  the  bird 
on  its  summit,  exactly  as  they  do  in  the  two  other  tablets  at 
Palenque;  the  same  symbols  also  cover  the  bird  and  the  human 
form.  This  cross  was,  like  all  the  others,  contained  in  a  shrine 
or  temple,  which  was  evidently  devoted  to  the  worship  ot  a  chief 
divinity,  and  may  properly  be  regarded  as  representing  the  god  of 
agriculture  of  the  Mayas.  It  will  be  noticed  that  on  the  facade 
are  two  figures;  on  the  head  of  one  (the  priest)  there  are  leaves, 


Fig.  11,.— Idol  and  Manitou  Face  at  Uxmal. 

cones  and  water  plants,  and  eagle-heads,  and  that  around  his 
waist  and  between  his  legs  a  maxtli,  or  sash,  in  the  form  of  a 
twisted  feather-headed  serpent,  and  that  he  has  the  usual  bulging 
eye,  the  symbol  of  the  god  oi  rain ;  while  the  figure  of  the  warrior 
on  the  other  side,  has  on  his  head  a  crown  of  feathers,  on  which 
are  figures  of  the  stork,  the  frog  and  the  fish;  in  his  hand  a  staff 
made  ol  waving  corn  leaves  or  vines.     The  study  of  these  differ- 


♦Charnay  has  given  a  picture  of  the  cross  which  shows  several  Imman  faces  in  the 
arms  of  the  cross,  thus  making  the  idea  ot  transformation  more  vivid  than  that  given  in  tlie 
engraving  by  Stephens.  Taking  the  three  crosses  at  Palenque,  we  find  in  the  one  the  sym- 
bol of  the  sun-god,  in  the  other  the  symbols  of  the  war-god,  in  this,  the  third,  the  symbols 
of  the  rain-god.  The  face  of  the  sun  looks  out  from  the  center  of  the  Saint  Andrew's 
Cross.  The  war. club  can  be  seen  on  the  ends  of  the  arms  of  the  second,  and  the  forms  of 
vegetation  with  the  human  faces  are  scattered  over  the  third.  Human  figures  accompany 
the  three  crosses  and  the  same  thunder-bird  surmounts  the  last  two. 


TRANSFORMATION  MYTHS. 


275 


ent  figures  in  the  shrines  of  Palcnque,  with  their  symbols,  con- 
vinces us  that  the  nature  powers  were  all  personified,  but  that 
their  activities  were  interchangeable,  the  sun-god,  the  rain-god 
and  the  god  of  agriculture  having  symbols  that  were  similar. 
This  was  common,  however,  among  other  nations,  for  in  the 
Shintoo  religion  the  goddess  of  food  was  also  the  producer  of 


Lnronim  fb^ 


iof^S   fo)    •     •    •       • 


•  •.* 


•  •  •  •  • 


J" Kj.  l^—CVrUsiun  Cfi. 


TllU  TADLKAU  DE3  UAC&a  flESTODED. 


'buls  of  the  Cardinal  Points.* 


trees  and  the  parent  of  grass,  and  in  the  Egyptian  religion  the 
chief  gods,  Isis  and  Osiris,  were  but  the  personifications  of  the 
spirit  of  life,  and  every  part  of  the  story  was  suggestive  of  the 
changes  of  the  seasons. 

*The  identifying  of  the  symbols  with  the  points  of  the  compass  and  with  the  elements 
and  the  seasons  has  been  attempted  by  many  writers,  but  no  two  of  them  agree — as  may  be 
seen  from  the  tables  given  in  the  Third  Annual  Report.  Still,  the  eight  figures  on  the  four 
sides  have  associated  with  them  hieroglyphics  for  the  cardinal  points,  and  symbols  for  the 
elements,  so  that  we  conclude  that  they  represent  the  gods  who  preside  over  the  seasons 
and  the  feasts  which  were  given  to  them.  It  will  be  further  noticed  that  the  hieroglyphics 
for  the  days  of  the  montli,  whether  for  the  thirteen  days  or  for  the  twenty  days,  were 
also  associated  with  the  symbols  made  up  of  the  human  figures,  the  crosses  and  the  flints, 
and  these  were  associated  with  the  tree  on  the  codices,  showing  that  the  tree,  as  well  as  the 
circle  and  the  rectangular  chart,  was  used  as  a  calendar,  and  in  connection  with  the  system 
of  divination.  Charnay's  arrangement  for  the  Mexican  calendar  was  as  follows:  i.  Toch- 
tli — Rabbit,  blue,  earth,  south.  2.  Acatl— Cane,  red,  water,  east.  3.  Tecpatl— Flint,  yel- 
low, air,  north.  4.  Calli — House,  green,  fire,  north.  Still,  Gamelli,  Duran,  Boturini,  'lor- 
quemado,  Orozco  V.  Berra,  Schultz  von  Sellick  all  have  different  arrangements. 


276 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


There  are  many  other  specimens  of  the  human  tree.  Among 
these  we  would  place  the  remarkable  figure  which  is  seen  on 
the  facade  of  the  palace  at  Uxmal.  This  has  baffled  explanation, 
though  it  is  sometimes  called  a  Manitou  face.  See  Fig.  14.  May 
it  not  be  a  combination  of  the  symbol  of  the  sacred  tree  with 
the  human  face — the  eyes  and  nose  and  ears,  all  of  them  blended 
with  the  branches  of  the  tree,  the  idol,  crowned  with  a  nimbus, 
representing  the  divinity,  its  position  in  the  house  showing  that 
it  was  a  household  god.* 


IHg.  10.— Idol  with  Symbols  of  the  Ski/  and  Clouds. 

The  best  illustration  of  the  use  of  the  tree  as  a  symbol  of 
transformation  is  the  one  which  is  found  in  the  codices  of  the 
ancient  Maya  and  Nahua  races.f  These  codices  contain  various 
symbols,  the  cross,  the  bird,  the  serpent,  the  tree,  and  the 
human  figure,  all  of  them  arranged  difTerently  and  having  a 
different  position  or  prominence,  according  as  the  intent  was  to 
emphasize  one  or  the  other  symbol,  the  serpent  being  the  most 
prominent  in  the  Borgian  codex,  the  serpent  and  bird  in  the 


*Descriptions  of  the  palace  have  often  been  given,  but  no  one  has  thus  far  given  any 
interpretation  of  this  symbol,  and  yet  it  corresponds  with  the  many  ornaments  found  on 
the  lacades  of  palaces,  especially  those  which  contain  the  projecting  hook  with  rosettes  on 
either  side,  and  at  the  same  time  corresponds  to  the  trees  and  crosses  and  human  figures 
contained  in  the  codices  of  the  Mayas. 

tWo  have  spoken  of  these  codices  under  the  head  of  the  serpent  and  of  the  cross.  See 
chapter  XII,  p  i,  and  chapter  X. 


TRANSFORMATION  MYTHS. 


277 


MSS.  Troano,  animals  and  birds  in  the  Vatican,  the  circle  in  the 
wheel  ot  Duran,  the  cross  in  the  Palenque  tablets,  and  the  tree 
in  the  shape  of  the  cross,  with  a  human  figure  attached,  being' 
very  prominent  in  the  Cortesian,  the  Vatican  and  the  Fejevary 
codex.  We  begin  with  the  Cortesian  Codex.  Fig.  15.  This 
has  been  explained  by  Rosny,  by  Dr.  Forschammer,  Dr.  Cyrus 
Thomas  and  others,  and  the  following  is  the  analysis  of  the 
different  parts  of  the  chart.  The  picture  presents  four  divisions: 
I.  In  the  middle  of  which  is  a  representation  of  the  symbolic  tree; 
beneath  are  the  figures  of  two  personages  (male  and  female) 
seated  on  the  ground  and  facing  the  Katunes,  among  which  the 
symbol  of  day  is  repeated  three  times.  2.  The 
central  image  is  surrounded  by  a  sort  of  frame 
or  belt,  in  which  are  the  twenty  cyclic  chari'':- 
ters  of  the  day  calendar  (day  symbols).  3.  In 
the  four  compartments,  four  groups,  arranged 
according  to  the  order  of  the  cardinal  points. 
Two  of  these  figures  have  a  flaming  torch,  or 
possibly  an  incense  vase  in  their  hands.  Two 
others  seem  to  be  attending  a  sacrifice  in  which 
a  human  victim  is  offered  on  an  altar;  two  others 
are  seated  in  a  temple  (Calli),  on  which  are  the 
symbols  of  a  cross,  and  ^two  others  are  facing  a 
figure  resembling  a  bound  mummy,  the  signifi- 
cance of  which  is  unknown.  4.  At  the  outside 
of  the  picture  are  the  rows  of  dots  which  run 
along  the  borders,  also  day  characters,  which  are 
grouped  together  at  the  corners,  making,  per- 
haps, a  record  of  the  feasts,  or  a  chart  of  certain 
ceremonies,  or  a  calendar  system  of  the  year  and 
the  days.* 

As  to  the  meaning  of  the  tree  in  these  codices  ^^loicdfyZfoL^^'' 
and  on  the  tablets,  we  may  say  that  it  was  the 
tree  of  life  as  much  to  the  Mayas  and  Nahuas  as  the  ash-tree 
(Igdrasil)  was  to  the  Scandinavians,  or  the  sacred  grove  (Ashur- 
rah)  was  to  the  Babylonians,  or  the  tree  in  the  Garden  of  Eden 
was  to  the  Hebrews.  As  to  its  origin,  there  are  great  differ- 
ences of  opinion,  some  supposing  that  it  was  the  mere  outgrow.th 
of  the  nature  worship  which  prevailed,  and  others  ascribing  it 
to  the  result  of  a  prehistoric  contact  with  the  eastern  continent. 
It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  the  same  symbols  of  the  serpent 
and  the  human  form  are  so  intimately  connected  with  it,  and 
that  the  significance  of  the  tree  should  be  so  similar.    We  are 


*That  the  tree  was  used  as  a  calendar,  as  well  as  the  sun-circle  and  the  serpent  symbol, 
IS  evident  from  examination  of  this  chart,  with  its  various  time  marks  and  day  symbols.  The 
five  hieroglyphics  on  each  of  the  four  sides  denote  the  secular  month  of  twenty  days, 
which  was  divided  into  four  weeks  of  five  days  each.  The  ten  hieroglyphics  in  the  corners 
with  the  dots  denote  the  sacred  lyear,  which  was  made  up  of  twenty  months  of  thirteen 
days  each,  as  there  are  twenty  symbols  denoting  thirteen  davs,  which  equal  260  days.  The 
Fejevary  Cedex  is  arranged  also  in  squares  and  loops,  with  four  trees  in  the  squares,  with 
twenty  hieroglyphics  in  the  corners,  which,  with  the  dots  between,  make  260  as  berore. 


278 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


to  remember  that  there  was  an  extensive  calendar  system  and 
an  ehiborate  system  of  divination  connected  with  the  tree,  as 
with  the  circle  and  other  symbols,  the  system  of  occultism  hav- 
inf^  prevailed  as  well  as  in  the  east,  and  even  a  similar  resort 
to  caves  havin^r  been  common. 

6.  The  transformation  cult  was  also  embodied  in  human  fig- 
ures, especially  those  which  are  in  combination  with  tree  figures. 
In  reference  to  the  human  figures  in  this  chart,  no  explanation 
has  been  given,  yet  some  of  the  old  authors,  such  as  Veytia  and 
Gemelli  and  Gomara,  have  thrown  out  hints  which  help  us  to 
solve  the  problem.  These  authors  speak  of  the  four  symbols, 
the  flint,  Tecpatl;  the  house,  Calli;  the 
rabbit,  Tochtii;  the  reed,  Acatl,  and  say 
these  are  allegories  by  which  they  set  forth 
the  four  elements  which  are  understood  to 
be  the  origin  of  all  things,  the  torch  sym- 
bolizing the  fire;  the  house  the  element  of 
earth;  the  rabbit,  or  mummy  bound,  the 
lir;  the  reed,  water.  It  is  to  be  noted 
hat  most  of  the  old  calendars  were  ar- 
ranged in  squares  or  in  circles  to  represent 
ihe  cycles  of  the  days,  years  and  months, 
and  the  four  divisions  were  the  symbols  of 
the  four  seasons  that  made  up  the  year. 
Having  found  an  analogy  between  the  sea- 
sons and  the  elements,  they  would  carry 
the  similitude  to  the  age  of  fifty-two  years, 
as  well  as  to  the  elements,  making  the  same 
symbols  in  their  combination  represent  the 
divinities,  Tochtii  being  dedicated  to  the 
god  of  fire,  Acatl  to  the  god  of  water, 
Tecpatl  to  the  god  of  air,  and  Calli  to  the 
god  of  earth.  Thus  the  symbol  of  the  tree 
became  the  center  of  a  mass  of  symbolism 
which  was  very  expressive  of  the  events  of 
the  national  history  and  of  the  fundamental 
points  in  their  cosmogony  and  in  their  re- 
ligious systems.  The  same  is  also  true 
of  the  other  codices,  such  as  the  Fejevary 
and  the  Vatican.  In  these  the  tree  is  re- 
peated four  times,  each  time  having  a  differ- 
ent color,  the  blanches  of  the  tree  being  loaded  down  with 
fruits  and  flowers  of  different  colors,  the  trunk  being  grasped  by 
a  human  figure  in  a  novel  attitude. 

Secret  rites  were  celebrated  in  Central  America  which  had 
transformation  as  their  chief  element.  These  were  held  in  cav- 
erns or  subterranean  "temples."  The  intimate  meaning  of  the 
cave  cult  was  the  worship  of  the  earth.  The  cave  god,  the  heart 
of  the  hills,  really  typified  the  earth,  the  soil  from  whose  dark 


Tiuluc,  Haia  God. 


TRANSFORMATION  MYTHS. 


279 


recesses  flow  the  limpid  streams  and  spring  the  tender  shoots  / 
the  full  plants  as  well  as  the  great  trees.  The  cave  god  was  the 
patron  of  the  third  day,  also  lord  of  animals,  the  transformation 
into  which  was  the  test  of  his  power.  Tlaloc,  god  ot  the  moun- 
tains and  the  rains,  was  represented  by  the  symbol  of  a  snake 
doubled  and  twisted  on  itself,  carrying  his 
medicine  bag,  his  robe  marked  with  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  to  show  that  he  was  lord  of 
the  four  winds  and  of  life. 

In  Southern  Mexico  and  Central  America 
the  trees  seen  near  the  villages  are  regard- 
ed as  the  protecting  genius  of  the  town. 
Sacred  trees  were  familiar  to  the  old  Mex- 
ican race.  They  are  said  to  have  represented 
the  gods  of  woods  and  waters.  In  the 
ancient  mythology  the  tree  of  life  is  repre- 
sented by  four  branches,  each  sacred  to  one 
of  the  four  cardinal  points.  The  conven- 
tionalized form  of  this  tree  in  the  Mexican 
Fig.  19 -Tlaloc,  the  Aztec  figurative  paintings  resembles  a  cross. 

^^''"""  In  Alaska,  according  to  Niblack,  the  wind 

spirit,  who  causes  the  changes  in  the  weather,  is  represented  by  a 
figure  which  has  the  ears  of  a  bear  and  the  face  of  a  man.  On  the 
right  and  left  are  the  feet,  which  symbolize  the  long  streaming 
clouds.  Above  are  the  wings,  and  on  each  side  are  the  different 
winds,  each  designated  by  an  eye,  and  by  patches  of  cirrus  clouds. 
The  rain  is  indicated  by  the  tears  which  spring  from  the  eyes  of 
Tkul,  the  wind  spirit.  The  best  illustration  of  these  mythologic 
changes  is  the  one  given  by  the  Haida  myths.  The  story  is  that 
there  was  a  war  between  the  raven  and 
the  thunder-bird.  In  order  to  overcome 
his  enemy,  the  raven  let  all  kinds  of  ani- 
mals go  into  the  whale,  and  they  went 
to  the  land  of  the  thunder-bird.  When 
this  bird  saw  the  whale,  he  sent  out  his 
youngest  son  to  catch  it,  but  he  was  un- 
able to  lift  it.  He  stuck  to  the  gum  that 
was  on  the  whale,  and  the  animals  killed 
him. 

This  same  use  of  the  human  figure  as 
a  symbol  of  the  clouds  and  winds  and 
sky  is  also  illustrated  by  the  idols  which 
are  common  among  the  ancient  Hopi  or 
Moquis.  In  these  the  feather  is  the  ^^^-  "o.-Qneizacoaii,  Air  God 
symbol  of  the  cloud;  the  stripes  on  the  °'^*  ^     "^"*" 

face  and  form  are  the  symbols  of  the  sky;  the  terraced  head- 
dress is  also  a  symbol  of  the  houses  above  the  sky;  the  arches 
are  also  symbols^of  the  arches  of  the  sky.     See  Fig.  17. 


280  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

The  same  conception  is  also  represented  by  the  vase  described 
by  Dr.  Hamy,  Charn^y  and  others,  and  by  the  idol  described 
by  M.Biart  and  several  others.  The  vase  was  found  by  Char- 
nay  at  Tennepanco,  and  the  idol  at  Oazaca,  Mexico,  and  is  now 
in  the  Trocadero  Museum.  Both  represent  Tlaloc,  the  god  of 
rain,  who  was  always  accompanied  by  the  god  of  air.  This 
represents  the  rain  god  as  furnished  with  eyes  in  the  shape  of 
sun  circles;  mouth  lips  and  teeth  in  the  shape  of  wind  circles; 
the  whole  form  containg  the  various  symbols  of  the  nature  pow- 
ers. The?e  two  images  as  well  as  the  figure  on  the  facade  of 
the  palace  illustrate  the  prevalence  of  the  transformation  cult 
among  the  ancient  Mayas.     See  Fig.  19. 

The  use  of  a  winged  human  figure  to  represent  the  "trans- 
formation myth"  is  illustrated  by  the  statue  which  Dr.  Hamy 
has  described  as  standing  upon  the  summit  of  a  pyramid  at 
Uxmal.  This  is  the  statue  of  Queizacoatl,  the  air  god  or  sun 
god  of  the  ancient  Mayas.  He  is  generally  represented  as  a 
white  man,  clothed  in  a  garment  decorated  with  crosses  and 
wearing  a  beard.  Here,  however,  his  garments  as  they  shake  in 
the  wind  appear  like  wings,  but  are  covered  with  crosses,  which 
are  also  symbols  of  the  wind  as  well  as  the  cardinal  points.  At 
his  feet  is  the  figure  of  a  feather-headed  serpent,  also  having  the 
shape  of  a  wing.  See  Fig.  20.  On  his  head  are  the  four  plumes, 
which  also  represent  the  winds.  The  attitude  of  the  god  is  very 
suggestive,  as  is  the  crook  or  stafl"  in  his  hand,  but  the  human 
face  and  form  are  the  most  expressive  of  all,  for  these  show  that 
he  was  a  personal  god  as  well  as  a  representative  of  the  various 
nature  powers. 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN  GOD.  281 


CHAPTER    XII. 
THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN  GOD. 

The  worship  of  rain  as  one  of  the  "nature  powers"  was  very 
prevalent  throughout  the  continent  of  America  in  pre-historic 
times,  and  has  survived  among  certain  tribes  even  to  the  pres- 
ent day.  It  had  its  greatest  development  in  the  arid  regions  of 
the  interior,  and  here  it  still  abounds  in  great  force.  The  sup- 
ply of  rain  was  appreciated  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  but 
here  it  was  so  much  a  necessity  that  the  minds  of  the  people 
were  constantly  exercised  about  it,  and  so  they  made  it  the  one 
element  of  their  religious  ceremonies.  It  is  interesting  to  study 
the  cult  and  see  how  many  methods  of  expressing  the  desire  for 
rain  were  invented,  and  to  notice  the  manner  in  which  the  rain 
was  personified  and  symbolized,  and  how  elaborate  the  cere- 
monies were  which  embodied  this  personification.  It  appears 
that  the  rain-god  was  not  only  personated,  but  that  all  the  oper- 
ations of  the  rain  were  dramatized  and  imitated.  The  other 
nature  powers,  such  as  the  lightning,  the  cloud,  the  colors  of 
the  sky,  the  four  points  of  the  compass,  even  the  sun  and  moon 
and  stars  made  made  subordinate  to  this,  and  yet  by  their  combin- 
ation these  set  off  the  supremacy  of  the  rain  as  a  great  divinity. 

We  propose  therefore  to  take  up  the  various  cerem.onies,  cus- 
toms and  symbols  which  prevailed  among  the  so-called  "sky- 
worshipers"  of  the  interior,  and  especially  those  which  consisted 
in  the  dramatization  of  the  rain.  There  is,  to  be  sure,  a  great 
sameness  to  these  ceremonies  and  customs  as  practiced  by  the 
different  tribes,  yet  the  variety  is  sufficient  to  warrant  a  descrip- 
tion of  each  one  in  turn,  for  the  repetition  is  found  as  significant 
as  the  variation.  The  following  observations  on  the  rites  and 
ceremonies  practiced  by  the  aborigines  and  their  significance  by 
Mr.  William  Wells  Newell  are  valuable:  i.  Tribal,  gentile, 
social,  religious  festivals  or  dances  depend  in  part  on  myths 
which  are  dramatized  in  the  rites.  2.  The  rites  are  performed 
by  secret  societies,  possessing  initiations  in  different  degrees, 
which  constitute  what  may  be  called  mysteries.  3.  Of  the  ritual, 
some  portions  are  intended  to  be  in  public,  while  others  are 
wrapped  in  secrecy.  The  manner  of  the  celebration  as  well  as 
the  significance  of  the  rites  is  only  comprehended  by  the  initi- 
ated persons,  4.  The  dance  is  performed  by  masked  or  cos- 
tumed personages,  who  enact  the  part  of  the  divine  beings  whose 
history  is  recounted  in  the  myths.  5.  The  actor  was  origin- 
ally considered  to  be  identical   with  the  being  represented.     In 


282  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

other  words,  the  god,  in  his  own  person  appeared  on  the  stage 
and  performed  his  own  history,  in  characteristic  representation. 
The  following  also,  from  Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  on  the 
connection  between  mystery  and  ceremony,  has  considerable 
force:  "The  rite-myth  never  explains  all  the  symbolism  em- 
bodied in  the  rite,  though  it  may  account  lor  all  the  important 
acts.  A  primitive  and  underlying  symbolism  which  probably 
existed  previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  rite,  remains  unex- 
plained by  the  myth,  as  though  its  existence  was  taken  as  a 
matter  of  course  and  required  no  explanation.  Some  explana- 
tion of  this  foundation  symbolism  may  be  found  in  the  "creation" 
and  "migration"  myths,  or  in  other  early  legends  of  the  tribe,  but 
something  remains  unexplained  even  by  these.  The  wearing  of 
masks,  however,  seems  to  have  had  but  one  significance.  The 
person  who  wears  the  mask  of  a  god,  and  personates  him,  is,  for 
the  time  being,  actually  that  god.     The  rain  ceremonies  gen- 


Fig.  1.— Medicine  Bowl  with  Rain  Symbol. 

erally  consisted  in  a  dramatization  of  the  rain,  under  the  figure 
of  an  immense  snake,  who  is  supposed  to  represent  the  rain-god 
and  his  efficiency  in  bringing  the  needed  supply  of  water,  as 
•well  as  his  influence  over  the  different  crops.  The  drama,  how- 
ever, combined  the  migration  myth  and  the  creation  myth  with 
the  popular  conception  of  the  source  of  the  rain,  and  these  made 
the  variation  in  the  ceremonies  almost  equal  to  the  myths  which 
•were  embodied  in  them." 

I.  One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  dramas  is  that  which  is 
called  the  "screen  drama,"  as  the  screen  bears  an  important  part 
in  it.  A  description  of  this  ceremony  has  been  given  by  Dr. 
J.  W.  Fewkes.  It  consists  mainly  in  carrying  various  figures 
or  effigies  of  snakes  from  the  village  on  the  mesas  to  a  pool  in 
the  valley  below  and  back  again  to  the  kivas,  thus  making  them 
represent  the  rain  cloud  which  rises  over  the  mountains  and 
drops  its  refreshing  showers  upon  the  mesas. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  ceremony,  the  young  men  brought 
quantities  of  sand  and  placed  it  in  boxes,  moistened  it,  and  planted 
in  the  sand  kernels  of  corn  of  different  colors,  yellow,  blue,  deep 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN- GOD. 


283 


red,  white,  black,  speckled  and  pink.  After  a  few  days  they 
unrolled  the  screen  on  which  were  sun  emblems  and  openings; 
they  then  took  several  serpent  figures  or  effigies,  placed  them 
near  the  fire.  These  serpent  effigies  were  made  with  protruding 
eyes  stuffed  with  seeds,  a  head  made  of  a  gourd,  a  collar  made  of 
corn  husks  and  feathers,  and  a  projecting  horn  on  the  top  of  the 
head.  The  body  was  hollow  and  so  arranged  that  the  arm  of 
the  dancers  could  be  thrust  into  them,  and  so  make  them  move 
about  as  if  they  were  alive.  A  procession  was  formed  in  which 
nineteen  men.  some  with  trumpets,  others  bearing  the  effigies, 
and  others  with  pipes  and  a  slow  match  and  trays  of  sacred 
meal.  These  proceed  down  the  mesa  to  a  pool  where  they  place 
the  effigies  at  the  edge  of  the  water  on  the  east  and  north  sides, 
and  meal  and  feathers  on  the  west  side. 


Fig.  2.— Rain  and  Skg  Symbol. 


Fig.  o.—Zuni  Rainlfxnd  Cloud  Symbol. 


After  various  ceremonies,  such  as  lighting  pipes  and  smoking  a 
few  puffs  to  the  sun,  repeating  prayers  and  trumpeting  to  the 
water,  pouring  water,  dipping  the  serpent's  heads  into  the  edge 
of  the  water,  sprinkling  meal,  they  again  take  up  the  effigies  and 
ascend  the  mesa,  go  down  to  the  kiva  and  thrust  the  struggling 
serpents  through  the  screen  which  has  upon  it  the  sun  symbols, 
making  the  serpent  effigies  dance  to  the  measure  of  a  song  which 
is  sung  by  a  chorus.  As  the  serpents  were  thrust  through  the 
sun  disks  in  the  screen  and  tsacred  meal  was  placed  before  them, 
each  dipped  its  head  as  if  eating  the  meal.  The  life-like  struggle 
of  the  serpent  was  imitated  in  a  surprising  manner. 

Before  the  screens  were  rows  of  sand  cones,  in  which  corn 
plants  were  inserted,  making  them  resemble  rows  in  a  corn  field. 
The  serpents  were  made  to  dance  over  the  cones.  These  repre- 
sented the  rain-god  as  arising  from  the  water,  floating  in  a  cloud 
and  hovering  over  the  corn  fields.  The  dances  which  followed 
carried  out  the  same  thought.  In  these  the  men  called  disk-hurl- 
crs  came  out  from  the  "corn  mound"  kiva  and  the  "oak  mound" 
kiva,  and  distributed  baskets  among  the  spectators.  A  "kiva 
chief"  planted  a  small  spruce  tree  in  the  court  and  suspended 


284  NA  Tl VE  A  MERICA N  SYMBOLISM. 

upon  itr.  boughs  numerous  ornaments, and  at  its  base  blue  "prayer 
plumes."  In  the  screen  the  four  larger  disks  were  called  sun  pic- 
tures and  the  two  small  ones  moon  pictures,*  The  panels  on  the 
upper  part  were  surrounded  with  rainbows  with  lightning  between 
each  panel.  The  snake-like  figures  rising  from  the  clouds  are 
thunder  bolts;  the  birds  surmounting  the  conventional  clouds 
represent  the  water  birds;  two  figures  in  the  center  represent  the 
divinities  called  sky-gods,  or  "the  heart  of  the  sky;"  two  fig- 
ures in  the  outer  panels  represent  the  female  companions  of  these 
sky-gods. 

These  were  symbolic  of  the  rain-god  and  his  power  over  the 
winds,  but  there  were  many  common  articles  used  by  the  Zunis 
which  represented  the  "world-quarters,"  rainbow  and  lightnmg. 
They  sometimes  decorated  garments  with  the  stepped  figure,  sym- 


Fig.  li—Zimi  Praiier-^neal  Bowl, 

bolizing  the  clouds,  sometimes  with  scrolls,  which  symbolized  the 
winds.  These  scrolls  resemble  the  scrolls  and  circles  made  in  the 
sands  of  the  desert  by  the  wind  driving  weed  stalks  or  red 
top  grass  round  and  round,  for  they  believe  these  sand  marks  are 
the  tracks  of  the  whirl-vvind-god.  They  also  decorate  their 
pottery  with  circular  spaces,  which  resemble  the  sun  disk,  and  in 
the  spaces  draw  figures  in  the  form  of  stepped  pyramids  and 
other  curious  designs,  always  careful  to  leave  open  spaces  or  out- 
lets to  each  ornament.  These  "terraces  m  the  sky  horizons  are 
the  mythic"  ancient  sacred  places  of  the  spaces. 

The  stepped  figure  was  perhaps  the  consequence  of  basket 
weaving,  but  became  a  symbol  to  the  superstitious  people.  The 
lifted  line  of  the  mountain  was  a  ladder  to  the  regions  ot  the 
sky-gods,  which  was  heralded  by  the  thunder-god  at  the  rising 
and  the   setting  sun,  and  so  afforded  a  graphic  symbol  of  the 

*  No  representation  of  the  screen  is  given  bu"  the  altar  of  the  Mani-zrau  Society  seen 
in  the  plate  contains  the  same  symbols.    See  plate  taken  from  Dr.  Fewkes'  pamphlet. 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN-GOD.  285 

"sacred  spaces."  The  figure  when  applied  to  the  pottery  by  the 
supple  hand  of  a  Zuni  woman,  was  believed  to  be  endowed  with 
a  spirit  which  bore  the  title  of  "made  being"  for  whose  ingress 
and  exit  the  encircling  lines  were  left  open. 

(i.)  The  ancient  Pueblo  medicine  jar  also  contains  the  symbols 
of  the  sky-gods  and  the  rain,  and  other  nature  powers.  There  are 
circles  and  several  spaces  on  this  jar,  and  in  these  the  "ancient 
place"  of  the  spaces,  A;  the  region  of  the  sky-gods,  B;  the  cloud 
lines  C,  and  the  falling  rain  D.  These  are  combined  and  de- 
picted to  symbolize  the  storm,  which  was  the  object  of  the 
worship  in  the  ceremonials  to  which  the  jar  was  an  appurtenance.* 
See  Figs,  i,  2  and  3. 

(2.)  Another  symbol  representing  the  rain,  storm,  cloud,  and 
lightning  is  very  common  among  the  ancient  Pueblos.  It  is 
woven  into  the  garments  and  painted  upon  the  pottery  and  is 
prominent  in  their  sand  paintings.  It  consists  of  three  arches 
with  a  horizontal  space  below  with  a  zig-zag  arrow  above,  and 
perpendicular  lines  for  the  rain.     See  Fig.  3. 

(3.)  The  Zuni  prayer-meal  bowl  illustrates  this  conception.  The 
bowl  is  the  emblem  of  the  earth, — "our  mother."  (Fig.  4.)  We 
draw  food  and  drink  from  it.  The  rim  of  the  bowl  is  round,  but 
also  terraced,  as  is  the  horizon,  which  is  terraced  with  mountains 
whence  rise  the  clouds.  The  handle  of  the  bowl  is  also  a  symbol 
of  the  rainbow,  as  it  is  arched  over  the  terraces  and  painted  with 
the  rainbow  figure.  The  two  terraces  on  either  side  of  the 
handle  represent  the  "ancient  sacred  spaces."  The  decorations 
cf  the  bowl  are  significant.  As  the  tadpole  frequents  the  pool  in 
spring-time  it  has  been  adopted  as  the  symbol  of  the  spring 
rains;  the  dragon  fly  hovers  over  pools  in  summer,  and  typifies 
the  rains  of  summer;  the  frog  maturing  later  symbolizes  the 
rains  of  the  later  season;  the  feather-headed  serpent  also  typifies 
the  water  and  the  rain.  Sometimes  the  figure  of  the  sacred 
butterfly  replaces  that  of  the  dragon  fly,  which  symbolizes  the 
beneficence  of  summer,  for  the  Zunis  think  that  the  butterflies 
and  birds  bring  the  warm  season  from  the  land  of  everlasting 
summer. 

It  is  a  singular  circumstance  that  a  jar  or  vase  has  been  found 
among  the  mounds  which  contains  a  figure  of  a  plumed  serpent 
which  is  furnished  with  wings,  the  lines  on  the  wings  being  in 
the  form  of  arches  and  those  on  the  body  being  in  the  form  of 
terraces  or  notched  passages,  the  spaces  being  left  open  as  they 
were  on  the  Zuni  pottery.  Was  this  vase  a  specimen  which  was 
brought  by  some  wandering  Zuni  into  the  Mound-builders'  ter- 
ritory, or  was  it  the  product  of  the  Mound-builders'  skill,  mak- 
ing the  ornament  represent  the  ancient  myths  which  were  ex- 
tant?    It  would  seem  as   if  the  figure  represented  the  "water 

*See  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  1882  and  1883,  article  by  Frank  H.  Gush- 
ing, p.  519,  also  Masks,  Heads  and  Faces,  by  Ellen  R.  Emerson,  p.  8. 


286 


NAllVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


divinity"  or  the  "rain  spirit,"  though  it  is  the  only  specimen 
where  the  serpent,  which  was  always  among  the  Mound-builders 
a  water-god,  is  figured  with  wings  and  with  step-lines. 

II.  A  rain  ceremony  occurs  at  the  initiation  of  children.  There 
was  a  tradition  among  the  ancient  Zunis  that  their  ancestors 
migrated  from  a  distant  point,  but  on  their  way  they  were  obliged 
to  cross  a  stream,  and  in  crossing  the  children  fell  into  the  stream 
and  became  transformed  into  frogs,  ducks,  water-spiders,  snakes 
and  butterflies,  and  were  transferred  to  a  kiva  which  was  situ- 
ated under  the  water  in  a  spirit  lake.  After  their  arrival  in  the 
village,  certain  supernatural  messengers  were  sent  to  this  village 
under  the  water,  who  found  that  the  children  were  again  trans- 


Fig.  5.— Butterfly,  Dragonfly  and  Bird  Symbols. 

formed  into  supernatural  beings  and  had  taken  upon  themselves 
the  likeness  of  the  chief  divinities  of  the  Zunis.*  The  children 
were  alter  that  time  worshiped  as  ancestral  gods,  and  were  called 
the  Koko.  They  dwell  in  the  depths  of  the  lake,  where  are 
"waters  of  everlasting  happiness,"  and  are  reached  only  by 
passing  through  the  interior  of  the  mountain  by  a  passageway 
which  has  four  chambers  in  it.  The  Koko  repeat  the  prayers 
for  rain,  making  their  intercessions  to  the  sun,  Ya-totka,  and 
by  them  the  plume-sticks  are  sent  to  the  same  great  god.  The 
offerings  of  plumes  to  the  sun  are  so  numerous  that  at  night  the 
"Sacred  Road"  can  be  seen  filled  with  the  feathers,  for  the  "Soul 
of  the  Plumes"  travels  over  the  road  just  as  the  soul  from  the 
body  travels  from  Zuni  to  the  spirit  lake. 


*The  first  divinities  were  Ko-ye-me-shi.  and  Ko-mo-ket-si.  They  originally  were  a 
brother  and  sister,  but  were  afterward  transformed  into  supernatural  beings  which  dwelt 
upon  the  mountains,  the  youth  into  a  hideous-looking  creature  and  the  maiden  into  a.being 
with  snow-white  hair  (probably  personifications  of  the  black  storm-cloud  and  the  fleecy 
rain-cloud). 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN-GOD.  287 

One  of  the  most  important  characters  in  Zuni  mythology,  is 
called  the  Koklo,  This  divinity  visited  the  spirit  lake,  where 
is  the  home  of  the  Koko,  and  entered  the  kiva  and  viewed  those 
assembled  there,  but  found  that  the  "plumed  serpent,"  whose 
home  is  in  a  hot  spring,  was  not  there.  He  accordingly  sent 
two  of  the  Koko  called  Soo-ti-ki,  for  the  plumed  serpent  Ko-lo- 
wit-si.  They  soon  appeared,  for  they  did  not  travel  upon  the 
earth  but  by  the  underground  waters  that  passed  from  the  spring 
to  the  spirit  lake.  Upon  their  arrival,  the  Kak-lo  (tribal 
divinity)  issued  his  commands,  that  certain  of  the  "children-an- 
cestors," whom  he  designated  as  the  Sa-la-no-bi-ya,  should  go  to 
the  north,  west,  south,  east,  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  to  procure 
cereals  for  the  Zuni,  and  ordered  that  the  serpent  should  carry 
these  with  water  to  the  Zunis.  (Ashisi)  and  tell  them  what  to 
do  with  the  seeds.  He  then  visited  the  Zunis,  instructed  the 
people  regarding  the  children-ancestors  and  told  them  that  the 
boys  must  be  made  members  of  the  Koko  society. 

Such  is  the  myth  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  ceremony  of 
initiation  and  which  explains  the  different  parts  of  it,  but  the 
true  significance  of  the  drama  as  a  personified  account  of  the 
rain  god  is  better  shown  by  the  ceremony  itself,  for  in  these  the 
actors  both  personate  the  gods  and  the  operations  of  nature  in 
the  process  of  rain  making.  The  first  actor  is  the  representative 
of  the  chief  god,  Koklo,  who  is  the  heralder  of  the  coming  of 
the  plumed  serpent.  Ko-lo-zvit-si,  and  may  be  regarded  as  the 
personification  of  the  wind  or  cloud  that  advances  before  a  rain 
storm.  He  arrives  at  the  village  and  divides  his  time  between 
the  kivas  which  represent  the  cardinal  points,  the  zenith  and  the 
nadir,  and  gives  the  history  of  the  Koko  and  the  gathering  of 
the  cereals  of  the  earth.  The  next  actors  who  arrive  upon  the 
scene  are  the  impersonators  of  the  Koko,  "child  ancestors,"  who 
prepare  plume-sticks  and  get  ready  for  the  initiation.  After 
them  ten  men  who  personate  the  rain  clouds,  KoyeviesJii,  on  the 
mountains,  pass  through  the  village  and  inquire  for  the  boys 
who  are  to  be  initiated.  The  Sa-la-ino-bi-ya  of  the  north,  west, 
south,  east,  heavens  and  earth,  and  a  number  of  younger  brothers, 
who  are  the  personators  of  the  cardinal  points  and  the  bearers  of 
the  plumed  serpent  or  rain  cloud,  also  appear  on  the  occasion. 
They  wear  masks  of  different  colors.  Those  from  the  north, 
yellow;  from  the  west,  blue;  from  the  south,  red;  from  the  east, 
white;  earth,  black;  the  heavens,  all  colors.*  These  take  the 
plumed  serpent,  which  is  the  emblem  of  the  rain  cloud,  and  is 
accordingly  (as  stated  below)  painted  black  above  and  with 
white  stars  below,  to  the  "kiva  of  the  earth,"  and  here  leave  the 
image.     This  kiva  is  already  decorated  with  two  serpents  which 

♦The  following  is  a  description  of  Ko-lo-wit-si.  The  serpent  is  made  of  hide,  his 
abdomen  is  painted  white,  his  back  black,  and  is  covered  with  white  stars,  the  tail  end  of 
which  is  held  by  the  priest,  who  constantly  blows  through  a  large  shell,  making  the  sound 
which  represents  the  sea  monster. 


288  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

extend  around  the  inner  wall  ot  the  room.  At  sunrise  the  actors 
o-o  to  this  kiva  and  present  to  the  image,  whose  head  is  seen 
projecting  through  an  opening  in  a  side  wall,  the  plumed  sticks, 
which  symbolize  their  prayers,  and  ears  of  corn,  which  symbolize 
the  objects  which  they  want  blessed. 

The  ceremonies  for  the  initiation  of  the  children  follow  this. 
These  consist,  for  the  most  part,  in  pouring  water  through  the 
body  of  the  serpent  into  sacred  bowls,  and  afterward  pouring 
different  kinds  of  grain  and  seed  into  the  blankets,  which  are 
held  before  its  mouth.  Another  part  of  the  ceremony  is  that 
which  has  regard  to  the  sacredness  of  fire  as  well  as  of  rain.  In 
this  the  representatives  of  the  war  god  sit  near  the  fire  altar, 
which  is  in  the  center  of  the  kiva,  and  feed  the  sacred  flames. 
The  actors,  as  they  enter  the  kiva  from  above,  turn  a  somerset 
over  the  fire,  by  placing  the  head  upon  a  stone  slab,  which 
stands  near  the  fire,  and  throwing  their  feet  from  the  opening  of 
the  kiva  to  the  floor  beyond  the  fire.  They  also  pass  out  of  the 
kiva  by  a  somerset;  placing  the  head  upon  the  slab,  and  so  go  out 
of  the  opening  feet  foremost. 

These  singular  ceremonies  are  kept  alive  by  certain  secret 
societies,  some  of  the  members  personating  the  mountain 
divinities,  Ko-ye-me-slii,  others  personating  the  winds,  who  are 
the  cloud  bearers,  others  personating  the  divinities  of  the  cardi- 
nal points,  still  others  the  thunder-god,  and  the  lightning.  Each 
of  these  societies  has  a  kiva  for  itself,  but  the  kivas  represent  the 
different  houses  of  the  sky  and  have  symbols  which  correspond. 

It  appears  from  this  ceremony  that  the  children  of  the  Zuni 
were  brought  to  the  worship  of  the  rain-god  in  connection  with 
the  other  nature  powers  at  their  very  initiation,  and  that  there  was 
a  supernatural  air  thrown  overall  the  operations  of  the  rain-cloud, 
which  must  have  impressed  them  through  the  remainder  of  their 
life.  It  would  be  impossible  for  a  child  to  pass  through  this 
scene,  in  which  the  chief  members  of  the  tribe  were  the  actors, 
and  in  which  his  own  relatives  and  godfathers  were  engaged, 
without  feeling  that  it  was  the  most  sacred  event  in  his  life,  and 
yet  the  whole  interest  was  concentrated  upon  the  part  which 
the  rain-god  had  in  the  sacred  drama. 

III.  The  "solstitial"  ceremonials  of  the  Zunis  also  represent 
the  worship  of  the  rain- god  and  dramatize  the  effect  of  the  rain 
upon  the  corn  crop.  These  have  been  described  by  Dr.  J.  W. 
Fewkes.  He  says:  Both  solstices  are  marked  epochs  in  the 
Zuni  calendar  and  are  celebrated  by  appropriate  ceremonials. 
The  sun.  at  the  approach  of  the  summer  solstice,  is  watched  with 
care  by  the  priest  of  the  sun,  who  determines  the  time  by  notic- 
ing the  light  shining  at  sunrise  through  a  depression  in  the 
mountains  called  "the  gate  of  Zuni,"  across  the  gnomon  or 
sun-post,  which  projects  a  few  feet  above  the  soil  on  the  plain  of 
Zuni.  and  then  announces  the  time  for  the  rain  dances  to  begin. 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN- GOD.  289 

The  first  of  the  solstitial  rain  dances  is  the  most  important,  but 
it  is  preceded  by  a  singular  ceremony,  which  is  probably  designed 
to  imitate  the  effect  of  the  pouring  rain,  but  is  really  a  burlesque 
rather  than  a  serious  ceremony.  It  is  called  "the  ducking  of  the 
clowns."  The  clowns  are  persons  who  wear  peculiar  mud-head 
masks  and  who  march  single  file  under  the  walls  of  the  pueblos. 
While  they  march  the  women  and  girls  stand  on  the  roof  of  the 
pueblo  with  jars  full  of  water  and  pour  it  upon  their  heads,  thus 
completely  drenching  them. 

There  seem  to  have  been  three  classes  of  dancers  and  three 
kinds  of  dances.  The  most  important  were  the  Koko,  who 
were  the  intercessors  for  rain.  These  wore  masks  with  heavy 
beards  of  horse-hair  and  carried  turtles  that  were  said  to  have 
been  gathered  at  the  sacred  lake.  They  were  painted  with  zig- 
zag markings  said  to  be  rain  symbols,  and  had  upon  their  legs 
rattles  made  of  small  hoofs  and  turtle  shells.  Some  of  them  had 
helmets,  on  which  were  figures  of  the  sun  and  crescents  and 
other  symbolic  devices.  These  represent  the  beings  called  Koko^ 
who  are  supposed  to  live  in  some  far  away  region.  They 
approach  the  village  a  little  after  sundown  and  repair  to  one  of 
the  kivas;  the  squaws  file  up  the  street  with  bowls  full  of  food 
and  present  it  at  the  skylight  of  the  kiva  to  the  hungry  Koko 
below.  A  boy  who  personified  the  god  of  fire  accompanied  the 
procession.  Over  his  shoulder  he  carried  a  quiver  and  in  his 
•hand  a  fiery  wand.  His  breast  was  ornamented  with  shell  neck- 
laces; he  moved  the  fire  wand  back  and  forth  as  if  it  were  incense. 

Another  dance  is  named  from  those  who  bear  tablets  with  three 
upright  projections,  each  ornamented  with  a  feather  and  gaudily 
painted  with  figures  in  the  form  of  crescents  and  bird^.  Their 
heads  were  wholly  covered  with  cedar  boughs;  around  the  neck 
were  strings  of  shells  made  of  turquoise  and  coral.  These  tablets 
were  all  of  them  symbolic  of  the  rain-cloud  and  the  lightning.* 

The  ceremonials  for  rain  are  continued  during  the  month  of 
August  and  culminate  in  a  corn  dance,  as  the  corn  is  now  ripening. 
It  is  followed  by  a  very  ancient  dance  called  0-to-na-wey.  In 
this  Ko-ye-jne-shi  (ancient  builders)  appear  as  clowns  carrying  a 
great  abundance  of  cedar  boughs.  The  final  ceremony  was  a 
procession  of  the  priests  of  the  bow,  who  visited  the  shrines  and 
placed  prayer  plumes  in  them.  Here  then  we  have  the  rain 
ceremonies  in  which  the  sun  at  the  solstices,  according  to  the 
calendar,  and  the  zig-zag  lightnings,  the  fire,  various  animals  and 
birds,  objects  of  nature,  cedar  boughs  and  shells  were  personated, 
all  nature  being  drawn  upon;  but  the  efifect  of  the  rain  was  a 
special  object  of  the  dramatization. 

IV.  The  snake  dance  is  the  most  remarkable  of  all  the  rain 
ceremonies.     This  dance  has  been  often  described  and  its  ghastly 

♦See  Plate.  A  description  of  tliese  tablets  will  be  found  in  tfie  note  at  the  end  of  this 
c  hapter. 


290  NA  Tl  VE  A MERICAN  S YMBOLISM. 

scenes  depicted,  but  its  significance  is  poorly  understood.  It 
was,  however,  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  rain  ceremony  and 
differed  from  all  others  only  in  that  live  snakes  were  used  instead 
of  snake  effigies.  One  ceremony  was  practiced  by  the  Moquis  or 
Hopis  at  their  village  by  the  particular  organizations  which  exist 
there. 

The  following  is  a  description  given  by  Mrs.  Matilda  C.  Steven- 
son: The  "snake  dance"  is  introduced  by  the  male  members 
going  to  the  different  points  of  the  compass  for  six  days  gather- 
ing snakes  and  depositing  them  in  four  vases.  On  the  fifth  day 
a  sand  painting  is  made  on  the  floor  of  the  kiva;  fetiches  of  the 
cougar  and  bear  are  placed  near  it;  the  snakes  are  deposited  on 
it  and  are  kept  there  by  the  novitiates,  who  use  wands  made  of 
eagle  plumes.  The  Indians  declare  that  the  eagle  possesses  the 
power  to  charm  the  snakes  by  flying  about  him  and  gently 
caressing  him  with  his  wings.  The  out-door  ceremony  begins 
with  the  process  of  placing  the  live  snake  in  the  mouth  of  the 
novitiate.  This  is  done  by  the  chosen  father,  who  grasps  the 
snake  and  places  it  before  the  face  of  the  novitiate  and  prays 
while  he  inhales  the  breath  of  the  snake.  After  the  snake  is  put 
in  his  mouth  the  novitiate  dances  while  an  attendant  caresses  the 
serpent  with  the  eagle  plumes.  It  is  the  ambition  of  the  men  to 
prove  their  skill  in  the  handling  of  the  snakes,  for  by  this  means 
they  become  the  greatest  jugglers  and  arise  in  the  order.  This 
ceremony  is  repeated  four  days  in  succession.  Afterward  an  all 
night  ceremonial  occurs  in  the  kiva  for  a  final  initiation  of  the 
young  men — when  their  power  of  endurance  is  taxed  to  the 
extreme. 

The  legend  of  this  people  is  interesting,  but  is  too  long  to 
give  complete.  In  the  legend  the  voyage  of  a  young  man,  a  son 
of  the  high  shaman,  is  described,  and  his  visit  to  the  house  of 
the  spider  woman.  He  passes  fuur  sentinels,  equidistant  from 
one  another,  each  a  huge  serpent,  who  held  his  head  erect  and 
hissed  at  the  youth.  He  enters  into  a  rocky  cavern,  where  are 
many  young  men  and  maidens  dressed  in  white  blankets.  He 
is  led  to  the  house  of  the  "mother  of  the  sun"  by  the  spider 
woman,  who  lives  under  the  great  waters.  He  separated  the 
great  waters  with  his  large  wand,  and  made  a  dry  road  by  which 
he  passed  to  the  house.  Here  he  saw  all  the  plume  offerings  of 
his  people  to  the  sun.  He  was  welcomed  by  the  "mother  of  the 
sun,"  who  told  him  that  the  sun  would  return  presently.  He 
is  startled  by  a  great  noise,  caused  by  the  sun  passing  through 
the  waters  to  his  house.  His  descent  was  through  a  huge  reed. 
Putting  a  foot  on  either  side  of  the  reed,  he  descended  head 
foremost.* 

*The  figure  of  a  person  descending  head  foremost,  with  feet  spread,  is  common  in  the 
codices  of  the  Mayas.  May  not  this  refer  to  the  same  legend,  or  one  similar  to  it,  which 
prevailed  among  this  people? 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN- GOD.  291 

The  spider  woman  said  we  will  go  with  the  sun  to  his  father's 
house  in  the  east,  for  the  mother's  house  was  in  the  west.  They 
in  company  with  the  sun  passed  under  the  earth  and  afterward 
ascended  the  reed  that  penetrates  the  eastern  waters,  and  passed 
over  the  world  and  looked  down  upon  his  people  in  Canon  de 
Chelly,  and  could  read  their  hearts  and  could  tell  the  good  from 
the  bad.  Returning  to  the  earth  the  youth  visited  the  cavern  of 
the  snakes  and  took  for  his  wives  the  two  beautiful  daughters. 
On  reaching  his  father's  house  he  told  him  his  adventures.  His 
father  then  said,  "we  will  have  a  great  feast  to  the  snake  and 
antelope  people  in  sixteen  days."  To  this  feast  they  invited  only 
those  good  in  heart.  The  snake  people  came  in  four  delicate 
showers,  each  shower  bringing  the  people ;  the  showers  were 
however  invisible  to  the  Hopitu.  On  the  eighth  day  the  people 
danced,  holding  green  corn  stalks  in  their  mouth,  but  the  youth 
was  horrified  to  find  that  the  snake  people  had  been  transformed 
into  snakes  and  that  one  of  his  wives  had  also  become  a  snake, 
and  their  children  became  snakes. 

The  legend  of  the  flute  people  differs  trom  that  of  the  snake 
people,  but  it  is  nevertheless  the  "foundation  myth"  for  a  rain 
ceremonial.  It  celebrates  the  migration  of  the  flute  people  and 
their  encounter  with  the  snake  people  and  the  alliance  of  the  two 
people,*  It  runs  as  follows:  Lelanguh  was  the  director  of 
the  flute  people.  The  music  of  his  flute  drives  away  the  winter 
and  brings  the  summer  rains.  He  was  the  director  of  many 
people,  and  his  insignia  of  office  was  the  crook  Pa-a-ya-a,  which 
was  symbolic  of  longevity,  to  which  were  attached  four  rattles 
ornamented  with  fluffy  feathers  of  the  eagle.  The  rattles  were 
used  by  him  when  he  sang  for  rain,  to  water  his  lands.  The 
songs  were  sung  to  the  rain  people  of  the  north,  the  west,  the 
south,  the  east,  the  zenith  and  the  nadir.  The  six  songs  brought 
the  rain,  and  Lelanguh  blew  his  whistle  into  the  water  which 
fell  upon  the  earth,  making  it  bubble,  at  the  same  time  praying 
for  more  rain;  and  the  earth  was  well  watered. 

Then  follows  the  story  of  the  migrations  of  the  flute  people. 
It  appears  that  these  migrations  were  in  obedience  to  the  direc- 
tion of  an  oracle,  which  was  carried  with  the  people  very  much 
as  the  "ark"  was  by  the  Israelites  in  their  wanderings  and  the 
sacred  boat  among  the  Egyptians. f  This  oracle  was  in  the  shape 
of  a  portable  altar  with  a  fetich  of  an  ear  of  corn  before  it.  This 
altar  Lelanguh  erected  upon  his  advent  into  this  world.  The 
corn  was  trimmed  with  eagle  and  parrot  plumes  and  had  bits  of 

♦See  Mrs.  Stevenson's  account;  also  article  by  Mr.  J.  ^^'alter  Fewkes  in  American 
Anthropologist. 

tTliis  carrying  a  sacred  oracle  was  a  common  thing  among  all  the  aboriginal  tribes.  It 
was  not  always  the  same  thing,  but  nevertheless  served  the  same  purpose.  Among  the 
Chippevvas  it  was  the  shell  which  went  before  the  people:  among  the  Dakotas  it  was  tjie 
"sacred  pipe,''  which  was  kept  in  the  pipe-keeper's  tent;  among  the  Pawnees  it  was  the 
"sacred  bundle";  among  the  Choctaws  it  was  the  "leaning  pole";  among  the  Cherokees  it 
was  the  "sacred  box  " 


292  NA  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

abalone  shells  and  beads  of  turquoise  suspended  to  it.  Wherever 
the  people  went  this  oracle  was  set  up.  The  flute  people  came 
at  last  to  the  home  of  the  snake  people  and  had  four  talks  with 
them.  At  last  Lelanguh  told  the  director  of  the  snake  people 
that  he  knew  "the  secret  of  the  rains"  and  could  water  the  land 
for  them.  "Well,"  said  he,  "if  you  can  command  the  rain  people 
and  know  the  secret  of  the  rains  we  will  be  glad  to  have  you 
with  us.  If  you  know  the  secret  you  and  your  people  must  be 
first,  I  and  my  people  second.  If  you,  indeed,  know  the  secret, 
hasten  this  rain  that  our  land  may  be  watered."  "Wait,"  said 
Lelanguh,  "in  eight  days  I  will  return  to  your  village,  and  we 
will  go  into  the  kiva."  At  the  end  of  the  eight  days  the  director, 
Lelanguh,  returned  with  two  young  virgins  and  a  youth,  who 
went  into  the  kiva.  The  virgins  and  the  young  man  were  dressed 
peculiarly,  being  covered  with  symbols  which  showed  them  to 
be  the  personators  of  the  rain  cloud.  The  virgins  wore  white 
blankets  and  the  lower  portion  of  their  faces  was  painted  black, 
a  white  line  across  the  mouth  extending  from  ear  to  ear  bordered 
the  black,  symbolizing  the  rain  cloud;  their  feet  and  hands  were 
colored  black;  their  arms  and  legs  in  zig-zag  of  black,  which 
symbolized  the  lightning.  The  youth  wore  a  white  breech  cloth 
and  eagle  plumes  in  his  hair.  These  remained  in  the  kiva  of 
the  snake  people,  (perhaps  as  personators  of  the  rain  cloud  which 
was  to  come.)  On  the  fifth  day  the  flute  people  feasted  and  sang. 
At  midnight  they  had  sung  four  songs,  when  the  rain  slowly 
approached.  It  came  not  in  showers  from  the  heavens  but  walked 
over  the  earth.     The  waters  were  invisible  to  all  but  Lelanguh. 

The  people  then  painted  their  bodies  and  limbs  white  and  put 
on  white  blankets  and  breech  cloths  and  followed  Lelanguh,  who 
was  accompanied  by  the  "twin  war  heroes"*  and  carried  the  five 
large  wands,  or  prayer  plumes,  and  advanced  to  the  land  of  the 
snake  people.  All  the  men  had  sunflowers  on  their  heads  and 
carried  corn  and  seeds  of  melons,  beans  and  peppers.  As  they 
neared  the  village  the  rain  began  falling  around  the  land  of  the 
snake  people,  but  not  upon  it.  After  the  fourth  song,  the  rain 
began  falling  upon  the  land  of  the  snake  people  and  the  land 
was  well  watered.  The  snake  people  wept  for  joy.  Then  Lelan- 
guh gave  to  the  snake  director  all  the  cereals  that  his  people  had 
brought,  and  he  was  greatly  pleased  and  said,  "You  are  indeed 
my  father;  you  have  brought  us  rain;  you  know  the  secrets  of 
the  rains;  the  land  shall  be  yours."  Songs  were  then  sung,  on 
alternate  years  to  the  west  for  rain,  to  the  south,  the  east,  the 
zenith  and  the  nadir,  and  invocations  were  made  to  the  cougar 
of  the  north,  the  bear  of  the  west,  the  badger  of  the  south,  the 
white  wolf  for  the  east,  the  eagle  for  the  heavens,  the  shrew  for 
the  earth,  to  intercede  for  rain.     Different  colored  corn  was  depos- 


*These  war  gods  are  common  personages  among  all  the  Pueblo  tribes. 


2 HE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  RAIN- GOD. 


293 


ited  and  prayer  plumes  planted  at  the  points  of  the  compass.     The 
plumes  carried  prayers  for  all  things  good. 

Upon  leaving  the  kiva  the  flute  people  saw  their  women 
sitting  on  the  hills  around  the  village.  The  women  wore  white 
blankets  and  the  children  had  white  plumes,  which  were  proba- 
bly the  symbols  of  the  rain-cloud.  In  a  little  while  the  land  was 
abundant  with  melons,  beans  and  other  vegetation,  though  noth- 
ing had  been  planted.  In  this  way  the  snake  people  and  the 
flute  people  became  allied.  The  personating  of  this  myth  in  the 
drama  of  the  flute  society  takes  place  every  year.  In  the  flute 
drama  the  flute  people  and  the  snake  people  both  appear. 

V.  The  "snake  dance,"  which  occurs  at  the  village  of  Walpi, 
is  more  interesting  than  that  which  occurs  at  the  Tusayan  pueblo, 
which  was  just  been  described.  This  is  also  a  rain  ceremonial, 
and  is  pronounced  very  ancient  by  Dr.  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  who 


Mff.  6.— Snake  Kilt. 

says:  "The  reason  for  the  whole  ceremony  lies  far  back  in  the 
past,  but  has  become  more  or  less  obscured  by  the  progress  of 
time."  The  celebration  of  the  snake  dance  lasts  eight  or  nine 
days,  during  which  there  are  various  preparations  for  the  cere- 
mony, the  preparations  being  generally  symbolic  of  the  rain. 
Among  these  we  may  mention:  (i.)  The  making  the  charmed 
liquid.  (2.)  Making  the  sand  mosaic  or  dry  painting  on  the 
floor  of  the  kiva.  (3.)  The  smoking  the  sacred  pipe  and  the 
distribution  of  the  prayer  plumes.  (4.)  The  beginning  of  the 
snake  hunts.  (5.)  The  invocation  to  the  four  world-quarters. 
(6.)  Introduction  of  the  snake  boy  and  snake  girl,  who  were  the 
personators  of  the  rain-cloud.  (7.)  The  snake  race,  which  was  a 
race  through  certain  sand  paintings  which  represented  the  clouds 
and  rains,  of  the  different  cardinal  points.  (8.)  The  washing  of  the 
snakes.  (9.)  The  snake  dance  itself.  In  all  of  these  ceremonies 
the  dress  and  decorations  were  symbolic  of  the  rain-clouds  and 
of  the  falling  rain. 

The  most  interesting  of  these  ceremonies  was  the  race  which 
symbolized  the  passage  of  the  wind  through  the  rain-clouds, 
though  the  washing  of  the  snakes  and  the  snake  dance  were  the 
most  tragic  and  thrilling  in  their  performance.     In  this  snake 


294  NA  Tl VE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

race  there  were  about  forty  runners  and  about  eight  priests,  the 
snake  priests  and  the  antelope  priests  moving  in  pairs.  One  part 
of  the  ceremony  consisted  in  placing  the  plank  in  which  was  the 
si-pa-pu  or  "place  of  beginning"  on  the  ground  near  a  shrine, 
each  of  the  actors  stamping  upon  it  as  they  marched  by.  An- 
other part  consisted  in  the  priests  taking  corn  stalks  and  vines 
in  their  mouths  and  marching  slowly  through  platoons  of  the 
actors.  In  another  part  four  priests  stood  with  crooks  in  their 
hands  and  with  white  paint  upon  their  bodies  at  intervals  along 
the  trail  made  of  colored  meal,  over  which  the  actors  were  to 
run;  near  the  priests  were  sand  paintings  which  represented  the 
rain  clouds  of  the  four  cardinal  points.  The  runners  as  they 
passed  the  priests  and  went  through  the  symbolic  rain  clouds, 
were  expected  to  strike  the  ancient  crook,  held  by  the  priests. 
All  of  this  ceremony  was  a  dramatization  of  the  history  of  the 
people  and  the  operations  of  the  rain. 

The  decorations  of  the  priests  and  the  symbols  resemble  that 
which  was  used  in  the  flute  dance,  the  young  man  and  the  virgins 
having  exactly  the  same  white  garments  and  black  lines  upon 
the  face  and  body,  but  the  main  difference  was  that  the  ancient 
relics  which  had  been  used  by  the  Walpi  were  brought  into  the 
ceremony.  The  articles  used  in  connection  with  the  ceremonies 
were  symbolic.  Among  these  were  (i)  "the  snake  pipe,"  on  which 
was  a  rain  symbol.  This  was  smoked  in  silence.  (2.)  The 
eighteen  stone  implements  which  were  brought  up  by  the  ancients 
out  of  the  earth.  (3.)  The  fifteen  bent  sticks,  which  were  called 
crooks.  (4.)  The  plank,  in  which  was  the  hole  called  si-pa-pu, 
through  which  the  ancients  ascended.  (5.)  The  plumed  prayer 
sticks,  which  were  deposited  m  the  shrines.  (6.)  The  various 
sand  paintings  or  sand  altars.  These  sand  paintings  were  all 
made  in  the  same  way.  They  contained  four  rows  of  semi-circles, 
each  row  having  a  different  color  to  represent  the  clouds,  with 
zigzag  serpents  shooting  from  the  clouds,  two  of  them  male  and 
two  of  them  female,  with  black  parallel  lines  to  represent  the  rain. 

(7.)  The  sand  painting  referred  to  above  was  another  symbol. 
This  was  placed  immediately  above  the  plank  in  which  was  the 
opening  called  Si-pa-pu,  which  symbolized  the  place  of  emerg- 
ence for  the  ancestors  of  the  people.  The  border  of  different 
colors  was  symbolic  of  the  "world  quarters."  Around  the  altar 
or  sand  pictures  were  fetiches  of  the  animals  of  the  "world  quar- 
ters," which  faced  the  figures  of  the  clouds.  This  opening  in  the 
floor  was  suggestive  of  the  creation  myth,  but  the  sand  paintings 
were  suggestive  of  the  sky  and  the  operations  of  the  rain  clouds, 
thus  making  a  combination  of  that  which  was  below  and  of  the 
world  above  in  one  symbol. 

(8.)  Another  article  was  the  "whizzer,"  which  was  a  thin 
wooden  slab,  the  faces  of  which  were  decorated  with  zigzag 
bands;  this  was  dipped  into  the  charmed  liquid  of  the  sacred 


THE  WORSHIP  Oi  THE  RAIN-GOD. 


295 


bowl,  which  synibohzed  the  rain,  and  rapidly  twirled  so  as  to 
imitate  the  sound  of  thunder  The  snakes  were  not  so  symbolic 
as  the  decoration  of  the  priests  and  dancers,  though  the  fact  that 
they  were  carried  in  the  mouths  of  the  dancers  and  were  kept 
from  biting  by  the  feathers  in  the  hands  of  the  attendants,  made 
them  significant  perhaps  of  the  lightning  and  the  clouds,  being 
controlled  by  the  gods  or  by  those  who  personated  the  gods. 


Fiij.  : .—Antelope  Priest. 

The  decorations  of  the  Zunis  and  Hopis  deserve  attention 
in  this  connection.  Many  of  these  were  symbolic  of  the  rain. 
They  are  as  follows : 

(i.)  The  dance  kilt.  This  was  a  symbolic  garment,  which 
had  a  black  band  with  a  white  border  running  zig-zag  through 
its  center,  representing  the  plumed  snake,  with  arrow-shaped 
marks  representing  the  foot-prints  oi  the  duck,  and  short  par- 
allel marks  representing  foot-prints  of  the  frog,  both  water  ani- 
mals. On  either  side  of  this  band  were  two  sets  of  parallel 
bands,  representing  rainbows.  There  was  a  fringe  on  the  kilt 
composed  of  little  triangular  metal  plates.     See  Fig.  6. 

(2.)  Snake  kilts  were  worn  by  snake  men  who  carried,  in  their 


296  NA  Tl VE  A MERl CA  N  S  YMBOLISM. 

hands,  snake-whips  made  of  eagle  plumes.  The  kilt  of  the 
antelope  priest  differed  from  this  in  that  it  was  a  plain  woven 
garment,  but  had  a  border  at  either  end  which  was  ornamented 
with  stepped  figures,  to  symbolize  the  clouds,  zigzag  lines  to 
represent  the  lightnings,  parallel  lines  to  represent  the  rain  ;  an 
embroidered  sash  was  attached  to  the  belt  of  the  antelope  priest. 
(3.)  The  decorations  of  the  priest  consisted  of  white,  zigzag 
lines  on  the  legs,  arms  and  body,  and  the  chin  was  painted  black, 
the  body  a  bluish  color.  He  wore  a  white  embroidered  dance 
kilt,  held  in  place  by  a  white  girdle,  and  a  white  feather  was  tied 
to  his  scalp  lock,  a  wreath  of  cotton  wood  leaves  about  his  head, 
string  of  beads  of  shell  and  of  turquois  about  his  neck.  He  wore 
buckskin  anklets  and  red  moccasins,  thus  making  the  symbolic 
colors  complete.  In  his  right  hand  he  carried  a  rattle  and  in  his 
left  hand  he  carried  a  bowl  filled  with  liquor.  On  his  right  arm 
was  a  bundle  of  cottonwood  twigs,  in  his  left  a  plumed  wand.* 
See  Fig.  7, 

*A  Tusayan  ceremony  has  been  described  by  Mr.  A.  M.  Stephens,  in  which  some  novel 
rain  symbols  appeared.  A  number  of  ancient  slabs  of  wood  were  displayed,  on  which 
were  painted  designs  which  represented  the  sky  divinities  under  human  forms.  Some  of 
these  had  faces  covered  with  arches;  others  had  arches  and  rain  symbols  upon  the  skirts 
which  cover  the  body;  others  had  faces  surrounded  with  feathers;  still  others  had  a  rain 
symbol  attended  with  the  phallic  symbol,  but  no  faces;  one  had  a  single  corn  plant  and  no 
rain  symbol;  one  had  the  human  form  richly  dressed  and  decorated  with  many  symbols,  the 
face  surrounded  by  stepped  figures  and  the  rain  symbols  above  the  face.  These  tablets 
were  carried  in  the  final  dance  by  about  thirty  girls  who  were  dressed  in  white  and  blue 
tunics,  and  who  also  carried  a  quantity  of  corn  stalks,  thus  showing  that  the  rain  gods 
were  personified  and  worshiped  as  human  beings.  The  dancers  at  the  close  stationed  them- 
selves in  such  a  way  as  to  form  a  horse-shoe.  The  phallic  symbol  on  these  tablets  was 
made  up  from  the  different  parts  of  the  rain  symbol,  which  were  skillfully  arranged  so  as  to 
make  it  resemble  a  phallus.  It  had  a  small  arch  on  either  side  and  one  above  the  phallus, 
and  lines  below  representing  the  rain.    See  plate. 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.    297 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP. 

The  review  of  aboriginal  religions  which  we  have  been  giving 
has  convinced  us  that  there  is  a  large  amount  of  symbolism 
which  belongs  to  prehistoric  times,  and  that  there  was  a  geography 
of  religion,  as  well  as  a  history.  This  position  is  confirmed  by 
the  study  of  the  map,  for  we  find  that  most  of  the  symbols  were 
confined  to  certain  limited  districts,  and  were  very  uncommon 
outside  of  those  districts,  thus  making  certain  grand  divisions 
which  are  suggestive  of  a  previous  development.  The  boundaries 
which  limit  these  districts  are,  perhaps,  not  quite  as  definite  as 
those  which  now  separate  grand  political  provinces,  but  they  are 
more  closely  conformed  to  the  physical  peculiarities  of  the  con- 
tinent, and  more  distinctly  marked  by  material  barriers,  such  as 
mountain  ranges,  forest  belts,  climatic  zones,  altitude,  and  soil, 
all  ot  which  seem  to  have  had  an  effect  upon  the  condition  of 
society,  and  so  upon  the  form  of  religion. 

This  is  a  very  important  point,  for  it  reveals  to  us  the  won- 
derful and  mysterious  law  which  prevailed  in  native  society,  and 
which  unconsciously  molded  all  institutions  and  customs.  It 
shows  that  there  was  a  religious  sentiment  in  the  native  mind, 
which  could  not  be  hindered  by  any  amount  of  social  privation, 
and  which  was  not  helped  by  educational  privilege,  but  was 
greatly  influenced  by  natural  surroundings.  This  sentiment  was 
constantly  pressing  upon  the  native  mind,  and  was  calculated  to 
bring  it  out  from  the  lower  grades  and  the  darker  superstitions 
into  a  higher  life  and  light.  We  do  not  know  its  source,  but 
imagine  that  the  spirit  of  the  Almighty  through  it  is  affecting 
human  creatures  with  the  spiritual  life  which  is  in  Him,  as  in  a 
great  reservoir,  this  having  a  constant  tendency  to  bring  up  human 
thought  to  a  higher  level,  and  to  reveal  through  nature  His  own 
attributes  and  being.  This  does  not  do  away  with  the  doctrine 
that  there  was  a  revelation,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  that 
there  was  a  necessity  for  it;  and  yet  it  furnishes  a  key  to  the 
problem  and  enables  us  better  to  enter  into  the  study  of  compara- 
tive religions.  The  review  of  geography  will  therefore  be  appro- 
priate at  this  time  We  are  to  study  the  subject  of  ethnographic 
religions,  but  shall  take  ancestor  worship  as  one  of  the  series. 

I.  Let  us  take  up  the  map  of  the  continent  and  study  out  the 
localities  in  which  each  form  of  religion  has  had  its  chief  de- 
velopment, notice  the  boundaries  within  which  the  symbols  have 
be:n  discovered,  and  ask  why  it  was  that  within  such  boundaries 


298-  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  particular  cult  should  have  had  its  history.  That  there  was 
an  evolution  of  one  form  of  worship  out  of  another,  is  one  of 
the  first  lessons  taught  us  by  the  map.  If  we  begin  with  the 
localities  where  society  was  at  its  lowest  stage,  and  where  hu- 
man nature  was  in  its  most  degraded  condition,  we  shall  find  each 
form  of  religion  corresponding  to  the  physical  surroundings  as 
well  as  to  the  social  status.  The  process  of  development,  how- 
ever, appears  as  we  go  out  from  one  district  into  another,  tor  we 
may  see  that  in  those  localities  where  society  reached  a  higher 
stage,  and  where  the  surroundings  were  more  favorable  to  human 
growth,  there  religion  partook  ot  the  social  status,  and  itself 
reached  a  higher  grade.  We  find,  then,  that  we  are  taking  steps 
upward,  are  following  an  ascending  series,  coming  out  of  the 
darkness  into  the  light,  out  of  the  uncertain  and  indefinite 
into  the  positive  and  well  defined,  each  geographical  district  fur- 
nishing not  only  a  new  phase  of  religion,  but  also  one  that  was 
more  highly  developed  and  more  complete  in  its  outline.  The 
districtsin  which  the  different  systems  have  been  identified  are 
very  instructive,  for  they  show  that  there  was  a  law  of  correla- 
tion everywhere  prevalent,  and  a  conservation  of  influence  every- 
where at  work. 

The  different  religious  systems  may  generally  be  arranged  ac- 
cording to  the  belts  of  latitude,  and  the  order  of  succession  may 
be  traced  from  the  north  to  the  south,  each  zone  having  its  own 
particular  form  of  worship  as  well  as  its  social  status,  mode  of 
life,  and  grade  of  development.  The  figure  of  a  pyramid  may 
be  employed  in  the  case  of  aboriginal  religions  as  well  as  in  the 
case  of  the  architectural  structures,  for  these  stretch  across  the 
continent  in  parallel  lines,  but  arise  in  successive  steps,  their  ad- 
vance keeping  pace  with  the  advance  of  society.  We  notice  that 
the  personal  Element  grows  more  intense  with  each  successive 
stage,  and  that  that  which  in  the  lower  stages  was  a  dim  and 
shadowy  animism,  or  spirit  and  demon  worship,  comes  out  at 
last  in  the  worship  of  a  divinity  whose  attributes  are  entirely 
personal.  Monotheism  does  not  seem  to  have  been  reached,  yet 
there  was  an  approach  to  it,  for  the  personality  of  the  divinities 
becomes  more  and  more  prominent,  and  the  influence  of  the 
great  "  culture  hero"  is  at  last  almost  supreme.  Personality  does 
not  belong  to  ancestor  worship  alone,  for  it  appears  in  every  local- 
ity, a  personal  spirit  having  been  ascribed  to  the  rocks  and  the 
trees,  to  animals  and  nondescript  creatures,  to  the  various  nature 
powers — rain  and  lightning,  wmd,  to  the  heavenly  bodies,  the 
sun  and  moon — as  well  as  to  the  culture  heroes  and  ancestors. 
The  lowest  stage  was  found  among  the  Eskimos  of  the  north, 
who  feared  the  demons,  and  the  highest  among  the  Mayas  of  the 
south,  among  whom  the  personal  divinity  was  symbolized. 

The  arrangement  of  the  different  systems  of  religion  according 
to  the  belts  of    latitude  is  very  suggestive;  it  shows  that  the 


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300  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

climate  had  an  effect  upon  them  as  well  as  the  soil;  the  influ- 
ence, perhaps,  being  first  felt  by  the  employment  and  the  mode 
of  life;  the  social  status,  the  religious  beliefs  and  the  customs 
being  correlated  to  these.  We  may  take  the  different  zones  and 
arrange  the  tribes  or  races  according  to  their  languages  and 
location,  but  we  will  find  that  there  are  certain  centers  in  which 
the  mythology,  the  symbols  and  the  customs  show  a  certain 
religion  as  supreme.  The  following  are  the  systems  which  have 
been  recognized  in  the  symbols,  traditions  and  customs  prevalent 
among  the  aboriginal  tribes,  and  now  laid  down  on  the  map  as 
an  approximate  geography  of  the  aboriginal  religions  on  the 
continent.  There  were  two  or  three  lines  oi  development,  one 
which  followed  the  east  coast,  another  the  west  coast  and  another 
passed  down  through  the  central  axis.  Local  tribes  had  their 
particular  forms  of  worship,  but  the  steps  or  grades  will  be  rec- 
ognized in  the  parallels  which  correspond  to  the  belts  of  latitude. 
The  following  is  the  order: 

I.     Shamanism.     This   was  the  religion  of  the  fishermen   of 
the  Arctic  regions.     It  may  be   regarded   as   the  lowest  form, 
though   it  varied  in   its  character  according  to  the  locality  and 
tribe.     It  was   a    system    which    prevailed    through    the    entire 
Arctic    regions,   including    Greenland    on   the    east,   and    Point 
Barrow  on  the  west,  and  extending  down  to  the  Tinneh  tribes 
on  the  Hudson's  Bay,  and  the  Aleuts  in  Alaska.     Among  the 
Tinnehs  and  Aleuts  it  was   in  the  extreme  of  degredation,  the 
myths  being  full  of  vulgarity,  the  customs  senseless,   and  the 
superstitions  numerous.     Here  the  shaman  was  a  sort  of  relig- 
ious juggler  or  magician,  who  exercised  absolute  control  over 
the  people  by  means  of  his  arts  and  pretentions.     The  people 
themselves  were  divided  mto  castes,  which   were   said  to  have 
originated  when  all  fowls,  animals  and  fish  were  people.     The 
fish  were  the  Chitsah,  the  birds  were  Taingees-ah-tsah,  and  the 
animals  Nat-singh.*     These  were  the  ancestors  of  the  different 
tribes,  as  well  as  their  divinities.     The  shaman  had  great  power 
over  these  animals.     The  evil  spirits  were  under  his  control  and 
demons  were  exorcised  by  his  magic.      He  seemed  to  dwell  in 
the  midst  of  the  supernatural  and  to  have  power  over  all  the 
elements,  and  yet  there  was  always  a  spirit  which  was  beyond 
his  control,  which  the  people  recognized  as  the  great  ancestor 
of  all.     This  spirit  assumed  different  shapes  in  different  localities 
and  had  different  names  given  it  by  different  tribes.     Some  have 
called  it  the  Great  Spirit,  recognizing  monotheism  here  among 
these   darkened   and   degraded   people   as    they   do   among   the 
hunter  tribes  and   more  advanced  races  of  the  south.     The  term 
Great  Spirit  has  been  objected  to  as  conveying  the  wrong ^dea, 
but  it  is  nevertheless  suggestive  in  this  connection,  for  the  Great 
Spirit  is  always  identical  with  the  great  ancestor,  though  the 
*See  "Notes  on  the  Tianeh  Indians  of  British  America,"  page  315. 


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302  NA  TI  ]  'E  A  ilERl  CA  N  S  YMB  OLISM. 

character  of  the  ancestor  is  conformed  to  the  character  of  the 
people  who  worshiped  it.  Some  authors  maintain  that  a  ben- 
evolent being,  who  ruled  over  all  and  was  the  great  ancestor  of 
all,  was  recognized  by  even  the  most  degraded  tribes.  Others 
maintain  that  there  was  a  type  of  religion  prevalent  called  heno- 
theism,  and  that  this  has  been  mistaken  for  the  worship  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  Henotheism  consists  in  the  exalting  of  one  divin- 
ity above  all  others,  making  that  one  supreme.  This  divinity 
was  often  a  local  one,  and  became  the  divinity  of  a  tribe  or  dis- 
trict, and  was  unknown  beyond  the  tribe.  It  was  often  regarded 
as  the  tribal  ancestor,  and  so  ancc;stor  worship  was  introduced  by 
it,  and  yet  the  henotheistic  conception  was  equally  strong  where 
ancestor  worship  did  not  exist. 

Shamanism  was  the  leligion  of  the  Eskimos.  They  imagined 
that  their  ancestral  spirit  dwelt  in  the  rocks,  and  that  the  shamans 
had  power  to  open  the  door.*  The  Eskimos  of  Point  Barrow 
have  many  tales  in  which  a  mythical  person  is  described.  This 
person  is  sometimes  a  dog,  sometimes  a  cruel  man  called  Kagsuk, 
sometimes  a  woman,  sometimes  an  animal  with  six  or  ten  legs, 
called  Kiliopak,  and  sometimes  a  fabulous  beast.  In  Greenland 
the  great  ancestor  of  all  was  a  woman  called  Sedna,  a  woman 
whose  home  was  in  the  sea  and  who  had  control  of  the  sea  ani- 
mals. The  legend  is  that  this  woman  was  pushed  into  the  sea; 
she  clung  to  the  boat  on  both  sides,  but  her  husband  struck  her 
with  a  knife;  each  time  her  fingers  were  transformed  to  sea 
animals.  He  killed  her  and  covered  her  with  dog  skin,  and  the 
floodtide  took  her.  Her  home  is  now  in  the  tide.  The  man 
assumed  the  shape  of  a  bird,  but  the  woman  is  the  spirit  which 
haunts  all  things.  We  may  say  then  that  ancestor  worship  began 
even  in  the  midst  of  shamanism. f 

2.  Totemism  was  the  second  form  of  religion.  This  pre- 
vailed, as  we  have  shown  elsewhere,  among  the  hunter  tribes. 
Its  chief  development  was  in  the  district  which  was  bounded  by 
the  Arctic  Circle  on  the  north  and  the  fortieth  degree  on  the 
south,  the  district  in  which  is  Hudson's  Bay  and  the  chain  of 
the  Great  Lakes,  and  which  may  be  called  the  forest  belt  of  the 
north.  Totemism  consisted  in  the  worship  of  ancestors  or  of  an- 
cestral spirits  which  assumed  the  form  of  animals  and  were 
called  by  animal  names.  It  was  the  religion  of  the  hunters; 
they  always  carried  with  them  either  the  skin,  or  the  skeleton, 
or  head,  or  some  part  of  the  animal  which  they  regarded  as 
their  personal  divinity.  They  also  placed  the  figures  of  animals, 
either  painted  or  carved,  over  their  houses,  near  their  villages 
and  in  their  cemeteries,  and  ever  lived  under  the  protection  of 
these  animal  ancestors.     It  was  a  mysterious  and  complicated 

*  We  C'lll  attention  to  the  plates  which  represent  the  svmboi.s  found  in  the  Easter 
Islands.  These  pictographs  should  be  compared  to  those  found  among  the  Aleuts 
and  the  Thlinkeets  of  the  north,  for  they  convey  the  idea  that  similar  systems  pre- 
vailed in  both  localities. 

t  Esquimaux  Tales  and  Songs,  in  Journal  of  American  Folk  Lore,  page  132. 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.   303 

system.  It  had  great  sway;  we  may  regard  it  as  the  second 
stage  through  which  ancestor  worship  passed  on  its  way  to  its 
complete  development. 

The  symbols  of  animal  worship  or  totemism  convince  us  that 
the  animals  were  elevated  to  the  position  of  ancestors  and  were 
often  regarded  as  the  heads  of  houses,  the  leaders  of  the  tribes 
and  the  guardian  divinities  of  the  nations.     We  sometimes  find 


Fig.  l.—Bear  Idol  from  the  Mounds. 

among  them  human  images,  hut  these  are  generally  mythologic 
creatures  which  perpetuated  tribal  myths,  or  were  the  representa- 
tives of  ancestors,  and  were  recognized  as  such.  The  real  divini- 
ties were  the  animals,  which  were  changed  to  mythologic  creatures. 

A  specimen  of  this  mythologic  totemism  can  be  seen  in  the 
figure  which  is  presented  herewith — a  figure  which  is  in  itself 
quite  mysterious.  See  Figs,  i  and  2.  This  has  been  described 
by  Thonias  Wilson.  It  is  an  image  which  has  the  head  of  a 
bear,  the  form  of  a  man,  but  the  symbols  of  sun  worship  on  the 
form.  The  image  was  found  in  a  mound  near  Newark,  Ohio.  It 
represents  a  human  form    clad  in  bear's  skin,    the  head  being 


304 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


brought  over  the  crown  and  serving  as  a  sort  of  head-dress  after 
the  fashion  of  the  lion's  skin  of  Hercules  and  Alexander.  "The 
entire  head  of  the  b(  ar  is  on  the  top  of  the  head  of  the  man.  while 
the  arms  of  the  man  appear  inserted  within  the  skin  of  the  fore 
legs  of  the  bear.  He  holds  in  his  right  hand  an  amputated  head. 
The  hair  of  this  head  is  strained  tight  away  from  the  face  and 
drawn  together  and  held  at  the  feet  of  the  statue.     The  features 


/,ig^  2.— Bear  Idol  from  the  Mounds— Front  View. 


of  this  face  and  of  that  of  the  image  have  no  resemblance  to 
that  of  the  Indian.  There  are  ear  ornaments  in  both  figures 
which  have  resemblance  to  those  from  Mexico  and  Central 
America.  In  fact  all  the  peculiarities  of  this  figure  point  to 
such  a  resemblance." 

We  class  this  image  along  with  mythologic  totems,  for  the 
mask  reminds  us  of  those  engraved  on  the  shell  gorgets  and  cop- 
per plates  from  the  mounds  of  Georgia  and  Tennessee  and  on  the 
so-called  Exeter  vase  found  in  Nebraska.  The  bear  skin  and 
head  also  remind  us  of  the  idols  found  in  Nicaragua,  in  which 
the  human  figure  is  covered  with  the  monstrous  head  of  a  crocodile 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AISD  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.    305 

or  snake.*  It  was  an  old-world  custom  for  the  priest  to  wear  the 
skins  of  animals  when  they  went  to  the  sacrifice.  The  medicine 
men  in  America  wore  the  skins  of  animals,  but  this  image  sug- 
gests the  idea  that  they  practiced  human  sacrifice. 

3.  The  third  stage  was  sun  worship.  This  prevailed  among 
the  agricultural  tribes  of  the  central  and  southern  states.  It  was 
the  cult  of  that  ancient  people  called  the  Mound-builders.  It 
also  prevailed  among  the  Indian  tribes  which  lived  in  the  same 
region  at  the  time  of  the  discovery.  There  is  evidence  that 
ancestor  worship  prevailed  among  the  sun  worshipers,  as  its 
symbols  are  mingled  with  the  sun  symbols,  which  are  so  numer- 
ous. Certain  customs  which  represent  it  were  practiced  by  the 
living  tribes,  especially  by  the  Natchez  and  the  Muskogees, 
These  rites  and  ceremonies  illustrate  the  pomt  which  we  have  in 
mind.  The  sun  was  personified  and  was  worshiped  as  a  person. 
The  attributes  of  the  sun  divinity  were  symbolized  under  the 
semblance  of  human  images  or  idols,  as  well  as  under  the  form 
of  the  sun  itself 

The  early  explcrers  have  described  human  images  as  very 
common  in  the  Gulf  States.  These  images  were  generally  found 
in  the  dead  houses  or  ossuary  temples,  and  were  supposed  to 
represent  the  ancestral  divinities  of  the  people.  The  images 
were  placed  inside  of  the  doors,  and  not  only  guarded  the  bodies 
of  the  dead,  but  the  treasures  of  the  living,  for  the  dead  houses 
were  often  the  places  where  the  treasures  and  sacred  things  of 
the  people  were  deposited. 

We  furnish  a  cut  to  illustrate  this  point,  though  the  image 
was  found  on  the  West  India  islands.  See  Fig.  3.  It  has  been 
described  by  Prof.  O.  T.  Mason. f  The  carving  represents  two 
individuals  seated  on  a  canopied  chair.  The  chair  has  a  high 
back,  ornamented  with  scrolls  and  concentric  rings.  Both  indi- 
viduals have  embroidered  skull  caps,  resembling  the  close-fitting 
embroidered  caps  of  the  Indians,  The  legs  have  bands  of  em- 
broidered cotton  just  above  the  calves,  which  resemble  those 
bands  which  were  common  among  the  Caribs,  at  the  time  of  the 
discovery.  They  may  have  been  portraits,  for  the  description 
given  of  the  natives  is  as  follows :  Their  eyes  were  encircled 
with  paint  so  as  to  give  them  a  hideous  expression,  and  bands 
of  cotton  were  bound  firmly  above  and  below  the  muscular  parts 
of  the  arms  and  legs,  so  as  to  cause  them  to  swell  to  dispropor- 
tionate size. I     This  image  was  31  inches  in  height. 

Another  figure,  carved  from  a  single  log  of  wood,  represents  a 
human  image  resting  upon  arms  as  well  as  legs.  There  are  on 
it  earrings,  or  ornaments,  and  bands  around  the  arms  similar  to 
those  on  the  seated  images.     The  length  of  this  is  43    inches. 

*See  "Bancroft's  Native  Races,"  Vol.  IV,  page  50.    "Niciragua,"  Vol.  11,  page  39 
tSee  Smithsonian  Report.  188J,  paee  831.     See  Chap.  XII,  Figs.  1  and  2,  p.  251. 
t  Washington  Irving.    History  ol  Columbus. 


306 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


The  discovery  of  these  images  in  the  West  Indies  suggests  a  con- 
nection between  the  island  and  the  continent  in  prehistoric  times, 
or  at  least  conveys  the  idea  that  a  similar  custom  of  making  idols 
which  should  represent  ancestors,  prevailed  in  both  regions.    The 


Fiff.  3.— Carved  Images  from  the  West  Indies, 

distinction  of  sex  among  the  nature  divinities  is  often  shown  by 
the  idols.  The  sun  and  moon  were  regarded  as  male  and  female, 
and  all  the  nature  powers  were  arranged  according  to  sex.  The 
mythologies  of  the  aborigines  were  full  of  stories  with  regard 
to  the  pairing  of  divinities  and  with  regard  to  miraculous  births. 
These  myths  were  sometimes  embodied  in  the  idols. 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.    307 

We  notice  that  such  images  were  common,  especially  at  the 
south,  showing  that  the  southern  races  were  all  idolaters,  but 
animal  figures  or  totems  were  more  common  at  the  north,  sug- 
gesting that  the  northern  races  were  animal  worshipers,  the 
difference  between  the  two  arising  from  ethnic  causes  as  well  as 
from  the  influence  of  environment.  Still  there  is  nothing  unrea- 
sonable in  the  theory  that  both  systems  were  prevalent  in  all  parts 
of  the  continent,  even  if  they  originated  in  separate  centers  and 
found  their  full  development  in  particular  districts,  for  the  spread 
of  symbolism  from  one  district  to  another  was  very  natural.  If 
we  take  the  different  religious  cults  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  we 
shall  find  that  some  of  them  were  purely  local  and  never  went 
beyond  the  bounds  of  their  first  habitat.  Others  were  wide- 
spread and  became  almost  universal. 

4.  Sabaeanism,  or  sky  worship,  is  the  fourth  form  of  aborig- 
inal religion  which  we  are  to  consider.  This  was  also  a  local 
cult.  It  found  its  chief  development  among  the  Pueblos  of  the 
interior.  It  consisted  in  the  personifying  of  the  nature  powers 
and  in  making  them  divinities.  There  was  perhaps  not  as  much 
of  the  element  of  ancestor  worship  in  this  cult  as  in  those  which 
we  have  just  considered,  yet  when  we  analyze  the  system  and 
study  the  symbols  we  shall  find  that  it  was  not  entirely  lacking. 
The  chief  peculiarity  of  sky  worship  was,  that  the  sky  was  a 
house,  or  ratner  made  up  of  a  number  of  houses;  the  four 
quarters,  and  the  upper  heavens  or  the  zenith  and  the  lower  earth 
or  the  nadir,  each  of  them  constituting  a  house  or  habitation  for 
the  divinity.  The  houses  all  had  different  colors;  that  in  the 
north  was  yellow,  in  the  east  white,  in  the  south  red,  in  the  west 
blue,  the  upper  sky  spotted,  the  lower  black.*  The  houses  were 
guarded  by  animals,  each  of  which  had  a  color  corresponding 
with  that  of  the  house. 

The  divinities  of  the  Pueblos  were  varied.  Some  of  them 
were  represented  by  rude  images  in  the  shape  of  animals  which 
were  called  fetiches,  others  by  human  images,  which  were  really 
idols,  but  at  the  same  time  reminded  the  people  of  their  ances- 
tors. The  symbols  of  nature  worship  are  peculiar.  They  rep- 
resent all  the  nature  powers  personified,  but  personified  under 
the  semblance  of  animals,  birds,  serpents  and  nondescript  creat- 

*These  are  the  colors  of  the  houses  among  the  Znnis:.  The  fetiches  or  idols  of  the 
Zunis  were,  yellow  limestone  mountain  lions  for  the  north,  coyotes  for  ih  west,  red 
wild  cats  for  the  souih,  wliite  w-lves  for  the  east,  eagles  for  tlie  upper  regions  and 
moles  for  the  lower.  The  human-headed  divinity  was  the  tutelar  god  of  several  of 
the  societies,  and  was  the  hf>ro  ot  hundreds  of  JolK-lore  t>iles  His  dress  consisted  of 
the  terraced  cap  representing  a  dwelling  place  among  the  clouds.  His  w.  apons  are 
the  rainbow,  the  lightning,  and  the  tlint  knife.  His  warriors  are  the  mountain  lion 
ot  the  North  and  of  the  upper  regio  is.  The  shield  had  the  image  of  a  white  bear, 
eagle  and  two  serpents  pon  it,  all  of  them  beings  of  the  skies.  The  shie  ds  had 
different  colors— red,  bine,  yreen,  yellow,  white,  black.  Diff  rent  symbols  were  used 
by  other  trib-^s,  and  t lie  colors  differ-d,  but  there  wa^s  the  same  concpption  of  per- 
sonal gods  ruling  the  sky.  Kee  Third  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  ;Ethnology.  The 
sun  itself  was  a  divinity  whose  beautiful  hous-  was  under  the  waters— his  father's 
house  in  the  east,  his  mother's  house  in  the  west,  and  he  passed  under  the  earth  to 
the  eastern  waters  and  passed  over  the  world  to  the  western  waters.  S  e  Tucsayan 
Legends,  by  iMatilda  Cox  Stevenson. 


308 


NAIIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


ures,  the  human  form  apparently  being  the  ruler  of  them  all. 
The  forces  of  nature,  however,  are  represented  in  this  way:  The 
lightning  by  serpents,  the  thunder  by  a  bird,  the  sky  by  a  dome, 
the  heavens  by  a  turreted  figure,  the  rainbow  by  a  human 
image  bent  in  the  form  of  an  arch,  the  clouds  by  wmgs  furnished 
with  feathers  resembling  knife  blades,  the  water  by  certain  plat- 
forms or  rafts,  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky  by  certain  animals; 


.„««-'i^. 


Fig.  It.— Idol  J r 01 II   Guulcnuda. 

but  in  the  midst  of  all  and  ruling  over  all  was  the  image  which 
represented  perhaps  the  human  ancestry  as  well  as  the  priest- 
hood. The  idols  of  the  Pueblos  were  numerous,  and  were  cov- 
ered with  the  symbols  of  the  active  nature  powers.  While  the 
images  were  silent  and  motionless  the  symbols  on  the  images 
always  suggest  the  activities  of  nature  about  them.  Sometimes 
the  faces  of  the  images  are  obscured  by  dark  bands  and  white 
lines,  to  symbolize  the  clouds  and  lightning.  But  the  symbols 
of  the  nature  powers  are  always  conspicuous  and  represent 
action.  We  may  imagine  that  the  divine  being  is  surrounded 
by  the  elements,  but  is  serene  amid  them  all.     The  lightnings 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.    309 

may  play,  the  clouds  lower,  storms  may  rage,  the  rain  fall,  the 
rainbow  appear  above  the  clouds,  the  turrettedsky  may  be  filled 
with  feathery  plumes,  but  a  personal  divinity  controls  them  all. 
Even  the  Moquis,  a  living  tribe,  have  divinities  of  this  kind.  The 
god  of  the  surface  of  the  earth  is  called  Ma-cau-a.  He  is  the  god 
of  death,  as  well  as  the  god  of  life,  who  controls  growth.  The 
priest  who  personified  him  wore  a  mask  with  corn  husk  eyes  and 


'■*  Z 


;^  /■> 


1^  llj. 


-Idol  fnmi  Gautcinuld. 


his  body  was  daubed  with  blood.  They  have  a  virgin  god  called 
Mana,  who  was  the  bride  of  the  sun,  Dawa,  and  called  the  spider 
woman.  She  was  the  mother  of  the  war  god,  Pi-ho-kong.  The 
plumed  serpent  was  the  rain  symbol  among  the  Moquis.  The 
coil  is  a  whirlwind  symbol ;  triangle,  a  phallic  symbol ;  the  cross, 
a  sky  or  weather  symbol;  stairs  or  steps,  cloud  symbols;  the 
shield,  a  star  symbol;  the  suastika,  perhaps  a  fire  symbol.* 

5.  The  fifth  form  of  aboriginal  religion  is    what   we    may   call 


*j*pe  J.  Walter  Fewbes  on  Tnsayan  pijtosraphs,  American  A  ntltr0p0Hgi.1t.  Vol.  V, 
page  19.  They  have  clolls  with  round  face,  freHied  head,  and  two  hoins,  and  many 
idols  which  were  personiflcatioiis  of  the  nature  powers. 


310  NATIVE  AMERICAN  iSMYBOLISM. 

hero  worship;  this  prevailed,  to  a  certain  degree,  amonp^  the 
savage  tribes  of  the  northwest,  such  as  the  Haidahs,  but  was  es- 
pecially manifest  among  the  civilized  tribes  of  the  southwest. 
Its  chief  development  was  represented  in  the  so-called  "culture 
heroes,"  the  law  givers,  which  have  made  such  an  impression  upon 
the  aboriginal  literature  of  the  country.  There  was,  however,  an 
element  of  ancestor  worship  in  this  hero  worship,  for  many  of 
the  heroes  were  transformed  from  their  original  characters  as  law 
makers,  into  ancestors.  We  find  many  sculptured  figures  in 
Guatemala,  which  represent  culture  heroes  as  ancestors.  We 
present  here  two  such  figures  from  Pantaleon,  Guatemala.  These 
figures  have  also  been  described  by  Prof  O.  T.  Mason.  See 
Fio-s.  4  and  5.  The  description  of  this  idol  is  as  follows:  On  the 
head  was  a  turban  with  banded  edge;  on  the  front  of  the  turban 
an  arrangement  of  plumes  secured  by  a  double  knot;  ear-rings, 
gorgets  and  mask  were  suspended  from  a  necklace;  braided  folds 
as  of  cloth  fell  from  the  turban  behind  the  ears,  and  a  medallion 
shaped  ear  ring  in  front  of  it;  from  the  upper  margin  arose  a 
crest,  which  curved  over  toward  the  front  and  ended  in  a  tassel. 
The  head  of  the  old  man  in  one  of  them  had  deep  lines  on  brow 
and  cheek ;  nearly  the  whole  of  the  ear  was  taken  up  with  cylin- 
drical ornaments.  The  head-dress  was  composed  of  the  body 
of  a  bird  with  outstretched  wings.  In  the  other  head  the  eyes 
were  represented  as  hanging  from  their  sockets ;  the  long  ears 
were  adorned  with  heavy  ornaments;  on  the  top  was  a  small  cap, 
jauntily  placed  to  one  side.  There  is  upon  these  images  a  variety 
of  symbolism  which  is  suggestive  of  sun  worship  and  nature 
worship,  but  there  is  a  prominence  to  the  human  face  which  con- 
vinces us  that  human  art  has  worked  free  from  the  symbols  of 
nature  worship  into  the  realm  of  portraiture. 

We  do  not  know  their  history,  but  there  is  one  peculiarity 
about  these  portraits  which  is  very  suggestive,  conveying  the 
idea  that  ancestor  worship  was  mingled  with  the  hero  worship. 
There  is  the  appearance  of  great  age  in  some  of  the  idols.  This 
may  be  owing  to  the  fact  that  a  venerable  appearance  would 
heighten  the  spi^-it  of  devotion  and  so  the  idols  would  be  held  in 
greater  reverence.  But  it  shows  that  ancestor  worship  was  a 
more  elevating  influence  than  either  animal  or  nature  worship, 
and  that  it  had  even  a  more  sacred  character.  We  call  attention 
to  the  contrast  between  these  figures  or  idols  from  Guatemala 
and  those  which  were  images  of  the  nature  gods  in  Mexico.  In 
the  latter  the  images  are  covered  with  the  most  horrid  objects  in 
nature,  crotalus  jaws,  serpents'  fangs,  serpents'  tails  and  rattles, 
the  claws  of  beasts,  grinning  skulls,  horrid  looking  eyes,  muti- 
lated hands,  the  ensigns  of  royalty  placed  upon  them  as  if  in 
mockery,  the  whole  figu/e  the  shape  of  a  cross,  making  a  trav- 
esty of  the  most  sacred  symbol  of  religion.  These  idols  of  Gua- 
temala are  far  more  serene  and  kindly,  and  show  the  mild  form 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP.    311 

of  religion  which  prevailed  among  the  Mayas.  We  call  them 
portraits  rather  than  idols,  for  they  have  a  life-like  appearance, 
and  are  free  from  the  symbols  with  which  the  idols  were 
generally  covered.  They  were  not  the  portraits  of  the  culture 
heroes  of  the  Mayas  or  the  Mexicans,  for  these  culture  heroes 
were  mainly  the  personifications  of  the  nature  powers,  and  ex- 
hibit the  symbols  of  these  powers  in  great  profusion. 

As  to  the  localities  where  hero  worship  has  been  identified, 
there  is  scarcely  a  city  in  all  the  region  between  the  city  of 
Mexico  and  Lake  Managua  where  the  shrine  of  some  of  these 
hero  divinities  is  not  found,*  and  scarcely  a  tribe  which  has  not 
an  immense  store  of  tradition  concerning  the  same.  The  names 
of  the  culture  heroes  dififer  according  to  locality  and  age;  yet 
when  we  come  to  compare  their  character  and  history,  we  find 
that  they  were  nearly  identical.  To  illustrate:  The  city  of 
Cholula,  the  capital  of  the  ancient  Toltecs,  was  the  city  which 
tradition  fixes  upon  as  the  seat  of  the  worship  of  the  great  cul- 
ture hero  Quctzatlcoatl  and  the  place  where  the  greatest  temple 
to  his  name  was  erected.  This  is  the  place  where  the  divinity 
found  refuge  from  his  fierce  enemy  Tezcatlapoca,  and  the  place 
where,  according  to  tradition,  the  "  waters  of  the  great  deluge 
were  stayed."  The  pyramid  of  Cholula  is  the  monument  which 
commemorates  both  events.  The  feather-headed  serpent  is  the 
symbol  of  the  city,  and  represents  the  god  of  air  among  all  the 
nations  of  Anahuac.  From  this  city  his  worship  extended  over 
the  whole  country.  Here  was  the  image  of  Quctzatlcoatl.  It 
was  adorned  with  a  mitre,  a  short,  embroidered  tunic,  a  golddn 
collar,  the  legs  enclosed  in  a  garter  of  tiger  skin;  a  shield  hung 
from  the  left  arm.  and  in  the  right  hand  a  scepter,  which  termin- 
ated in  a  crook  like  a  bishop's  crozier.  Many  of  the  ancient 
cities  of  Central  America,  such  as  Palenque  and  Uxmal,  also 
had  shrines  to  these  culture  heroes.  This  worship  of  the  cul- 
ture heroes  was  nothing  more  nor  less  than  a  form  of  American 
paganism,  and  resembles,  both  in  its  highly  developed  ritual  and 
in  its  elaborate  symbolism,  and  especially  in  its  varied  mythol- 
ogy, the  paganism  of  the  ancient  cities  of  Greece  and  Rome  and 
of  the  lands  farther  east. 

6.  This  leads  us  to  the  sixth  form  of  religion,  viz:  the  worship 
of  the  elements  and  the  various  nature  powers.  This  was  one  of 
the  most  important  of  the  ethnographic  religions,  for  it  shows  to 
what  extent  the  people  were  accustomed  to  carry  their  inven- 
tions, and  with  what  complicated  symbols  they  covered  their 
divinities.  These  were :  (i.)  The  feather-headed  serpent,  which 
probably  represented  the  rain  cloud.  (2.)  The  cross  for  the  four 
parts  of  the  sky.  (3.)  The  circle  for  the  sun.  (4.)  The  eye  for 
the    rain    drop.     (5.)  The   garments    for   the  clouds.     (6.)  The 

*  See  p  402,  chapter  on  Culture  Heroes  and  Deified  Kings. 


312  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

hair  and  head-dress  for  the  fire.  (7.)  The  leaves,  cones  and 
vines  for  the  growing  vegetation.  (8.)  The  head  or  beak  of 
birds  for  the  creatures  of  the  sky.  (9.)  The  heads  of  animals 
for  the  creatures  of  the  earth,  and  other  symbols  for  the  elements 
— fire,  water,  earth  and  sky.*  Specimens  of  these  have  been 
given  in  the  chapter  on  "Culture  Heroes;"  others  in  the  cuts 
representing  the  figures  described  by  Habel  as  portrayed  on  the 
sculptured  tablets  of  Cosumalhuapa  f  These  tablets  are  covered 
with  a  great  array  of  symbols  in  the  form  of  flaming  suns,  winged 
circles,  human  faces  with  streaming  locks,  human  arms  with 
birds'  claws,  the  whole  intertwined  with  serpents  and  vines, 
death  heads,  masks  made  from  animals'  heads  and  human  heads 
— all  of  these  symbols  of  the  nature  powers ;  not  a  single  face 
among  them  which  can  be  recognized  as  a  portrait.  These 
tablets  evidently  represented  the  nature  powers,  while  the  idols 
found  at  Pantaleon  represented  the  portraits  of  ancestors. 

Naturism  was  very  prominent  among  the  Mayas,  but  it  was 
also  one  of  the  most  widespread  and  powerful  religions  of 
America.  It  was  well-nigh  universal,  and  might  be  called  the 
religion  of  the  American  race.  It  consisted  in  the  worship  of 
the  elements — the  earth,  air,  fire  and  water,  the  operations  of 
nature,  such  as  the  wind,  rain,  lightning,  sunshine,  water.  It 
also  filled  the  world-quarters  and  the  cardinal  points  with  guar- 
dian divinities.  It  deified  the  seasons,  and  made  the  days,  weeks, 
months  and  years  to  revolve  around  a  central  core,  called  the 
kernel  of  the  year,  and  had  a  calendar  of  its  own  separate  from 
that  which  was  regulated  by  the  sun.  It  was,  to  be  sure,  a  wor- 
ship of  the  sun  and  of  the  cosmic  powers,  but  was  also  accom- 
panied by  a  worship  of  the  sky,  and  gave  colors  to  the  different 
parts  of  the  sky,  which  were  sacred  to  the  sky  divinities.  It 
introduced  mountain  divinities  and  made  sacred  the  colors 
with  which  the  mountains  were  covered.  It  also  made  known, 
by  means  of  its  symbols,  the  divinities  which  controlled  the 
sea,  the  air  and  the  earth,  fire  and  water,  the  seasons,  the 
crops,  the  plants,  the  animals,  the  trees,  the  grain,  the  epochs 
of  creation,  the  events  of  history,  as  well  as  the  destiny  of  man, 
making  all  the  elements  subservient  to  their  power.  It  gave 
also  a  local  cult  to  each  city,  as  well  as  province,  each  temple 
and  shrine  having  the  symbol  of  the  nature  powers  in  the  shape 
of  crosses  and  masks  and  serpents  and  vines,  all  of  them  being 
suggestive  not  so  much  of  the  personal  divinities  or  the  culture 
heroes  as  of  the  unseen  and  supernatural  beings  which  were  sup- 
posed to  inhabit  the  sky  and  air  and  fill  the  universe  with  their 
presence.  It  pervaded  all  the  departments  of  life  having  control 
over  the  different  employments,  such  as  agriculture,  trade  and  the 

*See  Plates  of  the  Rain-god  and  Air-god,  pp.  414-415;    a'so  Fig.  i,  p.   403;    also    Air- 
god  and  Rain-^od,  Fig.  20,  p.  279. 

tSee  page  271,  Fig.  12,  and  compare  with  Fig.  5,  p.  309,  also  with  those  on  p.  279, 


ETHNOGRAPHIC  RELIGIONS  AND  ANCES20R  WORSHIP.   313 

various  arts.  It  also  ruled  over  all  classes,  making  them  subject 
to  the  power  of  the  priest  as  well  as  the  king.  It  even  controlled 
the  various  events  of  every  individual's  history,  beginning  with 
the  earliest  period  of  infancy,  going  on  through  the  different 
ages  of  each  individual,  and  gave  the  control  of  destiny,  of  time 
and  eternity  for  every  person,  into  the  hands  of  the  priest,  who 
personated  the  gods  of  nature  and  who  had  access  to  their  secrets, 
and  controlled  even  the  seasons,  as  well  as  the  future  state, 

Naturism  introduced  an  elaborate  system  of  symbolism — a  sys- 
tem which  differed  entirely  from  that  of  hero  worship,  as  it  was 
founded  altogether  on  the  deifying  of  the  powers  of  nature  and 
presented  the  cosmic  divinities  as  always  present.  These  sym- 
bols or  conventional  forms  were  not  confined  to  one  stock  or 
race,  but  seemed  to  have  been  adopted  by  all  tribes  and  races, 
and  were  understood  by  all  as  having  about  the  same  significance. 
The  rude  tribes  had  mainly  animal  totems;  the  mountain  tribes 
had  more  of  the  symbols  of  the  sky;  the  Maya  tribes  had  more 
ol  the  "  cosmic  symbols".  Nature  divinities  among  the  former 
were  represented  under  the  animal  semblance,  such  as  the  ser- 
pent, panther,  bear,  eagle,  raven,  quetzal,  or  parrot,  and  owl,  and 
other  zoomorphic  divinities,  but  were  represented  among  cer- 
tain tribes  under  the  form  of  tadpoles,  toads,  lizards,  butter- 
flies, and  beetles,  as  well  as  snakes.  Among  the  mountain 
tribes  the  symbols  were  supposed  to  represent  the  storms,  the 
clouds,  whirlwinds,  snow  and  rain,  and  mountain  divinities.  Some 
of  these  were  composed  of  arches  and  crosses,  parallel  lines  and 
zigzags,  each  of  which  stood  for  a  different  element — the  arch 
for  the  sky,  the  cross  for  the  winds,  the  zigzags  for  the  light- 
nings, the  parallel  lines  for  the  tailing  rain,  the  stepped  figures 
for  the  mountains,  which  were  supporters  of  the  sky,  the  feathers 
for  the  clouds,  the  suastika  for  the  revolving  sky,  the  scroll  for 
the  whirlwind,  the  Jerusalem  cross  for  the  water  or  sea,  the 
tortuous  line  for  the  rivers,  and  the  bird-tracks  for  the  creatures 
of  the  sky. 

The  "cosmic"  symbols  among  the  Mayas  represent  the  epochs 
of  the  world.  These  are  often  combined  with  "time"  symbols  of 
months  and  years  and  seasons,  so  that  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish 
the  longer  from  the  shorter  period,  for  they  are  all  mingled 
together  in  a  mass  of  symbolism  and  can  not  be  separated  and 
scarcely  analyzed,  but  generally  they  are  very  common  objects 
which  are  used  for  the  time  symbols,  such  as  circles,  crosses, 
animal  heads,  serpents,  plants,  reeds,  grains  of  corn,  flint  axes, 
arrows,  battle  axes,  machete,  feathers,  and  occasionally  human 
faces,  each  object  having  received  an  arbitrary  significance  and 
being  represented  in  conventional  shape. 

Among  all  the  tribes  there  were  figures  which  represented 
the  motions  of  the  sky  and  earth  and  the  order  of  the  seasons, 
the  very  shape  of  the  figures  giving  to  us  the  idea  of  revolving 


314  NATIVE  A MERICA N  S YMBOLISM. 

seasons  and  the  turn  which  all  nature  takes,  the  bend  of  the 
arms  of  the  cross,  or  the  turn  of  the  scroll,  the  beak  of  the 
birds,  the  coil  of  the  serpent,  as  well  as  the  circles,  indicating 
the  motion  of  the  sky,  so  that  we  have  a  map  of  the  heavens, 
with  its  sun  and  moon,  winds,  stars,  seasons,  currents,  as  well  as 
a  map  of  the  earth,  with  its  caves,  mountains,  rivers,  and  four 
quarters,  also  its  various  seasons,  all  of  the'  movements  of  the 
universe  being  plainly  represented  as  in  a  modern  orrerary. 

Different  colors  were  also  ascribed  to  the  nature  powers  and 
the  heavenly  bodies — the  four  quarters  of  the  sky,  the  moun- 
tains, seas,  the  upper  and  lower  worlds,  caves,  all  having  colors 
which  were  significant.  The  various  objects  in  nature,  which 
have  different  colors,  such  as  precious  stones,  shells,  turquoise, 
gems,  crystals,  mosses,  leaves,  grains  of  sand,  feathers,  reeds 
and  plants,  were  used  as  symbols  of  the  nature  divinities,  and  were 
supposed  to  have  a  peculiar  charm,  especially  in  the  healing  of 
disease  and  in  securing  the  aid  of  the  supernatural  gods.  There 
were  also  certain  symbols  which  represented  spiritual  things  — 
the  feathers  arranged  upon  a  staff,  called  Pahos,  were  prayers 
which  were  materialized.*  The  sacred  tree  stood  for  the 
spirit  of  life  or  the  soul;  the  serpent  stood  at  times  for  the  spirit 
of  evil,  the  malignant  spirit;  the  arrow  also  stood  for  prayer 
which  penetrated  the  sky;  the  vine  with  nodes  upon  it  stood  for 
speech  or  prayer  which  reached  the  ear  of  divinity.  There  were 
symbols  also  to  represent  the  state  of  the  soul,  a  passage  through 
the  mountain  for  the  journey  of  the  soul;  shrines  in  the  moun- 
tains for  the  resting  place  of  the  soul ;  the  clouds  and  the  turreted 
hills,  which  were  the  sacred  spaces  in  the  sky,  or  the  city  beneath 
the  water,  which  formed  the  home  of  the  soul. 

*lhe  use  of  feathers  as  prayer  symbols  was  common  with  nearly  all  of  the  aboriginal 
tribes,  but  was  especially  common  among  the  Tusayans.  They  are  explained  by  Mr.  J.  W. 
Fewkes  in  his  pamphlet  called  "Tusayan  New  Fire  Ceremony,"  reprint  from  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Boston  Society  of  Natural  History.  Every  breath  moves  them,  and  so 
they  are  the  symbol  of  the  breath  of  the  body  and  the  breathing  of  the  soul  in 
prayer.  As  the  sun  travels  across  the  sky  he  sees  the  Paho  in  the  shrine,  places  them  in 
his  girdle  and  carries  them  to  his  western  home,  and  distributes  them  to  the  world-quarter 
chiefs.  These  world  quBrter  chiefs  are  the  same  as  divinities  or  cloud  chiefs;  their  servants 
are  the  six  plumed  snakes,  all  of  which  are  addressed  in  the  prayers.  In  warrior  societv 
celebrations  game  gods  are  addressed.  Altars  and  shrines  were  also  the  symbols  of 
the  meeting  place  ofDivinity  and  the  soul.  These  with  the  Tusayans  were  of  three  kinds, 
(i.)  Cloud  Oharm  altar  with  a  medicine  bowl  at  the  junction  of  the  six  lines,  and  ears  of 
corn  at  the  ends  of  the  lines.  (2.)  Sand-painting  altars  with  fire  slabs.  (3.)  Symbolic 
figures  made  in  meal  used  in  the  flute  ceremonial  foot  races.  Keredores  is  a  term  used  to 
represent  the  upright  frame  work  back  of  the  sand  pictures. 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  S15 


CHAPTER    XIII — CONTINUED. 
ANTHROPOMORPHIC  AND  MOUNTAIN  DIVINITIES. 

We  have  now  passed  over  the  different  ethnographic  religions 
and  have  spoken  of  the  districts  in  which  they  predominated  as 
local  cults,  and  the  symbols  which  embodied  them.  In  giving 
this  geography  of  religion  and  of  mythology,  we  would  not 
be  understood  as  claiming  that  the  various  forms  of  religion 
were  confined  to  the  districts  mentioned,  or  even  that  they  pre- 
dominated to  the  exclusion  of  all  others,  for  many  forms  of 
religion  prevailed  in  all  parts  of  the  continent,  and  the  sym- 
bols and  the  myths  which  served  as  drapery  to  them  were  also 
widely  distributed.  There  was,  to  be  sure,  a  striking  correlation 
between  each  form  of  religion  and  its  environment,  the  mythol- 
ogy always  partaking  of  the  material  surroundings,  and  the 
symbols  also  being  affected  by  them;  but  there  was  nevertheless 
a  common  basis  for  them.  These  all  reveal  the  force  of  the 
religious  sentiment  which  prevailed  among  a  people  who  were 
so  remote  from  the  ordinary  fountains  of  thought  and  the  sources 
of  religious  influence.  They  prove  that  man  is  naturally  relig- 
ious: and  if  he  is  not  furnished  with  a  religion,  he  will  make 
one  for  himself  and  will  gather  inspiration  from  the  works  of 
nature  about  him. 

There  was  one  form  of  religion  we  have  not  touched  upon,  a 
form  which  brought  in  the  element  of  personality  and  gave  to  the 
symbols  a  new  significance  and  introduced  others,  so  that  we  have 
in  itian  entirely  different  set  of  myths  and  a  distinct  system  of  sym- 
bolism. To  this  religion  we  have  given  the  name  of  Anthromor- 
phism.  The  term  is  derived  from  two  Greek  words,  anthropos, 
"man,"  and  tnorpha,  "shape."  It  means  the  representation  of  a 
deity  in  human  form  and  with  human  attributes.  This  is  the 
type  of  religion  to  which  we  shall  invite  attention. 

I.  Let  us  consider  the  character  of  anthropomorphism  as  it 
existed  in  America.  It  was  one  of  the  prominent  ethnographic 
and  religious  systems  in  the  world,  but  had  a  greater  influence 
here  than  anywhere  else.  It  was  prevalent  throughout  the  con- 
tinent, though  its  highest  development  was  among  the  semi- 
civilized  races  of  the  southwest,  where  the  symbolism  reached 
its  highest  perfection.     It  was  also  prevalent  throughout  the 

*  The  Mide  charts  and  songs  of  the  Ojihwas  and  the  sand-paintings  and  mountain 
chants  of  the  Navajos  furnish  us  witli  illustrations  in  this  chapter:  but  the  idols  of  Mexico 
and  many  of  the  sculptured  figures  of  the  Mayas  arc  nothing  more  nor  less  than  images  of 
anthropomorphic  divinities. 


316  NA Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

eastern  continent  and  was  there  among  the  highest  types  of 
religion,  only  one  higher  form  having  been  reached  by  the  pagan 
nations,  viz.:  monotheism.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  connecting  link 
between  the  prehistoric  and  historic  religions,  and  was  one  ot 
the  most  familiar  types  among  the  ancient  nations.  There  was, 
to  be  sure,  often  connected  with  it  a  degraded  system  of  idolatry, 
which  receives  condemnation  from  enlightened  consciences  ;  but 
notwithstanding  this  it  resulted  in  a  view  of  the  personality  of 
God,  which,  upon  the  whole,  was  a  benefit  to  mankind.  This 
only  shows  how  the  human  mind  works  in  the  matter  of  relig- 
ion, for  it  rises  at  one  time  to  the  greatest  heights,  but  at  another 
falls  into  the  most  debased  and  degraded  condition,  but  some- 
how the  religious  sentiment  advances  with  each  movement,  heav- 
ing in  tide  waves  the  thought  of  man  to  a  higher  stage,  where  the 
truth  seems  to  be  better  apprehended.  This  is  illustrated  beau- 
tifully in  America,  for  here  the  aboriginal  mind  worked  accord- 
ing to  its  own  laws  and  forces,  without  the  influence  of  the 
historic  faiths  and  without  the  aid  of  revelation ;  and  yet  it 
seemed  to  have  come  with  each  advancing  type  nearer  and  nearer 
to  the  apprehension  that  there  was  one  supreme  and  personal 
God.  The  type  of  religion  which  we  called  anthropomorphism 
is  removed  but  one  step  from  this  conception,  and  was  itself  in 
the  process  of  growth. 

The  natives  of  America  were,  some  of  them,  bad  enough  in 
their  practices.  They  were  full  of  cruelty,  and  some  of  them 
were  carried  to  extreme  Irenzy;  the  dog-eating  shaman,  among  the 
Thlinkeets,  would  take  the  live  dog  in  his  hands,  and  while  fol- 
lowed by  others  as  crazy  as  himsell  would  tear  it  to  pieces  with 
his  teeth;  the  Eskimo  in  his  hut  would  tell  tales  of  the  bestial 
indulgence  and  cruelty  of  Sedna,  his  female  divinity  of  the 
seas;  the  Thlinkeets  would  repeat  the  myths  of  the  strange 
amours  of  Ne-kilt-luss,  the  great  creator,  and  represent  the  an- 
cestors of  the  race  as  coming  from  the  cockle-shells  upon  the 
shore;  the  Navajo  would  tell  about  the  hermaphrodite  which 
was  born  out  of  the  union  of  the  clouds  and  the  sky  on  the 
mountains,  having  no  semblance  except  that  of  the  dark  storm 
cloud  and  the  fleecy  cloud  combined;  the  Zuni  Indian  would 
tell  the  story  of  creation,  and  say  that  the  creator  lifted  the  sun 
and  sky  from  the  earth,  and  was  to  be  worshiped  under  the 
semblance  of  the  feather-headed  serpent;  the  Aztec  would  re- 
peat his  myths  about  the  god  of  war,  death  and  hell,  and  fill 
temples  with  the  images  or  idols  which  were  covered  with  the 
ghastly  array  of  skulls;  and  even  the  Maya  devotee  would 
erect  the  image  of  the  serpent,  with  open  mouth  and  protruding 
tongue,  and  worship  this  mask  as  the  embodiment  of  his  divin- 
ity; still,  notwithstanding  all  these  cruel  practices  and  degraded 
customs,  the  conception  of  god  was  constantly  rising.  The  habit 
of  ascribing  human  attributes  to  the  divinity  was  only  one  evi- 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  317 

dence  that  progress  was  being  made  toward  the  truth.  We  may 
regard  then  this  habit  of  clothing  the  divinity  in  the  drapery  ot 
the  human  face  and  form  as  a  positive  aid  to  devotion,  for  it 
enabled  the  people  to  conceive  of  God  as  a  personal  being,  and 
to  represent  him  not  only  as  a  national  divinity,  but  as  one  who 
ruled  all  nations  and  peoples. 

We  do  not  find  in  America  any  such  conception  of  a  holy  being 
as  is  contained  in  the  Scriptures;  nor  do  we  find  the  thought  of 
one  true  and  living  God  ruling  over  all  thmgs,  but  so  far  as 
symbols  and  myths  could  express  it  we  may  say  that  the  con- 
ception of  God  as  a  personal  being,  having  personal  feelings 
and  bearing  a  human  semblance,  was  similar  to  that  which  was 
common  among  the  nations  of  the  east  and  that  which  may  be 
easily  recognized  in  the  language  of  the  word  of  God.  To  the 
benighted  and  belated  sons  of  men  who  inhabited  this  continent, 
anthropomorphism  was  a  great  boon,  for  it  brought  them  to  a 
higher  conception  of  God  than  the  mere  nature  worship  ever 
could  have  done.  Though  there  was  no  Moses  among  them 
who  could  go  up  the  mountain's  height  and  talk  face  to  face 
with  God,  nor  was  there  any  gift  of  law,  revelation,  or  religion, 
yet  those  who  worshiped  the  humanized  personal  divinities  v/ere 
much  nearer  the  truth  than  those  who  either  worshiped  animals, 
or  ancestors,  or  even  culture  heroes,  for  they  had  a  view  of  his 
personal  attributes  and  were  on  the  way  to  apprehend  the  unity 
of  God  and  his  sovereignty  over  all  creatures. 

II.  Let  us  turn  to  anthropomorphism  as  found  among  the 
wild  tribes.  There  were  different  phases  which  anthropomorphism 
assumed  in  the  various  parts  of  the  continent.  Its  chief  devel- 
opement  was  in  Gautemala  and  among  the  ancient  Mayas,  but  it 
also  prevailed  among  the  lower  and  ruder  tribes,  though  it  was 
here  associated  with  animal  worship  and  totemism,  the  zoomor- 
phic  and  anthropomorphic  divinities  being  strangely  mingled  in 
their  pantheon.  It  is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  so  much  of  the 
advanced  forms  of  anthropomorphism  existed  among  the  rude  and 
savage  tribes,  and  that  even  the  gods  of  the  world-quarters  were 
so  frequently  represented  as  personal  beings  which  bore  the 
human  semblance.  The  majority  of  them  were,  to  be  sure, 
zoomorphic,  as  would  be  natural  with  the  totemistic  tribes;  but 
there  were  many  divinities  among  them  which  had  the  human 
semblance,  for  we  find  everywhere  pictographs,  rock  inscriptions, 
inscribed  shells,  carved  relics  and  masks,  as  well  as  idols,  contain- 
ing the  human  semblance.*  There  are  also  many  charts  which 
contain  human  figures  or  faces,  and  the  chief  divinities  are  rep- 
resented in  this  way,  but  the  subordinate  divinities  under  the 


*  Here  we  would  speak  about  the  human  hand,  which  has  been  recognized  as  an  orna- 
ment on  the  pottery  and  in  the  shells  of  tlie  Mound-builders.  This  is  different  from  the 
human  face  and  form,  and  yet  it  was  expressive  of  the  same  thought,  and  was  a  very  wide- 
spread symbol. 


318  ;  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

animal  semblance.  There  were  also  dances  and  feasts  among 
the  wild  tribes  in  which  the  individuals  personated  the  divinities, 
sometimes  imitating  the  animals  which  they  worshiped  and 
mimicking  their  motions;  sometimes  the  birds;  sometimes  the 
nature  powers;  sometimes  the  motions  of  the  serpent,  which 
which  was  the  symbol  of  the  seasons,  especially  spring,  at  its 
appearance  after  the  long  bondage  of  winter.  The  highest  style 
of  dramatization  was  that  in  which  the  supernatural  powers  were 
represented  as  personal  beings.  Moreover,  the  gods  who  repre- 
sented the  four  elements,  and  who  ruled  the  world  quarters  and 
bore  the  sacred  colors,  assumed  the  human  form  for  the  sake  of 
conversing  with  their  devotees,  though  they  were  capable  of 
transforming  themselves  into  any  shape. 

We  can  not  look  upon  these  different  manifestations  without 
believing  that  the  personality  was  an  element  in  the  divine  being 
even  in  the  minds  of  the  untrained  savages,  and  that  all  the 
mysteries  which  were  celebrated  had  regard  to  this  element. 
Some  believe  that  the  future  state  of  the  soul  was  often  in  the 
minds  of  the  initiates,  and  that  much  of  the  symbolism  brought 
out  the  thought  of  the  unseen  world,  for  the  religious  customs 
which  were  practiced  at  the  burial  of  the  dead  were  in  ac- 
cord with  this.  The  spirits  of  the  departed  were  regarded  as 
still  in  existence,  and  food  must  be  placed  within  the  grave,  or 
in  the  house  which  was  placed  over  the  grave,  and  articles 
for  use  within  the  grave.  Moreover,  the  myths  and  symbols 
which  were  perpetuated  by  the  sacred  mysteries  bring  out  the 
thought  that  an  unseen  spirit,  who  was  perhaps  equivalent  to  the 
Supreme  Being  and  Great  Spirit,  directed  the  mysteries  and  de- 
signed to  bestow  gifts  upon  the  people.  There  are  many  illus- 
trations of  this  among  the  different  tribes,  for  there  are  charts 
and  symbols,  as  well  as  myths  and  traditions,  which  perpetuate 
the  religious  views  of  the  aborigines.  Some  of  these  seem  to 
have  been  affected  by  the  views  which  were  brought  in  by  the 
white  man,  but  others  are  purely  aboriginal.  The  best  illustra- 
tion is  that  which  is  found  among  the  Ojibwas,  an  Algonkin  tribe 
which  still  dwells  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Superior  and  the 
head  waters  of  the  Mississippi  River.  The  following  is  a  sum- 
mary of  their  beliefs:  The  chief  or  superior  manito  is  termed 
Kitshi  Manido,  approaching  to  the  idea  of  the  God  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion.  The  second  in  importance  is  Dzhe  Manido,  a 
benign  being,  upon  whom  they  look  as  a  guardian  spirit  or  good 
spirit.  Another  is  called  Dzhibai  Manido,  shadow  spirit,  or 
ghost  spirit,  for  he  rules  the  place  of  shadows.  Aside  from 
these,  there  was  the  chief  animal  spirit,  who  is  supposed  to  be 
the  national  god  and  culture  hero,  represented  as  the  giant  rab- 
bit, called  Minabozho,  who  was  subordinate  to  the  Kitshi  Manido, 
but  was  the  means  by  which  his  gifts  came  to  the  people.  Op- 
posite to  these  various  divinities,  but  subordinate  to  them,  were 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES,  319 

certain  evil  or  malignant  spirits,  which  assume  the  shape  of  ser- 
pents and  bears  and  birds. 

The  manner  of  securing  supernatural  gifts  and  favor  with  the 
Kitchi  Manido  was  by  passing  through  the  four  degrees  of  the 
sacred  mysteries.  These  were  guarded  by  certain  malignant 
spirits  who  assumed  the  shapes  of  serpents,  bears  and  panthers, 
and  who  opposed  the  passage  of  a  candidate  into  the  sacred 
lodge,  where  he  would  receive  the  gift  of  immortality.  These 
were,  however,  under  the  control  of  the  good  spirit,  and  opened 
the  passage  into  the  lodge  at  his  command.  When  the  candi- 
date passes  into  the  second  degree  he  receives  from  Dzhe 
Manido  eyes  to  look  into  futurity;  ears  that  can  hear  a  great 
distance;  hands  that  can  touch  those  which  are  remote;  feet 
which  can  traverse  all  space.  When  he  has  passed  to  the  fourth 
degree  he  is  able  to  accomplish  the  greatest  fetes  in  magic,  and 
to  read  the  thoughts  and  intents  of  others.  His  path  is  beset 
with  dangers  and  points  to  which  he  may  deviate  from  the  true 
course  of  propriety ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  world  his  soul  is 
permitted  to  pass  from  the  Mide-wigan  to  the  land  of  the  setting 
sun,  the  place  of  the  dead,  upon  the  road  of  the  dead.  An 
illustration  of  these  different  points  will  be  found  in  the  charts 
which  perpetuate  the  Mide  songs  of  the  Ojibwas,*  which  have 
been  preserved  as  very  sacred,  and  which  represent  the  ancient 
mysteries,  still  so  sacred  among  them. 

We  shall  call  attention  to  these  charts,  for  they  are  the  "sacred 
books"  of  the  Ojibwas  and  perpetuate  the  sacred  songs,  or  the 
Mide  songs,  exactly  as  the  sand-paintings  do  among  the  Navajos 
and  the  codices  do  among  the  Mayas,  What  is  most  remarka- 
ble about  the  charts  is  that  they  represent  about  the  same 
fundamental  truths  or  beliefs  as  those  contained  in  the  sacred 
books  of  the  east,  and  like  them  are  given  in  poetical  language 
and  were  attended  by  songs  that  were  designed  as  interpretations. 
They  are,  in  fact,  the  Vedas  of  this  aboriginal  tribe,  and  repre- 
sent the  religion  as  well  as  the  literature  of  this  people. 

Nearly  all  o^  these  charts  begin  with  the  story  of  creation 
and  end  in  the  passage  of  the  soul  into  the  sacred  lodge  in  the 
heavenly  spaces,  but  represent  the  processes  by  which  the  can- 
didate is  to  appease  the  great  divinity,  who  is  unseen,  but  who 
has  revealed  these  mysteries  to  the  people.  The  interpretation 
of  the  chart  reveals  the  fact  that  there  was  a  foundation  myth 
which  prevailed  among  all  the  tribes  of  the  Mississippi  Valley, 
and,  with  variations,  appeared  among  the  tribes  of  the  interior, 

♦.Schoolcraft  says:  The  North  American  Indians  have  two  terms  for  their  pictographs 
— Kekcewin,  such  things  as  are  generally  understood  by  the  tribe;  Kekeenowin  for  the 
teachings  of  the  Mides  or  priests.  The  knowledge  of  the  latter  is  chiefly  conhned  to  per- 
sons who  are  versed  in  their  system  of  magic  medicine  or  their  religion,  and  may  be  termed 
hieratic.  The  former  consists  of  figurative  signs,  such  as  are  employed  at  places  of  sepul- 
ture or  hunting  or  traveling  parties.  It  is  also  employed  in  the  rock  writings,  nie//inabiks. 
Many  of  the  figures  are  common  to  both.  This  results  from  the  figure  of  the  alphab  et  be 
ing  precisely  the  same,  but  the  devices  of  the  medicine  (Waheno),  hunting  and  war  s  on^ 
are  known  solely  to  the  initiates,  who  have  learned  them. 


320 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOIISM. 


and  even  may  be  recognized  among  the  more  civilized  tribes  of 
the  southwest.  Let  us  first  take  the  chart  furnished  by  Henry 
Schoolcraft: 

It  begins  with  the  picture  of  a  bird  under  an  arch  (No.  i).  This  repre- 
sents the  medicine  lodge  hlled  with  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit. 
(2.)  Next  is  the  candidate  for  admission,  holding  the  pouch  from  which  the 
wind  IS  gushing  out.  (3)  A  man  holding  a  dish  in  his  hand.  (4.)  Next  a 
lodge  in  which  the  Mide  men  are  assembled.  (5.)  Next  the  arm  of  the 
priest.  (8.)  The  Mide  tree,  or  the  tree  of  life.  (9.)  The  crane,  which  is  the 
totem  o'  the  tribe.  (10  )  An  arrow,  which  penetrates  the  entire  circle  of  the 
sky.  (II.)  A  small  hawk,  which  is  capable  of  flying  high  into  the  sky. 
(12.)  The  sky,  with  the  Great  Spirit  looking  over  it,  a  suplicating  arm  inside 
of  it.  (13.)  A  pause.  (i4-)  Wabeno  tree.  (15.)  A  drumstick.  (16.)  The 
sun  pursuing  his  course  until  noon.  (17.)  The  Great  Spirit,  filling  all  space 
with  its  beams.  (18-19.)  A  drum  and  tambourine,  (20-21.)  The  raven  and 
crow,  symbols  of  the  nature  powers.  (22.)  A  medicine  lodge  and  the 
master,  holding  in  his  hands  the  clouds. 

Let  us  next  take  the  one  given  by  Dr.  W.  J.  Hoffman,  and 
the  myth  or  legend  which  is  attached  to  this.  It  is  as  follows  : 
Minabozho,  the  great  rabbit,  was  the  servant  of  Dzhe  Manido, 


Chart  of  the  "Mide  Wigan,"  or  Sacred  Lodge 

the  good  spirit,  and  acted  in  the  capacity  of  ancestor  and  mediator 
and  was  the  friend  of  the  Indians.  He  looked  down  upon  the 
earth  and  beheld  the  ancestors  of  the  Ojibwas  occupying  the 
four  quarters  of  the  earth,  and  saw  how  helpless  they  were.  The 
place  where  he  descended  was  an  island  in  the  middle  of  a  large 
body  of  water.  He  instructed  the  otter,  whose  home  was  in  the 
water.  Here  he  built  a  sacred  Mide  lodge,  "Mide  Wigan,"  and 
took  the  otter  into  the  "Mide  Wigan"  and  shot  the  sacred  migis 
into  his  body  that  he  might  have  immortal  lift.*  This  is  the 
myth.     The  following  is  the  chart  which  embodied  it : 

The  circle  with  the  four  projections  (Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4)  represents  the  world 
at  creation,  with  the  four  quarters  inhabited  by  the  people  (Nos.  5,  6,  7,  8). 
The  two  oblong  squares  (Nos.  11-12)  r-present  the  lodge  guarded  by  two 
malignant  manidos(Nos.  9-10).  Four  human  forms  (Nos.  13.  14.  15.  16)  rep- 
resent the  four  officiating  priests.  Cedar  trees  are  represented  by  Nos.  17, 
18,  19.  Nos.  21  and  22  represent  a  bear  spirit.  Nos.  23  and  24  represent  a 
sacred  drum.  Nos.  28  and  29  represent  the  entrance  of  the  first  and  second 
degrees.  Nos.  30-34  represent  the  five  serpent  spirits  who  oppose  the  prog- 
ress, one  of  which  raises  its  body  to  form  an  arch  for  the  candidate  to  pass 


*The  "migis"  is  considered  tlie  sacred  symbol  of  the  Mide  Wigan, 
any  small  white  shell, 


and  may  consist  of 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  321 

under.  Nos.  35-47  represent  the  four  malignant  bear  spirits.  Nos.  37-38 
represent  the  door  of  the  lodge.  Nos.  39-45  represent  the  seven  Mide 
oriests.  No.  48  the  candidate  receiving  supernatural  powers.  No.  50  the 
Bad  Mide.  No.  53,  the  third  degree.  Nos.  61-67,  the  Mide  spirits  who  in- 
habit this  degree.  Nos  59-60,  the  bear  spirits.  Nos.  69-80,  the  fourth  de- 
gree. Nos.  81-84,  88-96,  malignant  animal  spirits.  No.  99,  the  angular 
pathway.  No.  loi.the  end  of  the  road.  Above  the  fourth  degree  (110-114) 
are  the  ghost  lodge  and  the  path  of  the  dead.  No.  113,  the  owl,  which 
represents  the  sou  passing  from  the  Mide  Wigan  or  ghost  lodge  to  the  land 
of  the  setting  sun. 

It  would  appear  from  this  chart  that  even  the  savages  had  a 
conception  of  a  supreme  being  and  creator,  of  a  mediator,  of  an 
evil  spirit  and  of  a  divine  or  supernatural  gift  which  came  in 
answer  to  offerings  and  prayer.  They  had  also  a  view  of  a  future 
state  and  the  passage  of  the  soul  after  death  into  the  sacred  abodes, 
which  was  not  derived  from  the  white  man,  but  was  aboriginal 
and  was  perpetuated  by  the  medicine  men  from  generation  to 
generation.  This  conception  accompanied  the  worship  of  anthro- 
pomorphic divinities  far  more  than  that  of  the  animal  divinities. 
The  Ojibwas  were  not  the  only  tribes  which  had  charts  and 
symbols  in  which  the  human  face  and  form  were  used  to  repres- 
ent the  personality  of  God  and  the  super-natural  being.  The 
Dakotas,  Omahas,  Ponkas,  Winnebagos  and  Pawness  all  used 
the  same  semblance.  These  tribes  combined  them  with  the  sym- 
bols of  the  nature  powers,  such  as  the  lightning,  water,  air  and 
wind,  in  such  a  way  that  the  human  features  could  hardly  be 
recognized;  yet  when  we  come  to  understand  the  symbols  we 
see  that  the  human  semblances  are  given  to  the  nature  powers, 
and  that  human  attributes  are  ascribed  to  the  supreme  divinities, 
the  animal  gods  being  subject  to  these,  though  they  acted  as 
guardians  to  the  sacred  mysteries. 

III.  This  brings  us  to  the  "mountain  divinities,"  which  were 
worshiped  by  the  tribes  ot  the  interior,  such  as  the  Zunis,  the 
Moquis,  Pimas,  and  especially  by  the  Navajos.  These  were 
always  regarded  as  personal  beings,  having  human  attributes, 
and  were  represented  under  human  semblances,  thongh  they 
were  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  nature  powers  personified. 
They  inhabited  the  mountain  rocks  and  caves,  and  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  animals,  with  human  faces  and  hands.  These  divinities 
or  spirits  dwelt  in  different  houses;  but  they  were  houses  which 
were  hid  away  among  the  mountains,  or  water  of  the  lakes,  or 
amid  the  clouds  above  the  mountains,  and  can  be  called  nature 
divinities  or  mountain  divinities.  They,  however,  all  possessed 
the  human  form,  or  at  least  had  faces,  feet  and  hands  like  human 
beings  and  could  talk  and  act  as  if  they  were  human. 

It  appears  that  the  universe  was  peopled  by  supernatural 
beings,  and  there  was  not  a  living  creature,  nor  even  an  imagin- 
ary object,  which  did  not  have  its  representative  in  the  varied 
"pantheon."  The  clouds,  the  rainbow,  the  storm,  the  thunder  and 
lightning,  the  snow  and  rain,  the  rocks,  and  the  caves  among 


/ 

322  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  rocks,  the  crystals  formed  among  the  rocks,  the  water,  the 
streams,  the  trees,  the  foliage  on  the  trees,  the  birds,  and  the 
feathers  and  the  plumage  on  the  birds,  the  animals,  and  even  the 
fur  on  the  animals,  were  personified  and  made  objects  of  worship. 
The  colors  were  especially  dwelt  upon  as  representing  divinities, 
and  were  regarded  as  the  clothing  with  which  the  nature  powers 
were  arrayed.  There  were  not  only  divinities  of  the  water,  sky, 
earth  and  fire,  but  there  were  divinities  which  represented  the 
different  colors  and  the  different  elements. 

It  was  a  very  brilliant  and  highly  colored  universe  which  the 
people  inhabited  and  which  they  imagined  were  also  the  habita- 
tions of  the  anthropomorphic  divinities.  The  houses  of  the 
divinities  had  different  colors — the  black  water  and  the  white 
water,  the  blue  sky  and  the  red  sky.  the  yellow  sunbeams  and 
the  black  rocks,  the  white  lightning  and  the  red  lightning.  The 
colors  had  much  to  do  with  the  worship  of  the  divinities  among 
the  eastern  tribes,  but  here  they  were  magnified  and  exalted  to 
a  higher  rank,  and  they  had  a  great  force  in  the  religious  cere- 
monies of  the  people.  The  points  of  the  compass  were  regarded 
as  sacred  and  had  different  colors,  which  were  sacred  to  certain 
divinities;  but  there  were  added  to  the  four  points  three  more, 
to  represent  the  zenith,  nadir  and  the  central  point  around  which 
the  universe  revolved,  making  seven  spaces,  six  of  which  were 
occupied  by  the  divinities,  the  central  one  being  the  place  where 
the  divinity  and  humanity  met.  Among  some  of  the  tribes  there 
were  double  spaces,  making  two  worlds — the  celestial  and  the 
terrestial.  Both  worlds  revolved  about  the  central  space  exactly 
as  the  nine  worlds  of  the  Chinese  revolved  around  the  throne  of 
the  celestial  emperor,  and  as  the  four  peaks  of  the  Hindoo 
mountain  stood  around  the  central  mountain  of  Meru,  which 
was  regarded  as  the  pillar  of  the  sky  and  the  navel  of  the 
universe.  The  celestial  spaces  were  occupied  by  the  anthropo- 
morphic divinities,  but  the  terrestial  spaces  were  guarded  by 
animal  divinities  which  were  represented  in  the  red  stone 
fetiches,*  which  the  people  worshiped.  There  was  a  central 
space  in  the  sacred  geography  of  the  ancient  natives  of  the  east. 
There  it  was  always  located  in  the  city,  and  in  the  temple  in  the 
midst  of  the  city.  With  this  people  it  was  located  in  the  pueblos. 
Sometimes  seven  pueblos  were  built,  perhaps  to  symbolize  the 
different  spaces. 

We  would    notice    further   that    the    dwelling   place   of  the 


*The  central  mountain  amonpr  the  Navajos,  as  well  as  four  mountains  surrounding  it. 
(See  the  moinitain  chart  by  Ur.  Washington  Matthews,) 

There  were  six  pueblos  among  the  Zunis,  one  of  which  was  the  seat  of  dommion,  or 
central  power.     (See  Bandelier.l  .      ,       c       -^    , 

A-  checkerboard  village  with  a  larger  edifice  in  the  center  was  noticed  at  ban  Larlos, 
Arizona.  (See  Investigations  in  Southwest,  p.  417.)  This  was  of  the  Mexican  type.  Clus- 
ters of  the  checkerboard  pattern  were  found  near  Phoenix,  Arizona.  P.  444.  Not  only 
from  the  discovery  of  totemic  devices,  but  from  other  evidences,  it  is  supposed  that  each 
was  the  abiding  place  of  a  particular  clan  or  gens.  Cassa  Grande  shows  three  stories,  with 
a  third  story  like  a  tower— one  of  them  subterranean,  making  four.  (Sighted  from  Bartlett's 
Personal  Narrative,  Vol.  II,  p.  272.)     (Bancroft's  Native  Races,  Vol.  IV,  p.  625.) 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  32g 

divinities  differed  among  the  different  tribes,  the  Navajos 
representing  them  as  dwelling  on  top  of  the  mountains  and 
above  the  clouds,  while  the  Zunis  and  Moquis  represented  them 
as  dwelling  beneath  the  waters  and  below  the  mountains.  Still 
the  houses  in  which  the  divinities  dwelt,  which  were  pictured 
out  by  the  Navajos,  were  formed  of  the  clouds  and  were  built 
in  terraces  resembling  the  terraced  houses  of  the  Pueblos,  but 
had  different  colors,  very  much  as  the  Babylonian  pyramids  had. 
These  many  colored  clouds  were  guarded  by  animal  divinities, 
but  they  could  be  reached  by  human  beings,  especially  when 
attended  with  the  supernatural  beings  as  companions.  One  of 
the  most  beautiful  tales,  or  myths,  of  the  Navajos  is  contained 
in  the  description  of  an  individual  who  was  seeking  after  his 
spiritual  body  and  who  was  led  by  two  of  the  divinities  through 
the  different  clouds,  the  grey  cloud,  and  the  red  cloud,  to  where 
the  body  was  lying.  According  to  the  myth  each  bank  of 
clouds  contained  a  chamber  which  had  a  different  color  and  was 
guarded  by  some  animal  with  a  color  corresponding  to  the 
cloud.  The  house  in  which  the  soul  body  was  lying  was  situ- 
ated in  a  field  beyond  the  clouds ;  it  had  a  door  and  sill,  front 
part  and  back  part,  each  of  which  are  mentioned  as  if  they  were 
sacred.  The  body  itself  seemed  to  be  held  in  its  place  by  a 
secret  spell  or  charm  which  was  broken  by  the  presence  of  the 
supernatural  divinities  and  taken  up  part  by  part — hands,  feet, 
body,  hair,  even  to  the  spittal,  and  carried  back  to  the  habitation 
of  the  human  being,  who,  as  a  soul,  seemed  to  be  disembodied. 
The  story  reminds  us  of  the  Dakota  myth  of  the  souls  of  their 
ancestors  which  passed  up  through  the  different  terraces,  which 
were  supported  by  the  tree  of  life,  and  took  the  bodies  of  birds. 
It  required  the  greatest  formality  for  these  attended  divinities — 
the  one  before,  the  other  behind  the  soul  in  its  passage  through 
the  clouds,  and  the  myth  is  stretched  out  a  great  length  in  its 
repetitions,  but  is  very  striking.  This  differs  from  the  mythol- 
ogy of  the  Zunis,  who  imagined  that  the  houses  of  their  divini- 
ties were  beneath  the  waters  of  the  sacred  lake,  and  were  to  be 
reached  by  passing  through  the  secret  path  through  the 
mountains.  These  houses,  themselves,  resembled  the  pueblos 
in  all  particulars.  Thus,  we  see  that  the  different  tribes  drew 
their  ideas  of  an  unseen  universe  from  their  surroundings.  The 
same  contrasts  are  perceptible  in  the  story  of  creation.  With 
the  Navajos  the  gods  were  born  upon  the  top  of  the  mountains; 
with  the  Zunis  and  Moquis  their  original  home  was  in  the  cave 
beneath  the  earth. 

There  are  many  myths  extant  among  these  partially  civilized 
tribes  which  exhibit  their  conceptions  in  reference  to  the  appear- 
ance of  the  humanized  divinities.  They  are  very  beautiful  and 
full  of  poetical  fancies;  the  imagery  of  them  having  been  drawn 
from  the  magnificent  scenery  of  the  region  and  is  resplendent 


324  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

with  the  colors  with  which  the  rocks  and  mountains  were  clothed 
and  sparkles  with  the  jewels  and  precious  stones  which  abound, 
and  is  as  varied  and  striking  as  the  vegetation  which  covered  the 
mountains.  The  symbols  also  of  the  different  tribes  were  de- 
rived from  the  scenery;  many  of  them  were  invented  to  express 
the  operations  of  nature,  though  the  tribes  borrowed  symbols 
f -om  one  another  as  well  as  myths.  Many  of  these  myths  and 
symbols  were  embodied  in  the  sand  paintings,  which  for  a  long 
time  were  unknown,  but  are  now  proving  to  be  very  interesting 
objects  of  study,  for  they  are  like  the  missals  written  during  the 
middle  ages.  They  are  not  only  very  beautiful,  but  they  perpet- 
uate the  ancient  traditions  of  the  people;  in  fact,  have  preserved 
the  sacred  book  from  destruction.* 

These  sand  paintings  show  a  wonderful  taste  for  color,  and  at 
the  same  time  reveal  an  elaborate  symbol  which  represents  the 
various  nature  powers — such  as  the  wind,  rain,  lightning  and  four 
points  of  the  compass — also  a  familiarity  with  the  sacred  plants; 
but  the  most  remarkable  thing  is  that  the  gods  of  the  sky  are 
always  represented  as  having  the  human  form  clothed  with  the 
sunbeams  and  the  colors  of  the  sky  and  adorned  with  rainbows, 
but  controling  the  nature  powers  and  guarding  the  plants.  This 
is  one  peculiarity  of  anthropomorphism.  The  divinity  who  has 
the  human  form  is  really  master  of  the  creation  and  reigns 
supreme  over  all  the  other  powers.  The  best  illustration  of  this 
is  given  by  the  ceremonial  and  sand-painting  called  Hastjclti 
Dailjis.  This  ceremonial  was  founded  upon  the  story  of  creation, 
which  is  as  follows.  Hastjelti  and  Hostjoghcn  were  the  children 
of  Ahsonnutli,  the  turquois  and  the  white  shell  woman,  who 
were  born  on  the  mountain  where  the  fogs  meet.  These  two 
became  the  great  song  makers  of  the  world  and  were  the  rain 
gods.f  These  two  gods  were  the  mountain  divinities  which 
were  worshiped  by  the  Navajos.  They  stand  upon  the  mountain 
tops  and  call  the  clouds  together  around  them.  Hastjelti  is  the 
mediator  between  the  Navajo  and  the  sun.  He  communicates 
with  the  Navajo  through  feathers,  so  the  choicest  plumes  are 
attached  to  the  prayer  sticks  offered  to  him.  They  gave  to  the 
mountain  of  their  nativity  (Henry  Mountain,  in  Utah)  two  songs| 

♦These  sand  paintings  were  first  discovered  by  Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  but  others, 
have  added  to  the  descriptions  furnished  until  quite  a  mass  of  literature  has  accumulated — 
Mr.  James  Stevenson,  Mrs.  Mati  da  Stevenson,  Mr.  F.  H.  Gushing,  Li>  utenant  Bourke, 
Dr.  J   Walter  Fewkes,  and  others  having  furnished  many  articles  in  reference  to  them. 

tThey  may  be  regarded  as  personifications  of  the  white  and  yellow  corn,  for  they  were 
conceived  of  ears  of  corn — the  male  from  the  white  corn  and  the  female  from  the  yellow — 
though  they  are  also  rain  gods,  the  effect  of  the  rain  being  confounded  with  the  cause,  as 
it  is  frequentlv  the  case. 

ifThe  Tusayaus,  according  to  Dr.  Walter  Fewkes,  had  sand-paintings  and  song  makers, 
which  served  an  important  part  in  their  rain  ceremonials.  The  Tusayans  also  had  many 
idols  which  were  distinguished  by  their  head  dresses,  most  careful  attention  being  paid  to 
the  colors.  The  gods  and  goddesses  of  the  Egyptians  were  principally  distinguished  by 
their  head  dresses.  These  idols  were  placed  before  the  altars  and  set  in  piles  of  sand. 
They  were  sprinkled  with  meal  and  adorned  with  feathers.  In  many  of  the  houses  there 
are  large  stone  images  standing  in  conspicuous  places.  A  large  collection  of  these  idols  of 
the  Tusayans  and  Zunis  has  been  gathered  at  Washington,  in  the  National  Museum. 
(See  Tusayan  Indian  Dolls,  by  J.  Walter  Fewkes,  Boston,  Mass.,  1894.) 


bnRKAO  Of  BTBNOLOOT 


?OOBTa  AMNDiL  REPORT    Pt-  r» 


OJIBV/A    MEDA    SONG. 

CHART  OF  THE  MIDE  SONG-SCHOOLCRAFT. 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DlVlNIUJ^S.  3^ 

sttid  two  prayers;  then  they  went  to  Sierra  Blanca  (Colorado) 
and  made  two  songs  and  prayers  and  dressed  the  mountain  in 
clothing  of  white  shell  with  two  eagle  plumes  placed  upright 
upon  the  head.  From  here  they  visited  San  Mateo  Mountain 
(New  Mexico)  and  gave  to  it  two  songs  and  prayers  and  dressed 
it  in  turquois,  even  to  the  leggings  and  moccasins,  and  placed 
two  eagle  plumes  on  the  head.  Hence  they  went  to  San  Fran- 
cisco Mountain  (Arizona)  and  made  two  songs  and  prayers  and 
dressed  that  mountain  in  abalone  shells  with  two  eagle  plumes 
upon  the  head.  They  then  visited  Ute  Mountain  and  gave  to  it 
two  songs  and  prayers  and  dressed  it  in  black  beads ;  this  mount- 
ain also  had  two  eagle  plumes  on  its  head.  They  then  returned 
to  the  mountain  of  their  nativity  to  meditate,  "  We  two  have 
made  all  these  songs." 

The  myth  which  served  as  the  foundation  of  some  of  the  sand 
paintings  has  relation  to  a  song  hunter  and  the  Colorado  river. 
A  Jerusalem  cross  was  formed  out  of  two  logs — a  solid  one  and 
a  hollow  one.  The  song  hunter  entered  the  hollow  log  and 
Hastjelti  closed  the  end  with  a  cloud.  The  raft  was  launched 
upon  the  waters,  but  the  Hostjobokon  (river  gods),  accompanied 
by  their  wives,  rode  upon  the  logs — a  couple  sitting  on  the  end 
of  each  cross  arm.  They  were  accompanied  by  Hastjelti  and 
Hostjoghon  (divinities  of  the  mountains),  and  two  hunchbacks, 
Naaskiddi  (cloud  divinities).  These  hunchbacks  have  clouds 
upon  their  backs  in  which  seeds  of  all  vegetation  are  held,  and 
were  perhaps  the  gods  of  vegetation.  After  they  had  floated  a 
long  distance  they  came  to  (the  ocean)  waters  that  had  a  shore 
on  one  side  only.  Here  they  found  a  people  who  painted  pictures 
and  who  taught  them  how  to  make  sand-pictures.    See  Plate.* 

In  making  their  sand-paintings  the  Navajos  prepared  a  sweat- 
house  and  painted  the  rainbow  on  the  outside.  This  rainbow 
had  the  head  and  body,  which  hung  down  at  one  side  of  the 
lodge,  and  skirted  legs  upon  the  other  side.  The  entrance  to 
the  lodge  was  covered  with  a  black  and  white  striped  blanket, 
which  symbolized  the  black  and  white  cloud,  and  two  buckskins, 
which  represented  daylight,  or  the  twilight,  or  the  dawn.  Pre- 
parations for  the  sand-paintings  were  very  elaborate  in  some 
cases,  as  in  that  of  the  ceremonial  called  Dailjis ;  there  were 
deer  skins,  reeds  and  colored  tubes  filled  with  feathers  tipped 
with  corn  pollen  and  lighted  with  crystal,  corn  husks  containing 
bits  of  turquois,  beads  and  abalone  shells,  baskets  filled  with 
pine  needles  and  corals,  rugs  covered  with  feathers,  medicine 
tubes  and  crystals.  The  actors  or  personators  of  the  gods 
adorned  themselves  with  scarfs,  belts,  masks,  eagle  wands,  rings 

♦In  this  we  see  the  suastika  as  well  as  the  cross;  the  one  representing-  the  points  of  the 
compass,  the  other  the  revolution  of  the  sky.  Also  the  staves,  by  means  of  which  the  god- 
dess kept  the  logs  whirling  around  with  a  constant  motion.  The  chart  is  called  the  "Song 
of  the  Whirling  Sticks." 


326  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

and  gourds.  The  bodies  and  limbs  were  painted  white.  One 
wore  knee  breeches  and  a  skirt  of  black  velvet  ornamented  with 
silver  buttons,  a  robe  of  mountain  lion  skins  fastened  around 
the  waist  with  a  silver  belt.  Another  wore  a  red  woolen  scarf 
and  silver  belt;  grey  fox  skins  hung  from  the  back  of  the  belt. 

The  first  sand-painting  was  made  up  of  three  figures  representing  the 
divinities,  as  follows:  Hastjelti's  chin  was  covered  with  corn  pollen  and  his 
head  was  surrounded  with  red  sunlight,  red  cross  lines  on  the  throat,  ear- 
rings of  turquois,  fringed  leggings  and  beade'1  moccasins.  Hostjoghon  has 
eagle  plumes,  ear-rings,  fox  skm  ribbons,  beaded  pendants,  carried  feather 
wands  brightened  with  red,  blue  and  yellow  sunbeams.  Hostjobokon,  was 
similarly  dressed  and  ornamented.  The  second  painting  represented  the 
raft  of  sunbeams  which  brought  back  the  song  hunters.  This  raft  is  the 
shape  of  a  Jerusalem  cross,  and  was  composed  of  black  cross  bars,  which 
denote  pine  logs;  white  lines,  the  froth  of  the  water;  the  yellow,  vegetable 
debris  gathered  by  the  logs;  the  blue  and  red  lines,  sunbeams.  The  blue 
spot  in  the  center  denotes  water.  There  are  four  divinities— Hostjobokon 
with  their  wives  upon  the  arms  of  the  cross  or  upon  the  logs.  They  carry 
rattles  and  pinon  sprigs  in  their  hands,  which  bring  the  rains.  Their 
heads  are  ornamented  with  eagle  plumes,  and  they  wear  turquois  ear-rings 
and  necklaces.  A  line  of  sunlight  encircles  the  head;  white  spots  to  repre- 
sent ears;  the  chins  are  covered  with  corn  pollen;  red  sunlight  surrounds 
the  body;  the  skirts  have  a  line  of  blue  sunlight.  Hastjelti  is  to  the  east 
and  has  a  white  skirt;  he  carries  a  squirrel  skin  filled  with  tobacco;  his 
head  is  ornamented  with  an  easfle's  tail.  Hostjoghon  is  to  the  west  and  has 
a  black  skirt;  he  carries  a  staff,  colored  black,  and  his  body  is  covered  with 
four  colored  stars.  The  Naaskiddi  (cloud  divinities)  are  to  the  north  and 
south;  they  carry  staffs  of  lightning  with  eagle  plumes  and  sunbeams. 
The  hunch  upon  the  back  is  a  black  cloud,  and  on  the  cloud  are  eagle 

glumes,  for  eagles  lived  with  the  clouds.  The  lines  of  red  and  blue  which 
order  the  black  cloud  denote  the  sunshine  which  penetrates  storm  clouds. 
The  white  lines  in  the  clouds  denote  corn  and  other  seeds.  A  black  circle 
with  zigzags  of  white  around  the  head  denotes  the  cloud  basket  filled  with 
corn  and  seeds.  The  mountain  sheep  horns,  tipped  with  tail  feathers  of 
the  eagle  are  cloud  baskets  filled  with  clouds.  A  rainbow  surrounds  the 
picture  with  the  feet  and  skirts  upon  one  side,  the  head,  arms  and  body  on 
the  other  side.    See  Plate. 

There  are  other  sand-paintings  which  accompany  the  ceremo- 
nies in  which  the  medicine  men  undertook  to  cure  the  patients 
who  were  wealthy  and  could  afTord  the  expense.*  Of  these  the 
following  is  especially  worthy  of  notice,  because  of  the  number 
of  human  figures  and  the  beauty  of  the  colors: 

In  this  sand-painting  there  are  twelve  figures  beside  the  corn-stalk;  four 
of  them  are  the  hunch-backed  cloud-bearers,  with  lightning  staffs  in  their 
hands,  called  Naaskiddi;  four  of  them  are  the  goddesses  of  the  white 
lightning  called  Ethsetlhe,  and  they  carry  in  their  hands  the  plume  and 
circles  which  symbolize  the  clouds,  and  they  have  their  bodies  painted 
white;  four  of  them  represent  the  people  of  the  white  and  the  red  rocks, 
called  the  Zenichi.    Their  homes  are  high  in  the  canon  wall.     The  deli- 

*It  is  said  that  the  Navaios  borrowed  their  ideas  in  regard  to  sand-paintings  from  the 
Pueblo  tribes.  The  Zuni  and  Tusayan  tribes,  the  Mission  Indians  of  California  have  sand- 
paintings  and  also  the  Apaches.  The  prominent  feature  in  them  all  is  this:  The  divinities 
are  represeuted  in  the  human  shape,  and  the  nature  powers  are  symbolized  in  the  orna- 
ments and  colors. 

t  The  superstition  which  represents  the  rocks  as  abodes  of  spirits  was  common  among 
the  Eskimos,  as  well  as  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  Easter  Islands.  This  led  them  to 
carve  the  human  face  upon  the  rocks,  and  the  rocks  themselves  into  the  shape  of  animals 
with  human  faces.  This  was  a  species  of  animism,  but  it  was  owing  to  the  animism  which 
prevailed  that  it  was  mingled  witli  ancestor  worship  and  animal  worship. 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  327 

cate  white  lines  indicate  their  houses,  which  are  in  the  interior  or  depths 
of  the  rock.l  and  can  not  be  seen  from  the  surface.  The  people  of  the 
rocks  move  the  air  like  birds.  They  are  painted  in  parti-colors,  two  of 
them  having  one  side  of  the  body,  includmg  the  arms,  the  legs  and  face, 
red,  the  other  side  black,  with  cross-hatching  or  zigzags  of  black;  the  other 
two  having  one  side  blue,  the  other  yellow.  The  red  denotes  the  red  corn; 
the  black,  the  black  clouds;  the  blue,  vegetation  in  general;  the  yellow, the 
pollen  of  vegetation.  The  white  zigzag  lines  represent  the  white  lightning; 
the  circles  around  the  head  zigzagged  with  white  are  cloud-baskets,  which 
are  in  the  pyramidal  form  and  capped  with  three  eagle  plumes.  A  lightning 
bow  is  held  in  the  left  hands  of  these  figures;  the  right  hand  holds  a  rattle 
ornamented  with  feathers  and  decorated  baskets.  They  wear  white  leg- 
gings and  beaded  moccasins.* 

The  myth  or  sand-painting  which  best  illustrates  the  belief  in 
anthropomorphic  divinities  is  the  one  which  accompanies  the 
myth  called  the  "Mountain  Chant,"  which  has  been  described  by 
Dr.  Washington  Matthews,  This  myth  celebrates  the  exploits 
of  a  Navajo  who  was  taken  captive,  and  who  was  delivered  by 
Hastjelti,  the  great  mountain  divinity.  In  delivering  him  the 
mountain  god  led  him  through  the  different  houses  which  were 
inhabited  by  the  animals  and  various  creatures  which  hide 
among  the  mountains,  such  as  the  mountain  bear,  the  mountain 
rat,  rabbits,  porcupines,  serpents,  all  of  which  were  supposed  to 
have  the  human  form.  The  various  powers  of  nature  are  also 
personified — the  water,  lightning,  wind,  storm  and  rainbow.  The 
following  is  the  story:  Hastjelti  appeared  to  the  captive  while 
he  was  bound  in  the  tent  of  his  enemies,  and  encourages  him  to 
escape.  He  bestows  upon  him  some  magic  bags  which  he  is  to 
carry  as  a  passport  to  the  houses  in  the  mountains.  He  even 
volunteers  to  lead  him  and  help  him  make  his  escape  and  puts 
forth  most  miraculous  feats  of  power  to  make  his  escape  easy. 
Their  first  adventure  was  when  they  reached  the  summit  of  a 
steep  precipice,  near  which  is  a  tall  tree  growing;  the  divinity 
flings  out  the  white  lightning  like  a  lasso,  wnich  fastens  around  the 
tree,  and  he  brings  it  up  near  the  precipice.  On  this  they  descend. 
They  next  came  to  a  deep  caiion,  which  seemed  to  be  impassable, 
but  Hastjelti  blows  a  strong  breath  and  instantly  a  great 
white  rainbow  spans  the  caiion.  He  orders  the  Navajo  to  cross 
on  this.  He  points  to  a  small  hole  in  the  cliff  and  says,  "This 
is  the  door  of  my  lodge,  enter."  He  blew  on  the  rock,  and  in- 
stantly the  mountain  opened  and  closed  again,  and  saved  him 
from  his  pursuers.  They  passed  through  three  rooms  and  stopped 
in  the  fourth,  when  Hastjelti  went  out,  and  presently  the  voices 
of  the  pursuers  died  away  and  were  heard  no  more.  When  all 
was  silent  Hastjelti  returned  and  said:  "Your  enemies  have  de- 

*  These  different  colors  in  wliich  the  mountain  divinities  were  painted  remind  us  of  the 
tattooing  and  face  painting  of  the  Oiilnvas  and  Dalcotas.  Mandans  and  other  eastern  tribes. 
Among  tlie  Ojiinvas  the  face  painting  was  done  in  connection  with  the  sacred  mysteries  or 
sacret  societies  and  was  a  sign  of  advancement  through  the  different  degrees.  With  all 
totemistic  tribes  the  personating  and  the  painting  were  designed  to  represent  animal  divin- 
ities rather  than  mountain  divinities.  The  Mandans  paint  themselves  as  deer,  putting 
white  stripes  on  tlieir  limbs,  or  as  bald  eagles,  with  whitened  faces.  They  rul)  green  earth 
on  the  face  from  the  ear  to  the  mouth  and  put  Indian  red  on  the  body  in  spots.  They  place 
white  feathers  on  their  heads,  which  wave  slowly  in  the  dances.    See  Catlin's  Indians. 


828 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


parted;  you  can  leave  in  safety."  So,  taking  a  tanned  elk's  skin 
to  cover  his  back,  a  pair  of  new  moccasins,  a  pair  of  long,  fringed 
leggings  and  a  shirt,  he  set  out. 

The  Navajo,  thus  clothed,  hastened  on  until  he  came  near  the 
foot  of  a  high  pinnacle  of  rock,  on  which  was  a  mountain  goat 
who  bade  him  to  go  around  the  mountain,  and  then  led  him  into 

the  mountain,  where  there  were 
four  departments,  over  which 
the  rainbows  extended  in  all  di- 
rections. From  this  place  the 
Navajo  went  to  the  house  where 
was  an  old  man,  with  a  sharp 
nose,  little  bright  eyes  and  a 
small  moustache,  who  led  him  to 
the  home  of  the  bush  rats,  in 
which  were  a  little  old  woman, 
two  sons  and  two  daughters,  who 
offered  him  food;  but  the  wind 
god,  in  a  low  voice,  bade  him 
not  to  eat  it,  lest  he  be  turned  to 
a  rat  himself  In  the  next  ad- 
venture he  came  to  a  hill  which 
was  difficult  to  climb.  The  di- 
vinity bade  him  ascend,  but  to 
close  his  eyes  as  he  took  the  last 
step.  When  he  opened  his  eyes 
he  stood  on  the  summit  ot  a 
great  mountain  peak,  seamed 
with  deep  caiions,  from  which  he 
could  see  the  place  where  he 
had  lived.  As  he  went  on  his 
way,  the  wind  god,  Niltci,  walked 
beside  him.  He  brought  a 
great  dark  whirl-wind,  which 
dug  a  hole  in  the  ground,  and 
a  cavern  with  four  chambers. 
The  wind  god  said,  in  a  low 
voice,  descend  into  this  retreat.  He  went  down  and  rested 
secure,  while  the  dark  cloud  and  the  rain  passed  over  him.  He 
heard  overhead  the  great  peals  of  thunder,  the  rushing  of  the 
tempest,  and  the  pattering  of  the  hail-stones.  The  wind  god 
then  told  him  that  his  enemies  had  been  dispersed.  He  accord- 
ingly went  on,  until  about  sunset  he  reached  the  top  of  a  mountain, 
when  the  snow  began  to  fall  and  the  wind  to  blow.  Here 
Hastjelti  appeared  and  commanded  him  to  go  down  a  spruce 
tree  and  pointed  to  a  distant  glen  beyond  the  valley,  in  the  side 
of  the  mountain.  Here,  again,  the  god  put  forth  his  power  and 
spanned  the  valley  with  a  flash  of  lightning  and  led  the  man  into 


Hasfjt  tiytht  Mounl(nn  J>n  imty 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  329 

a  cavern,  in  which  was  the  fire.  There  was  no  wood  on  the 
fire,  but  four  pebbles  lay  on  the  ground,  which  were  gleaming 
with  flames,  and  around  the  pebbles  were  four  bears,  who  were 
colored  like  the  pebbles — black,  blue,  yellow  and  white.  These 
bears  brought  out  stores,  and  offered  him  food  to  eat.  They 
also  unrolled  a  great  sheet  of  cloud,  and  on  it  painted  the  forms 
of  cultivated  plants — the  same  plants  which  afterward  appeared 
in  the  sand-paintings.  In  the  next  adventure  the  Navajo  beheld 
a  tornado;  the  air  filled  with  logs  and  uprooted  trees.  He 
cried  out  to  the  storm  and  the  tempest  recognized  him  and  sub- 
sided. Before  the  next  adventure  the  wind  god  said  to  him, 
"those  whom  you  meet  are  evil  ones.  I  will  go  before  you," 
The  two  then  came  to  a  hole  in  the  rocks,  which  was  guarded 
by  two  great  rattlesnakes,  which  shook  their  rattles  and  struck 
at  them.  Within  the  rocks  was  a  bald-headed  old  man,  who  had 
a  little  tuft  of  hair  over  each  ear.  This  was  Klictso,  the  great 
serpent,  who  taught  the  Indians  how  to  make  sacrifice  to  the 
great  serpent. 

From  the  home  of  Klictso  they  went  to  a  place  called  Wind- 
Circles-Around-a-Rock,  and  where  they  heard  loud  peals  of 
thunder.  They  entered  a  house  of  black  clouds.  It  was  the 
house  of  Icni,  the  lightning  god.  He  was  also  bald  like  the 
great  serpent,  having  only  a  little  tuft  of  hair  over  the  right  ear.* 
At  each  side  of  the  house  was  a  lightning  bird — that  in  the  east 
was  black  ;  south,  blue ;  west,  yellow ;  north,  white.f  From 
time  to  time  the  birds  flashed  lightning  from  their  claws  and  the 
lightning  was  the  same  color  as  the  bird  that  emitted  it. J;  The 
next  place  that  they  reached  was  a  dwelling  filled  with  butterflies 
and  rainbows.  Here  the  butterfly  woman  brought  a  beautiful 
white  shell  filled  with  water  and  soap  root,  and  bade  the  Navajo 
to  wash  his  body  and  dry  himself  with  meal,  and  paint  his  face 
with  white  earth.  When  the  painting  was  done  she  worked  his 
body  over  until  she  moulded  him  into  a  youth  of  the  most 
beautiful  form  and  feature.  She  gave  him  fine  white  moccasins 
and  a  collar  of  beaver  skin,  and  put  plumes  on  his  arms  to 
represent  wings,  and  adorned  him  as  the  courier  Akauiiiuli  is 
adorned. § 

*This  shows  the  idenity  of  tlie  lightning  with  the  great  serpent,  and  makes  it  probable 
that  the  Maya  god,  Xmucani.  was  also  the  lightning.  This  god  is  represented  in  tlie  Cor- 
tesian  Codex  as  having  a  bald  head  and  a  tuft  of  hair  over  the  ears.  He  is  seated  under  tlie 
Tree  of  Life,  and  is  accompanied  by  the  figure  with  the  scroll  about  his  eye,  called  Cucul- 
can.  Dr.  Brinton  thinks  tiiey  represent  our  first  parents,  the  divine  pair,  called  in  the 
Fopul  vtth  the  creator  and  the  former. 

t These  colors  of  the  cardinal  points  varied  with  the  different  tribes,  as  will  be  seen  by 
the  table  given  by  Rev.  J.  O.  Dorsey. 

JThis  conception  of  tlie  bird  throwing  lightning  from  its  claws  is  common  among  the 
Dakotas  and  corresponds  with  the  conceptions  of  the  emblem  of  the  American  eagle, 
which  holds  arrows  in  its  claws. 

§Tliis  courier  is  the  one  who  summons  the  people  to  the  dances  or  sand-painting.  The 
legs  and  forearms  are  painted  lilack  to  represent  the  storm  cloud,  with  white  zig  zag  streaks 
to  represent  lightning,  and  had  white  spots  scattered  over  tlieir  bodies,  and  eagle  feathers 
in  their  liair,  necklaces  of  shell,  collars  of  beaver  skin,  plumes  on  their  arms  to  represent 
wings,  fawn-skin  bags  in  the  hands,  a  girdle  of  shell  around  the  waist,  a  short  skirt  covering 
their  loins.     (See  Mountain  Chant,  p.  424  ;^fig.  52J. 


330  NA  Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

The  butterfly  woman  laid  two  streaks  of  white  Hghtning  on 
the  ground  and  bade  him  stand  on  them  with  one  foot  on  each 
streak,  "for  the  lightning  is  yours,"  she  said.  She  then  pointed 
out  the  lightning  trail.  This  trail  he  followed  until  he  arrived 
at  the  house  of  the  holy  woman  (Estsan-cigini),  whose  door  was  of 
trees.  Within  on  the  east  wall  hung  the  sun  and  on  the  west 
hung  the  moon.  Here  he  was  shown  the  kcthaivn,  or  sacrificial 
stick,  and  was  told  how  to  make  it.  The  next  house  that  he 
entered  was  two  stories  high,  with  four  rooms  on  the  first  and 
four  in  the  second,  and  had  four  doorways  with  trees  of  differ- 
ent colors  for  doors.  Here  dwelt  four  bear  maidens;  their  faces 
were  white,  with  hands  like  human  hands,  but  their  arms  and 
legs  were  covered  with  shaggy  hair  and  their  teeth  were  long 
and  pointed.  The  bear  woman  was  a  great  warrior  and  in- 
vulnerable. 

He  then  entered  a  house  made  of  water,  and  found  eight  holy 
young  men,  with  arrows  hanging  on  the  wall,  two  standing  at 
each  cardinal  point,  thus  representing  these  points.  He  next 
went  to  the  house  of  the  big  oaks,  whose  door  was  made  of  red 
sunbeams,  and  of  which  the  walls  were  made  of  logs  of  different 
colors.  The  east  wall  was  black  ;  south,  blue  ;  west,  yellow,  and 
north,  white.  Here  were  young  men  and  women  in  the  form 
of  squirrels,  with  red  and  black  stripes  on  their  backs,  who 
taught  him  to  make  kethawns.  He  went  to  a  house  whose  door 
was  of  darkness,  and  was  guarded  by  the  bat, and  was  the  home 
of  the  skunks.  He  then  passed  to  the  home  of  the  porcupines, 
which  was  colored  according  to  the  cardinal  hues.  He  next 
entered  a  house  made  of  black  water,  with  wind  for  the  door, 
which  was  the  home  of  the  frog,  water  snake  and  the  animals 
of  the  water,  and  here  learned  some  of  their  mysteries.  The 
next  place  was  a  house  built  of  white  rock  crystal,  the  door 
being  made  of  all  sorts  of  plants,  and  was  the  home  of  the 
supernatural  young  women. 

He  also  went  to  the  house  of  cherries  with  a  door  of  lightning. 
Here  he  found  the  gods  arranged  around  the  fire  holding  arrows 
made  of  the  cliff-rose  in  their  hands,  and  afterward  to  the  leaf 
mountain  and  found  a  house  made  of  dew  drops,  with  a  door 
made  of  plants.  This  was  the  home  of  the  goddesses  who  had 
long  bodies.  They  had  plumes  on  their  heads  and  were  so  very 
tall  they  seemed  to  touch  the  heavens.  Leaving  the  house  of 
dew  he  came  to  the  white  water  and  the  great  spring,  where 
there  was  a  house  of  corn  pollen,  the  door  of  daylight.  The 
ceiling  was  supported  by  four  spruce  trees  and  rainbows  ran  in 
every  direction,  making  the  house  shine  within  with  beautiful 
colors.  Hastjelti  next  took  him  to  the  house  of  brown  water, 
and  led  him  to  the  top  of  a  high  hill  where  he  could  see  his  own 
home.  When  he  arrived  at  home  it  took  him  four  days  and 
four  nights  to  relate  his  adventures  and  to  instruct  his  hearers  in 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC  DIVINITIES.  331 

the  mysteries  which  he  had  learned.  On  the  fifth  day  they  sent 
out  couriers  to  invite  the  neighbors  to  a  great  feast  and  dance, 
and  then  the  sand-paintings  were  introduced. 

There  are  four  sand-paintings  which  embody  this  mountain 
chant,  each  representing  the  visit  of  the  Navajo  chief  to  the 
different  houtes  in  the  rocks  and  the  people  which  he  there  met, 
with  the  various  objects  which  surrounded  them. 

The  first  represented  the  home  of  the  snakes,  which  was  a  house  mide 
of  the  dark  water.  In  the  center  of  the  picture  was  a  circular  cavity  to 
represent  the  water,  which  was  sprinkled  with  charcoal.*  Surrounding 
this  are  four  parallelograms  representing  the  rafts  of  sunbeams.! 

This  figure  of  Hastjelti,  the  divinity  who  befriended  the  Nav- 
ajo prophet,  differs  from  the  wind  god  in  appearance.  He  is 
represented  as  wearing  a  white  skirt,  bordered  with  black  lines, 
to  symbolize  the  black  clouds.  He  carries  the  squirrel  pouch 
in  his  hands,  in  which  is  the  food  of  the  gods.  He  wears  on 
his  head  plumes,  which  are  also  symbols  of  the  clouds.  He  has 
moccasins  of  different  colors  and  garters.  He  is  the  chief  moun- 
tain divinity  of  the  Navajos. 

The  second  picture  represents  the  painting  which  the  prophets  saw  in  the 
home  of  the  bears  in  the  Carrizo  Mountains,  and  contains  the  figures  of  the 
mountain  divinities  and  the  plants  which  they  protect.  There  is  in  it  the 
same  rainbow,  sunbeams,  rafts,  and  the  same  water  bowls.  But  on  the 
rafts  are  the  four  gods  which  have  the  human  form;  each  one  with  the  feet 
placed  upon  the  raft  and  the  head  extending  so  as  to  represent  the  cardinal 
points.  These  divinities  are  painted  different  colors  also,  to  represent  the 
world  waters — blue,  black,  white  and  yellow.  The  arms  are  half  extended 
and  are  adorned  with  lines  to  represent  lightning,  and  black  to  represent 
the  clouds.  They  carry  in  their  hands,  suspended  by  a  string,  a  rattle,  a 
charm,  and  a  basket.  They  have  skirts  of  red  sunlight,  adorned  with  sun- 
beams, also  ear  pendants,  bracelets  and  armleis,  made  of  blue  and  red 
turquois,  the  prehistoric  jewels  of  the  Navajos.  Their  forearms  and  legs 
are  black,  to  symbolize  the  rain-clouds,  zigzag  marks  to  represent  lightning. 
At  the  side  of  each  of  the  gods  is  a  plant  which  has  the  same  color  of  the 
god,  a  stalk  of  corn  in  the  southeast  painted  white,  which  belongs  to  the 
eastern  god,  which  is  white;  the  bean  stalk  in  the  southwest  belongs  to  the 
southern  god,  both  painted  blue;  the  pumpkin  vine  in  the  southwest  belongs 
to  the  western  god,  both  of  them  yellow;  the  tobacco  plant  belongs  to  the 
god  of  the  north,  both  of  them  black.  Each  of  these  four  sacred  plants  are 
represented  as  growing  from  five  white  loots  in  the  central  waters,  but 

*  The  water  is  the  abode  of  the  spirits  of  life,  and  the  water-jars  were  regarded  as 
sacred.  Cushina:  says:  When  a  woman  has  finished  a  vessel,  with  its  ornaments  and  sym- 
bols, she  will  tell  you.  with  an  air  of  relief.  "It  is  a  made  being."  The  space  in  the  orna- 
ments was  the  exit  trail  of  the  or  being.  When  the  vessel  cracks  you  can  hear  the  voice  of 
this  "made  being,"  supposed  to  be  the  voice  of  the  associated  being  as  it  escapes. 

t  These  rafts  are  called,  according  to  Dr.  Washington  Mstthews,  ca'billol,  or  "rafts  of 
sunbeams,"  the  favored  vessel  on  which  the  divine  ones  navigate  the  upper  deep.  When  a 
god  has  a  particularly  long  journey  to  make,  he  takeS  two  sunljeanis,  fastens  them  together 
and  is  borne  off  whither  he  wills.  Red  and  blue  represent  sunbeams  and  the  morning  and 
evening  skies.  External  to  the  sunbeam  rafts,  standing  on  them,  are  the  figuses  of  eight 
serpents— two  white  ones  to  the  east,  twe  blue  ones  to  the  south,  two  yellow  in  the  west  and 
two  black  in  the  north.  These  snakes  cross  one  another  and  seem  to  stand  on  the  arms  of 
the  cross^  The  neck  is  blue  crossed  with  four  bands  of  red.  Outside  of  the  eight  snakes 
are  four  more  of  greater  length,  which  fosm  a  boundary  to  the  picture.  These  have  differ- 
ent colors  and  may  represent  the  rain-gods  of  the  world-quarters.  In  the  west  is  a  black 
figure  representing  a  mountain,  in  which  the  snake  divinities  dwelt.  From  the  summit  of 
the  mountain  to  the  central  waters  is  a  line  on  which  are  four  foot-prints  which  represent 
the  track  of  the  bear,  one  of  the  mountain  divinities.  In  the  northwest  of  this  picture  is 
the  figure  of  a  wind-god,  who  awpeared  to  the  young  man  and  went  with  him  to  the  home 
of  the  snakes.    He  is  called  Niltci. 


332  NA  Tl  VE  A  M ERICA  N  S YMB OLlSM, 

spread  out  from  the  center  to  the  circumference— alternating  with  the  godi 
The  gods  form  one  cross  and  represent  the  four  cardinal  points.  The 
plants  form  another  cross  and  represent  the  mtermediate  pomtsof  the  com- 
pass. The  gods  carry  beautifully  embroidered  pouches  in  their  hands,  the 
pouches  being  the  shape  of  birds.  Near  the  gods  is  a  figure  of  a  suastika  * 
which  IS  formed  by  crossing  the  center,  the  arms  of  the  suastika  bemg 
made  of  plumes;  these  are  the  cloud  baskets  which  are  carried  by  the  gods. 
Surrounding  the  picture  is  the  rainbow  deity,  with  the  body  pamted  in 
different  colors,  to  represent  the  rainbow,  and  the  hands  and  feet  black,  to 
represent  the  black  clouds  and  the  white  lightning.  The  rainbow  is  always 
a  female  and  reminds  us  of  the  Iris,  the  Greek  goddess,  who  personated  the 
rainbow.  The  third  picture  commemorates  the  visit  to  the  lodge  of  the 
dew,  whose  door  was  made  of  plants  of  many  kinds,  and  contains  the  figures 
of  the  goddesses  with  long  bodies. 

The  third  picture  of  this  series  was  made  in  accordance  with  the  in- 
structions received  in  the  house  of  cherries  with  the  door  of  lightning.  In 
the  picture  the  naked  figures  of  the  goddesses  were  first  drawn  and  colors 
given  to  them  appropriate  to  the  points  of  the  compass  which  they  occu- 
pied in  the  house  of  the  dew-drops— white  for  the  east,  blue  for  the  south, 
yellow  for  the  west,  black  for  the  north.  To  indicate  their  great  height  the 
figures  were  twice  the  length  of  any  in  the  other  pictures.  Each  is  clothed 
in  four  garments,  one  above  another,  for  no  one  garment  could  be  made 
long  enough  to  cover  such  giant  forms.  The  appendages  at  the  sides  of 
the  heads  represent  the  head-dresses  made  of  skins  of  different  colors, 
which  the  goddesses  are  said  to  wear.  Each  one  bears,  attached  to  the 
right  hand,  a  rattle,  a  charm,  and  a  branch  of  choke-cherry  in  bloom.  Some 
other  adjuncts  of  the  picture— the  red  robes  embroidered  with  sunbeams, 
the  forearms  and  legs  clothed  with  clouds  and  lightning,  the  pendants  from 
wrists  and  elbows,  the  blue  and  red  armlets,  bracelets  and  garters— are 
properties  of  nearly  all  the  anthropomorphic  gods  shown  in  these  pictures. 
The  rainpow,  which  encloses  the  group  on  three  sides,  is  not  the  anthropo- 
morphic rainbow;  It  has  no  head,  neck,  arms  or  lower  extremities.  Five 
white  eagle  plumes  adorn  its  southeastern  end;  five  tail-plumes  of  some 
bluebird  decorate  the  bend  in  the  southwest;  the  tail  of  the  red-shafted 
flicker  is  near  the  bend  in  the  northwest;  and  the  tail  of  the  magpie  ter- 
minates the  northeastern  extremity.  Throughout  the  mvth  not  only  is  the 
house  of  dew  spoken  of  as  adorned  with  hangings  and  festoons  of  rain- 
bows, but  nearly  all  the  holy  dwellings  are  thus  embellished.  It  is  the  task 
of  the  shaman,  when  the  work  of  painting  is  completed,  to  put  the  corn- 
pollen,  emblem  of  fecundity,  on  the  lips  and  breast  of  each  divine  form, 
and  to  set  up  the  bounding  plume-sticks  around  the  picture.  Then  the  one 
who  gives  the  feast  enters  and  is  placed  sitting  on  the  form  that  belongs  to 
the  east— the  white  form— and  looking  eastward.  Then  the  colored  dust 
from  various  parts  of  the  divine  figures  is  taken  and  applied  to  correspond- 
ing parts  of  the  patient,  and  many  other  ceremonies  are  performed  which 
it  is  not  mv  purpose  to  relate  here.  When  the  patient  has  departed  many 
of  the  spectators  pick  up  the  corn-pollen,  now  rendered  doubly  sacred,  and 
put  It  in  their  medicine-bags.  Some  take  dust  from  the  figures  on  their 
moistened  palms  and  apply  it  to  their  own  bodies.  If  the  devotee  has  dis- 
ease in  his  legs,  he  takes  powder  from  the  legs  of  the  figure;  if  in  his  head 
he  takes  powder  from  the  head,  and  so  on. 


*The  suastika.  with  bent  arrows  for  arms,  is  novel  but  this  indicates  that  it  is  a  sky 
symbol— probably  denotes  the  revolving  sky.  The  circles  denote  the  sun  and  the  crescent. 
the  moon  and  the  central  cross  the  cardinal  points,  the  colors  the  different  colors  of  the  sky, 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  333 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS  AND  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP. 

The  custom  of  erecting  columns  which  were  commemorative 
of  the  departed  is  as  old  as  history  and  widespread  as  the  human 
family.  It,  in  fact,  began  in  prehistoric  times  with  the  earliest 
race,  but  has  continued  into  historic  times  and  still  survives 
as  the  custom  among  all  nations.  The  pattern  or  style  of  mon- 
ument varies  with  different  nations,  but  perhaps  the  earliest 
style  is  that  which  developed  into  the  standing  stones  of  Great 
Britain,  Northern  Europe,  Western  Asia  and  India,  and  which 
still  survives  in  the  gravestones  and  monuments  which  are  found 
in  our  cemeteries  everywhere.  There  were  other  styles  which 
appeared  at  a  very  early  date,  perhaps  as  early  as  the  standing 
stones,  and  which  spread  over  the  different  continents  from  a 
common  center.  It  becomes,  then,  an  interesting  task  to  study 
the  different  types,  and  to  follow  out  the  lines  along  which 
they  were  transmitted.  The  starting  point  of  these  monuments 
may  not  be  very  easy  to  find,  yet  we  may  begin  at  almost  any 
point  and  trace  them  from  race  to  race  and  from  continent  to 
contment,  and  make  them  objects  of  study.  When  we  do  this 
we  find  problems  arising  which  are  the  most  perplexing  and 
difficult,  problems  concerning  the  origin  of  man,  the  spread  of  the 
human  race,  the  progress  of  art  and  the  development  of  symbol- 
ism, and  many  others  equally  as  important.  These  must  be 
heeded  as  we  start  in  upon  the  broad  field,  and  must  be  borne 
in  mind  as  we  advance,  for  we  may  find  clues  to  their  solution 
as  we  study  the  different  monuments. 

I.  Let  us  consider  the  general  custom,  i.  The  main  question 
which  arises  here  is  the  one  which  relates  to  the  history  of  com- 
memorative art  and  its  spread  among  the  different  races.  We 
find  this  illustrated  in  the  monuments  of  Europe.  This  habit  of 
erecting  a  column  as  commemorative  was  introduced  at  an  early 
date  and  has  largely  prevailed. 

The  erection  of  the  standing  stones  in  the  form  of  a  circle  was 
very  common  in  Europe,  but  wherever  it  appeared  was  evidently 
symbolic  of  sun  worship;  and  yet,  strange  to  say,  the  circles 
almost  always  surround  some  central  burying  place,  and  are  in 
reality  both  commemorative  and  symbolic.  The  decoration  of 
these  standing  stones,  with  cup  marks  and  channeled  circles  and 
loops  and  intaglio  battle  axes  was  a  second  stage  in  the  same  art. 
Angel  faces  and  wings,  crosses,  wreaths,  circles,  and  other  em- 


334  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  h YMBOLISM. 

blems  and  symbols,  came  in  after  historic  times.  These  mark 
the  third  stage  and  show  the  change  from  Paganism  to  Christian 
symbolism.  Mr.  Joseph  Anderson,  the  author  of  "Scotland  in 
Pagan  Times,"  has  given  some  very  interesting  facts  in  this  con- 
nection. He  says:  "The  typical  form  of  the  stone  age  burial 
custom  was  the  chambered  cairn,  but  we  find  these  occasionally 
encircled  by  stone,  settings  or  circles  of  standing  stones,  but 
when  the  circle  is  associated  with  a  cisted  cairn  the  circle  always 
appears  as  the  principal  member  while  the  stone  setting  originally 
rose  as  an  adjunct  ol  the  chambered  cairns  of  the  stone  age.  It 
acquired  its  dignity  and  importance  in  the  subsequent  age,  by 
the  degredation  of  the  stone  structure,  and  came  at  last  to  stand 
alone  as  the  most  distinguishing  and  characteristic  mark  of  the 
bronze  age  burial.  The  burial  ground  is  fenced  off  from  the 
surrounding  area  by  a  circle  of  stones,  sometimes  mere  natural 
boulders,  rolled  into  their  places,  at  other  times  tall  slabs,  set 
erect  on  their  ends,  and  at  still  other  times  surrounded  by  a 
trench  and  embankment  of  earth.  Ocasionally  the  stone  circle 
is  doubled,  the  inner  circle  being  formed  of  smaller  slabs.  From 
the  frequency  with  which  these  burial  circles  are  found  to  con- 
tain a  plurality  of  interments,  it  is  obvious  they  are  not  the 
monuments  of  single  individuals,  but  family  or  tribal  burial 
grounds.  The  stone  setting  then  is  the  external  sign  by  which 
the  burial  ground  is  distmguished  from  the  surrounding  area. 
Like  the  cairn,  it  is  the  visible  mark  of  the  spot  of  earth  to 
which  the  remains  of  the  dead  have  been  consigned.  The 
colossal  size  of  their  pillar  stones,  the  magnitude  of  the  area- 
enclosed,  the  care  and  labor  expended  in  trenching  and  fencing 
are  features  which  give  to  these  singular  constructions  a  peculiarly 
impressive  character.  This  impressiveness  is  especially  charac- 
teristic of  such  a  circle  as  that  of  Stennis  in  Orkney.  It  stands 
within  a  trench  enclosing  an  area  of  two  and  one-half  acres. 
The  diameter  of  the  area  is  366  feet,  the  trench  29  feet,  the  stones 
17  feet  apart,  the  highest  14  feet.  23  m  all.  We  are  unable  to 
define  the  limits  of  the  area  in  which  stone  circles  are  found,  but 
they  are  not  confined  to  either  Scotland  or  Britain,  or  even 
Europe."  The  best  specimen  of  stone  setting  in  circular  form  is 
that  contained  in  the  memorable  works  at  Avebury,  England, 
which  we  have  several  times  described,  but  without  giving  an 
explanation  of  its  use.  See  Fig.  i.  Another  class  of  monumental 
stone  settings,  much  more  rarely  met  with  than  the  circular 
groups,  consist  in  the  group  of  upright  stones  or  alignments. 

Mr.  Anderson  also  speaks  of  the  standing  stones  which  are 
found  arranged  in  alignments*  rather  than  in  circular  groups, 
and  classes  them  under  the  same  head  of  commemorative  col- 
umns.    He   says :     "There  is  a  relationship   of  type  between 

*See  Scotland  in  Pagan  Times,  by  Joseph  Anderson,  page  131. 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  335 

these  monumental  stone  settings,  for  the  cairn  is  associated  with 
both  classes,  those  arranged  in  alignments  and  those  in  circles." 
He  speaks  of  the  alignments  found  in  Scotland,  and  says  there 
is  a  relationship  of  type.  The  cairn  is  associated  with  settings 
of  standing  stones  when  they  are  arranged  in  alignments.  These 
are,  like  the  circles,  adjuncts  to  a  sepulchral  cairn.  On  the  hill 
side  of  "many  stanes,"  in  Caithness,*  is  a  group  that  consists  of 
twenty-two  rows  of  standing  stones,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet 
inflength,  the  number  exceeding  four  hundred.  Looking  at  the 
magnitude  of  the  work,  and  the  immensity  of  the  masses  of  indi- 
vidual stones,  we  discern  indications  of  confidence  of  power  to 
overcome  the  forces  of  nature,  of  organization,  and  co-operation 
which  are  the  necessary  concomitants  of  civilization.  This  is  an 
explanation  of  the  standing  stones  in  Scotland  and  Great  Britain, 
but  it  may  be  applied  to  the  standing  stones  and  alignments  of 
the  north  of  France,  especially  those  at  Carnac,t  in  Brittany. 


Mff.  1.— Circle  of  Standing  Stones  at  Avehury. 

These  consist  of  eleven  rows  of  unhewn  stones,  the  largest  being 
22  feet  above  the  ground.  The  avenues  originally  extended  for 
several  miles,  but  at  present  are  3378  feet  in  length,  328  feet  in 
breadth  and  tapering  to  200  feet  at  the  tail.  There  is  at  its  head  a 
cromlech  of  62  menhirs — thus  confirming  Mr.  Anderson's  po- 
sition. The  province  of  Brittany  has  23  alignments,  one  half  of 
those  in  all  France.  They  are  generally  associated  with  either 
dolmans  or  cromlechs  and  may  have  marked  the  burial  places 
of  the  common  people,  or  battle  fields,  but  this  is  only  conjec- 
tural. They  are  the  monuments  of  the  bronze  age,  and  are 
associated  with  the  dolmens  which  were  burial  places  through 
that  age.  The  relation  of  the  standing  stones  to  the  summer 
solstice  has  been  studied  by  Mr.  A.  Lewis  and  others,  and  it  is 
held  that  the  northeast  opening  of  the  circles  was  designed  to 
admit  the  rays  of  the  rising  sun  at  the  time. 

Miss  A  W.  Buckland  has  spoken  of  the  proximity  of  these 

*    See  "Scotland  in  Pagan  Times,"  by  Joseph  Anderson,  page  121. 

t  See  Archreology  in  Western  Europe,  American  Antiquarian,  Vol.  X,  No.  i.  page  14. 
346S  dolmens,  1577  menhirs,  457  cromlechs,  56  alignments;  6  alignments  represent  3000 
menhirs. 


336  NA  Tl  VE  A  MERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

alicjnments,  circles  and  dolmens  to  the  sea  coast,  and  says  that 
they  are  not  found  in  central  Europe,  thus  furnishing  a  hint  as 
to  their  origin.  The  theory  once  prevailed  that  they  were  intro- 
duced along  with  the  other  tokens  of  the  bronze  age  by  Phoe- 
nician voyagers,  but  this  like  the  theory  of  their  having  been 
erected  by  the  Druids,  is  now  rejected  by  many.  Sir  John 
Lubbock  says  megalithic  monuments  resembling  these  are  found 
all  over  Europe.  There  are  stone  avenues  in  Moab.  Standing 
stones  were  erected  in  memorial  of  some  particular  event. 
Arctic  travelers  mention  stone  circles  and  stone  rows  among 
the  Esquimaux.  Even  in  Australia,  stone  circles  are  said  to 
occur.  Lafitau  figures  a  circle  of  upright  stones  in  Virginia, 
carved  at  the  top  to  rude  representations  of  human  faces. 

2.  Another  question  is,  were  they  ethnographic  lines  which 
were  followed,  or  shall  we  recognize  a  process  of  development 
which  had  no  regard  to  the  races.  In  answering  this  question  we 
shall  avoid  all  theory  and  shall  only  study  monuments  which 
have  appeared  among  the  different  races,  and  especially  those 
which  are  known  to  have  been  commemorative.  We  shall  begin 
with  the  far  east  and  shall  follow  the  lines  which  have  been 
marked  by  the  great  races  in  their  various  migrations,  making 
it  a  point  to  study  the  different  types  of  art  which  were 
adopted  by  each,  and  especially  the  symbolism  which  was  pecu- 
liar to  each.  V/e  think  by  doing  this  we  shall  certainly  ascer- 
tain the  line  of  transmissions  which  ultimately  reached  this 
continent  and  introduced  the  art  into  America. 

(i.)  There  were  three  different  lines  of  transmission  :  one  by 
the  Aryan,  the  second  the  Semitic,  and  the  third  by  the  Tura- 
nian race.  We  can  hardly  tell  which  was  the  earliest,  though 
the  simplest  type  is  seen  in  the  northwest  part  of  Europe, 
where  we  find  the  standing  stones  and  the  other  commemo- 
rative monuments  of  the  widespread  Aryan  or  Indo-European 
race.  We  trace  the  same  custom  in  its  transmission  through  the 
commemorative  art,  which  spread  into  Egypt  and  Phoenicia  and 
many  parts  of  western  Asia,  and  are  preserved  in  the  various 
monuments,  commemorative  columns,  obelisks  and  sculptured 
stones  of  the  Mediterranean  coast. 

(2.)  We  can  see  the  Semitic  line  illustrated  by  the  burial  cus- 
toms of  Egypt.  In  early  historic  times  the  mastaba  of  this  race 
contained  the  body,  which  was  placed  in  a  sarcophagus  and  buried 
in  the  depths  of  the  tomb.  This  mastaba  was  undoubtedly  the 
same  as  the  stone  cist,  and  was  an  outgrowth  of  the  same  custom  of 
burial.  Whether  the  obelisk  was  placed  outside  of  the  mastaba 
is  uncertain.  A  little  later  the  mastaba  changed  to  the  pyramid 
and  the  body  of  the  distinguished  dead  was  buried  in  its  depths. 
This,  however,  obscured  the  memory  of  the  deceased.  While 
the  portrait  of  the  deceased  was  painted  on  the  case  or  coffin 
which  contained  the  mummy,  and  the  deeds  were  recorded  in 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  337 

the  hieroglyphics  upon  the  cell  inside  of  the  pyramid,  there  was 
nothing  to  remind  the  living  of  the  exploits  of  the  dead.  The 
obelisk  was  then  a  necessity,  and  soon  became  conspicuous  as 
a  commemorative  column.  It  was  covered  with  hieroglyphics 
and  contained  the  record  of  the  dynasty.  The  portrait  of  the 
king  was  carved  into  the  statues,  and  often  proved  as  commem- 
orative as  the  obelisk  ;  but  these  were  monuments  for  the  living, 
while  the  obelisk  was  designed  as  a  mortuary  record.  The  same 
custom  was  observed  by  the  Phoenicians,  but  in  a  different  form, 
for  the  Phoenicians  were  base  idolaters.  There  are  sculptured 
figures  near  Kana  which  resemble  portraits.  These  are  placed 
along  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  or  in  the  side  of  the  valleys,  or 
on  the  rocky  terraces,  and  are  in  lonely  and  wild  places,  near 
large  natural  caves.  The  history  of  these  is  unknown.  They 
all  look  toward  the  rising  sun,  and  are  hewn  out  of  the  rock.* 
Other  tablets  have  been  found  in  Phoenicia  which  contain  animal 
figures,  some  of  them  standing  erect  and  contending  with  one 
another.  These  may  have  been  totems,  or  possibly  they  repre- 
sented the  divinities.  We  do  not  class  them  with  the  mortuary 
records.  The  obelisk  was  common  also  in  Assyria.  The  one  from 
Nimroud,  now  in  the  British  museum,  is  an  ancient  specimen.  The 
rock-cut  tomb  in  Lycia  has  two  columns  in  front  of  the  door, 
but  they  are  in  the  Ionic  style  and  are  modern.  The  monu- 
ments of  Amrith  are  much  older.  They  are  called  spindle 
columns,  but  are  truly  majestic.  They  are  cylinders  which  arise 
from  a  square  platform  and  terminate  in  a  cone.  The  propylon 
of  Xerxes  at  Persepolis  is  another  specimen  which,  though  mod- 
ern, contains  the  column.  At  the  gate  of  the  lions  at  Mycenae 
is  a  column  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  symbolic  as  well  as 
commemorative.  Many  other  specimens  might  be  cited,  but 
enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  custom  was  prevalent 
among  the  entire  Semitic  race,  and  that  it  influenced  also  the 
Hellenic  race. 

(3.)  Another  line  will  be  found  in  the  Turanian  race,  who  were 
ancestors  of  the  great  Mongolian  race,  and  perhaps  also  ancestors 
of  the  Malay  race,  though  there  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the 
identity  of  these  two.  The  Turanians  have  been  regarded,  how- 
ever, as  the  so-called  ground  race.  The  custom  of  erecting 
mortuary  columns  was  the  basis  of  the  art  of  all  these  races, 
and  it  may  be  that  we  shall  yet  trace  the  line  of  transmission 
back  to  a  common  center,  making  the  Phoenician  and  Hittite 
monuments  the  outgrowth  of  the  same  custom  prevalent  among 
Egyptians,  Assyrians,  Chaldeans,  Chinese,  Malays,  and  the  wide 
spread  Indo-European  races,  thus  proving  not  only  the  unity, 
but  also  indicating  a  connection  between  the  races  of  the  west 
with  those  of  the  east  in  prehistoric  times. 

*Tlie  work  is  very  rude,  but  was  quite  ancient. 


338  JSATIVE  AMERICAN  SRMBOLISM. 

II.  The  custom  of  erecting  commemorative  columns  prevailed 
in  America.     How  do  we  account  for  this  ?     Was  it  introduced 
from  some  other  continent,  or  did  it  originate  here?     It  is  a  sin- 
cTular   fact  that  there  are  few  commemorative  columns  in  the 
eastern  part  of  this  continent.     A  few  standing  stones  have  been 
discovered  situated  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.     We  do  not  know 
that  they  were  commemorative.     There  are  many  specimens  ot 
ancestor  posts,  however,  on  the  northwest  coast,  which  give  rise 
to  the  thought  that  the  custom  must  have  been  introduced  from 
some  other  continent.     If  we  place  these  along  with  the  so-called 
portrait  pillars  found  in  the  southwest  provinces,  we  shall  have 
a  confirmation  of  the  thought.     We  shall  it  for  granted  that  the 
Turanian  stock  is  to  be  located  in  the  northeast  and   southeast 
coast  of  the  continent   of  Asia,  and  that   it  formed  the   under- 
lying stratum  of  the  entire  Polynesian  race,  though   the  lines  of 
migration  have   not  been   followed   up.      The   commemorative 
columns  of  the  entire  region  will  come  before  us  for  our  study. 
These  connect  closely  with  the  totem  posts  or  ancestor  posts  of 
the  northwest  coast.     This  race  seems  to  have  migrated  eastward 
and  may  be  divided  into  two   great  branches — one  located  in 
Mongolia,  the  other  in  Polynesia  and  perhaps  upon  the  Ameri- 
can continent.    The  religion  of  the  Turanians  was  largely  ancestor 
worship  and  abounded  in  commemorative  colums.     We  do  not 
find  totemism  as  developed  in  this  as  among  some  other  races, 
nor  do  we  find  sun  worship  as  prevalent.     Ancestor  worship  and 
hero  worship  predominated.     This  accounts  for  the  difference 
between  the  cults  which  prevailed  in  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific. 
The  Atlantic  furnishes  but  little  evidence  of  an  ancestor  worship, 
but  in  the  Pacific  it  prevailed  extensively.     There  seems  to  have 
been  a  transmission,  not  only  of  the  system  itself,  but  also  of  the 
custom  of  erecting  ancestor  posts,  over  the  entire   region  occu- 
pied by  the  Turanian  race. 

Erman,  in  "Travels  in  Siberia,"  says  the  Ostyaks  and  Samoyedes 
were  in  the  habit  of  erecting  images  in  honor  of  deceased  parents. 
These  images  were  set  up  in  their  "  yurts."  and  received  divine 
honors  for  a  greater  or  less  time,  according  as  the  priest  directed. 
The  body  was  buried  with  a  nart  and  reindeer  for  use  in  the  next 
life,  also  a  tinder-box  and  pipe  and  tobacco  ;  but  the  image  in 
the  tent  represented  the  deceased  husband,  and  at  every  meal  an 
offering  of  food  was-  placed  before  it.  The  image  of  Ortik,  one 
of  their  deities  or  deified  heroes,  was  also  often  seen.  This  was 
only  a  bust,  without  legs,  the  face  made  of  plated  metal,  the 
body  a  sack  stuffed  with  hair  and  skins,  the  whole  figure  dressed 
in  a  linen  frock.  This  suggests  the  idea  that  the  transmission 
of  the  custom  of  erecting  ancestor  posts  may  have  been  from 
Siberia  to  the  coast  of  America,  for  the  use  of  the  copper  plates 
upon  the  totem  posts  of  the  Haidahs  was  very  common  in  con- 
nection with  their  ancestor  posts.     Still  the  evidence  is  much 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  339 

stronger  in  favor  of  the  transmission  from  New  Zealand  to  this 
coast,  for  the  resemblance  between  the  New  Zealanders  and  the 
Haidas  is  very  striking.  We  here  quote  from  Ensign  Albert  P. 
Niblack,  United  States  navy,  who  has  made  a  study  of  the  Haida 
totem  posts  and  has  furnished  the  most  valuable  information  in 
reference  to  them. 

Drawing  a  parallel  between  the  Haidas  and  the  New  Zealand- 
ers, he  says :  "In  point  of  physical  resemblance  both  are  of  the 
Mongoloid  type  and  both  live  on  groups  of  islands  whose  climates 
are  remarkably  similar.  Poole  says  of  the  climate  of  the  Queen 
Charlotte  Islands  that  the  most  graphic  comparison  he  could 
draw  was  with  that  of  the  northern  islands  of  New  Zealand. 
Their  political  organization  of  the  tribe,  their  ownership  of,  land, 
and  their  laws  of  blood  revenge  are  similar.  The  men  tattoo 
with  designs  intended  to  identify  them  with  their  sub-tribe  or 
household,  and  they  ornament  their  canvas,  paddles,  house  fronts, 
etc.,  in  somewhat  the  same  manner  as  on  the  northwest  coast." 
Dixon  (1787)  is  quoted  as  saying  that  the  cloaks  of  the  Haida 
and  Tlingit  were  the  same  as  those  worn  by  the  New  Zealanders. 
A  Haida  fortified  house  on  an  island  of  the  Queen  Charlotte 
group  was  built  exactly  on  the  plan  of  those  of  the  savages  of 
New  Zealand.  The  adzes  made  of  jasper,  the  cloaks  of  shred- 
ded bark,  and  the  paddles  from  the  Queen  Charlotte  Islands  and 
those  from  New  Zealand  are  so  much  alike  that  it  takes  a  close 
inspection  to  distinguish  them." 

We  quote  a  description  of  a  house,  given  by  Featherman,*  for 
it  may  be  taken  verbatim  and  applied  to  those  on  the  north- 
west coast."  "The  frame  was  constructed  of  posts  painted  red, 
carved  into  an  ancestral  image.  The  sloping  rafters  were  sup- 
ported by  a  ridge  pole  which  was  supported  in  the  middle  by  a 
post,  carved  at  the  base  to  represent  a  human  figure,  who  was 
represented  as  the  founder  of  the  family.  In  front  of  the  an- 
cestral image  was  the  fire  place,  which  was  a  shallow  excavation 
marked  by  four  slabs  of  stone  sunk  in  the  ground.  A  narrow 
opening,  only  large  enough  to  admit  a  man  on  bended  knees, 
was  used  as  an  entrance.  The  roof  was  lofty,  and  projected  at 
the  front  gable  end  so  as  to  form  a  kind  of  awning,  generally 
occupied  by  the  head  of  the  family.  The  house  was  surmounted 
at  the  end  of  the  ridge  pole  by  a  carved  human  figure.  The 
sleeping  places  were  partitioned  off  on  both  sides  of  the  room 
by  low  slabs  of  wood.  There  was  no  chimney ;  the  smoke  could 
only  escape  through  the  door  or  window.  The  burial  place  was 
almost  always  within  the  enclosure,  near  the  family  dwelling." 
The  description  of  the  war  canoes  ot  the  New  Zealanders  will 
answer  for  that  of  the  Haidas.  They  were  the  property  of  the 
whole  tribe,  and  measured  from  60  to  80  feet  in  length,   5  or  6 


*See  Featherman's  "Social  History  of  the  Races,"  p.  170. 


340 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


feet  in  width,  4  feet  deep,  and  capable  of  carrying  about  80  per- 
sons ;  the  bow  jutted  out  in  the  form  of  a  spur  and  rose  to  the 
height  of  about  4  feet;  the  stern  was  from  12  to  15  feet  high, 
2  feet  wide;  both  were  ornamented  with  grotesque  devices 
executed  in  bas  relief.  At  burial  the  body  was  placed  in  a  canoe 
shaped  coffin  and  was  interred  in  some  secluded  spot  in  the  forest 
and  surrounded  by  a  palisade.  The  body  of  a  chief  was  placed 
in  a  tomb  which  was  surrounded  by  carved  figures,  representing 


Fig.  ^.—Haida  Houses  and  Totem  Posts. 

the  illustrious  dead,  with  their  tongues  projecting  from  their 
mouths.  The  funeral  ceremonies  were  concluded  by  immolating 
some  of  the  wives  and  slaves  of  the  dead  chief.  The  corpse  was 
buried.  The  clothes  of  the  dead  chief  were  preserved  in  a 
carved  chest,  which  was  considered  an  heir-loom  in  the  family 
and  a  sacred  relic.  All  their  gods  were  known  by  specific 
names  and  were  recognized  either  as  hero  divinities — men  who 
in  ancient  times  had  distinguished  themselves — or  were  simply 
impersonations  of  the  elements. 

'  This  description  should  be  compared  with  the  one  given  by 
Ensign  Niblack.     He  says  :  "The  carved  columns  are  in  front 


COMMEMORA  TIVE  COL  UMNS. 


341 


of  the  houses,  generally  in  contact  with  the  front,  the  doorway 
or  entrance  being  through  a  hole  in  the  column  about  three  feet 
from  the  ground.*  The  villages  are  situated  along  the  shore 
with  the  houses  in  a  single  row,  a  few  feet  above  high  water. 
The  houses  are  not  very  far  apart.  The  beach  in  front  of  them 
serves  as  a  street  and  as  a  place  for  hauling  up  canoes.  At  the 
end  of  the  village  is  the  grave-yard  with  its  variety  of  sepulchers 
and  mortuary  columns  of  ancient  and  modern  form.  Scattered 
through  the  village  m  front  and  at  the  corners  of  the  houses  are 
the  commemorative  columns.  Each  village  practically  consti- 
tutes a  tribe.  The  canoes  have 
projecting  prows,  high  spear-sterns 
and  flaring  gunwales,  and  a  grace- 
fully rounding  cross-section.  The 
war  canoes  are  said  to  have  formed 
a  distinct  class  in  themselves.  The 
evidence  is  that  the  Haidas  bor- 
rowed their  style  from  the  New  Zea- 
landers.     In  confirmation  we  quote 


-:s^^m-i0^~ 


>...*JUlir> 


Fig.  S.—Haida  Houses. 


further:  The  Haidas  have  been  the  center  of  impulse  on  the 
northwest  coast,  and  in  their  development  they  may  have  influ- 
enced the  adjacent  tribes  to  a  great  degree,  but  the  weight  of 
evidence  is  that,  with  no  great  originality  in  themselves,  they 
yet  present  the  curious  and  puzzling  circumstance  that  they 
extensively  borrowed  their  ideas  from  the  other  stocks,  but 
developed  what  they  have  borrowed  with  marvelous  skill  and 
independence.  They  seem  in  themselves  to  have  typified  or 
intensified  the  representative  characteristics  of  the  Indian  stocks 
of  the  northwest  coast.  Whether  they  have  originated  or  bor- 
rowed their  ideas  can  not  be  made  apparent  with  the  data  at 
hand,  but  it  may  be  well  to  here  state  briefly  the  peculiarities  of 
the  Haida  as  they  have  struck  the  writer  in  their  relation  to  the 
other  Indians  of  the  region. 

The  details  of  the  method  of  house-building  among  the  Haidas 
will  be  understood  from  the  study  of  the  cuts.  See  Figs.  2  and 
3.  The  living  room  was  excavated  below  the  surface,  as  seen 
in  the  dotted  line.  The  fire-place  was  in  the  middle  of  the  room. 
The  totemic  figures  will  be   seen   in  the   column   in   front.     The 


*See  sketch  of  house  in  Fig.  2.  Entrance,  A;  the  fire,  B,  burns  on  the  bare  hearth 
or  on  a  frame-work  made  Of  logs;  there  is  an  excavated  interior;  the  upper  ledge  is  at  the 
level,  D,  lower  platform  at  C.    See  also  cut  of  a  village  on  page  347. 


342 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


entrance  to  the  house  was  through  the  column.  The  ornamented 
front  of  the  house  above  represents  the  wolf  totem.  The  orna- 
mented front  with  corner  posts  represents  an  ancient  style  of 
house-building.  The  house  to  the  left  has  an  ornamented  front 
to  represent  the  eagle  totem.  The  column  to  the  right  represents 
the  bear  totem,  with  the  frog  at  the  bottom.  Of  the  three  houses 
given  in  Fig.  3,  one  shows  the  eagle  totem,  with  the  entrance 
through  the  whale;  another  represents  the  method  of  roofing  and 
the  details  of  the  smoke-hole;  the  third  represents  the  Thlinkit 
style  of  house  front. 

III.  The  explanation  of  the  commemorative  columns  found 
upon  the  northwest  coast  will  be  in  place.  We  shall  find  that 
these  contain  the  same  general  art  forms  as  those  found  in  New 
Zealand,  but  at  the  same  time  embody  a  mythology  and  a  totem 
system,  which  was  peculiar  to  the  region, 

I.  Let  us  consider  this  totem  system.     Mr.   Frazer  says  that 


F\fi.  It. — Silver  Bracelet. 

"while  totemism  as  a  religion  tends  to  pass  into  the  worship  first 
of  animal  gods,  and,  next,  of  anthropomorphic  gods  with  animal 
attributes,  it  was  often  localized."  The  peculiarity  of  totemism  in 
North  America  was  that  it  introduced  a  relationship,  which  cut 
across  the  kinship  ot  blood  and  introduced  one  of  religion,  and 
was  entirely  arbitrary.  It  was  the  source  of  a  new  lineage  which 
was  to  be  recognized  wherever  the  totem  was  seen.  The  crest 
of  one  clan  was  enough  to  bring  the  members  of  all  the  clans 
which  bore  the  same  totem  into  a  new  and  novel  brotherhood. 
This  relation  was  generally  shown  by  the  animal  figure,  which 
constituted  a  crest  or  coat-of-arms,  though  there  were  tribes — 
such  as  the  Navajoes  and  the  Apaches  of  Arizona — which  had 
no  animal  names,  but  instead  took  topographical  names,  such 
as  red  rock,  salt  springs,  black  water,  grassy  hill,  coyote  pass, 
Cottonwood  jungle.  Others  took  the  names  of  plants — walnut, 
juniper,  cottonwood,  rush,  willow,  tree-in-water,  arrow  reed.* 

The  system  among  the  savages  consisted  in  the  identification 
of  the  individual  with  his  totem  under  a  specific  name.  Adair 
says:  "When  his  lineage  is  known  to  the  people  his  relations,  if 


*See  Journal  of  American  Folklore,  "Gentile  Organization  ot  the  Apaches,"  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  Ill,  by  Washington  Matthews. 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS. 


343 


he  has  any,  these  greet  him  in  a  familiar  way,  invite  him  home 
and  treat  him  as  a  kinsman."  The  clan  totem  is  a  material  ob- 
ject, which  a  native  regards  with  superstitious  respect,  believing 
that  there  exists  between  him  and,  every  person  who  bears  the 
same  totem  a  special  relation  which  is  equivalent  to  a  blood  kin- 
ship. They  all  believe  themselves  the  descendants  of  a  common 
ancestor,  and  bound  together  by  common  obligations  and  a 
common  faith  in  the  totem.  This  is  seen  in  the  customs  formerly 
prevalent  among  the  tribes  in  the  Gulf  States.  The  same  custom 
now  exists  among  the  tribes  on  the  northwest  coast.  Here  an 
Indian,  on  arriving  at  a  strange  village,  would  look  for  a  house 
indicated  by  its  carved  post  as  belonging  to  his  totem,  and  make 
for  it.  The  master  of  the  house  comes  out,  and  perhaps  makes 
a  dance  in  honor  of  his  visitor,  and  protects  him  from  all  injury. 
A  captive  is  brought  into  the  village,  but  it  behooves  those  of 
his  totem  to  present  themselves  to  the  captors  and  sing  a  sacred 


Fig.  a.— Silver  Bracelet. 

song,  and  offer  to  redeem  the  captive.  Here,  then,  we  have  the 
same  system  which  prevailed  among  the  savages  of  the  interior, 
but  modified,  for  in  this  case  the  father  adopts  the  captive  or  the 
stranger,  instead  of  the  mother.  The  person  becomes  a  member 
of  the  family  rather  than  of  the  clan.  This  constitutes  the  main 
difference,  a  difference  which  has  been  brought  about  by  the 
influence  of  ancestor  worship  beyond  the  sea.  The  mother  rule 
has  changed  to  the  father  rule.  The  clan  has  changed  to  the 
family  as  the  unit  of  society,  and  we  now  have  patriarchy  with 
nearly  all  the  features  which  distinguished  that  system  in  oriental 
countries.  It  was  a  change,  however,  which  appeared  mainly  in 
the  Haidas,  for  the  Thlinkits  still  retain  matriarchy. 

It  was  very  rare  that  human  figures  were  used  to  represent 
totems,  though  they  were  sometimes  used  to  show  the  mythol- 
ogies which  prevailed.  Wherever  the  human  figure  is  seen,  we 
may  conclude  that  a  higher  type  of  totemism  has  been  introduced. 
Generally  it  is  a  type  which  has  been  influenced  by  sun  worship 
or  by  ancestor  worship,  reverence  for  the  animals  having  been 
transferred  to  the  heavenly  bodies.  Among  the  Puebloes  the  sky 
was  the  habitation  of  the  ancestors  and  the  nature  powers  were 
deified,  but  the  clans  all  retained  the  animal  names,  the  clans  of 
the  Zunis  being  named  the  crane,  eagle,  bear,  coyote ;  those  of 


344 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


the  Jemez  coyote,  corn,  pine,  evergreen,  oak,  sun,  eagle,  water, 
antelope,  and  badger.  There  were  no  commemorative  columns 
among  any  of  these  tribes  of  the  interior ;  but  the  fetiches  and 
the  diminutive  idols,  which  were  adorned  with  the  symbols  of 
the  nature  powers,  were  to  the  Pueblos  reminders  of  their  divin- 
ities, just  as  the  carved  specimens,  tablets,  inscriptions  and  shell 
gorgets  with  human  figures,  served  as  reminders  to  the  people 
farther  east,  such  as  the  Indians  and  the  Mound-builders. 

2.  The  ancestral  columns  are  totemic,  but  they  contain  figures 
which  illustrate  the  traditions,  folklore  and  mythology  of  this 
singular  people.  The  carved  column  in  front  of  the  model  of 
the  Haida  house  is  an  illustration.  The  surmounting  figure  rep- 
resents Hoorts,  the  brown  bear,  which  is  the  totem  of  the  head 
of  the  household.     At  the  bottom  is  Tsing,  the  beaver,  the  totem 


Fig.  6, — Silver  Bracelets. 

of  the  wife  and  children.  Above  it  is  the  figure  of  the  bear  and 
hunter,  which  perpetuates  the  legend  of  the  laison  of  the  wife 
with  a  hunter,  and  is  a  warning  to  wives  to  be  faithful  to  their 
husbands.  It  shows  a  belief  in  the  possibility  of  human  connection 
with  animals.  Above  the  bear  and  hunter  is  Tetl,  the  great 
raven,  having  in  its  beak  the  new  moon,  in  its  claws  the  dish 
containing  fresh  water.  According  to  the  legend  of  the  creation, 
the  raven  stole  the  dish  from  the  daughter  of  Kanuk,  and  flew 
with  it  out  of  the  smoke-hole.  He  also  stole  from  his  uncle  the 
new  moon,  which  he  imprisoned  in  a  box.  Above  the  raven  are 
four  disks,  which  serve  as  an  index  of  the  rank  of  the  owner. 
Each  disk  commemorates  some  meritorious  act. 

Another  illustration  is  found  at  Fort  Wrangel.  Here  there 
are  two  posts,  one  to  show  the  descent  on  the  female  side,  the 
other  on  the  m.ale  side.  The  genealogical  column  of  the  mother's 
side  has  at  the  top  the  eagle,  the  great  totem  or  crest  of  the 
family;  below  that  is  the  image  of  a  child;  below  that  the  beaver, 
the  frog,  the  eagle,  the  frog,  all  showing  the  generation  and  sub- 
families of  the  female  side.     The  male  totem  has  at  the  top  the 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  345 

portrait  of  a  chief  wearing  a  conical  hat ;  below  that  is  the  family- 
crest,  the  crow  ;  next  below  a  child,  then  three  frogs,  and  at  the 
base  the  eagle,  the  great  totem  of  the  builder's  mother.  In 
front  of  another  chief's  house  a  very  natural-looking  bear  is 
couched  on  top  ot  a  pole,  gazing  down  at  his  black  foot-tracks, 
which  are  carved  on  the  sides  of  the  column.'* 

Another  illustration  is  found  in  the  plate  which  represents  the 
columns  found  on  Prince  of  Wales  Islands,  Alaska,  as  compared 
with  the  so-called  "Tiki,"  which  stands,  together  with  several 
others,  near  the  tomb  of  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  New  Zea- 
land. Two  of  the  columns  from  Alaska  are  evidently  modern, 
for  they  contain  the  image  of  a  priest  with  folded  hands,  and  of 
an  eagle  resembling  the  American  eagle.  The  angel  above  the 
priest  and  the  figure  of  a  man  with  hand  pointing  upward,  signi- 
fying that  in  heaven  the  god  of  the  white  man  dwells.  The 
only  native  totem  on  this  column  is  the  eagle  at  the  top,  which 
is  the  crest  of  the  chief  Skowl,  who  is  said  to  have  erected  the 
column  in  derision  of  the  missionaries.f  The  other  figure,  to  the 
left,  represents  the  head  of  a  European — white  face  and  black 
whiskers;  two  figures  of  children,  one  on  either  side.  This  per- 
petuates the  story  of  the  disobedient  children,  who  wandered 
away  and  were  kidnapped  by  the  trader.  Below  this  is  the  crane, 
with  an  instrument  like  a  draw  shave  in  its  hands.  T\\t  crane 
was  an  expert  with  tools,  but  they  were  stolen,  and  the  crane  now 
utters  the  cry,  "I  want  my  tools!"  The  next  below  is  Hoorts, 
the  bear,  holding  in  its  paws  the  butterfly.  It  perpetuates  the 
story  of  creation.  When  the  raven,  the  great  Tetl,  created  the 
world,  the  butterfly  hovered  over  its  head,  and  pointed  to  the 
place  where  the  bear  lived.  Below  this  was  the  giant  spider, 
sucking  the  blood  of  a  man.  The  story  is  that  the  spider  was 
an  enemy  to  man,  but  it  was  taken  by  Teskanahl,  the  divinity, 
and  thrown  into  the  fire.  Instead  of  burning,  the  spider  shriveled 
up  and  turned  into  a  mosquito  and  so  escaped,  carrying  a  small 
coal  of  fire  in  its  claws.  The  mosquito  does  not  kill  a  man,  but 
sucks  his  blood  and  leaves  a  coal  of  fire  in  the  bite.  The  lowest 
figure  is  Koone,  the  totem  of  the  owner.  The  New  Zealand 
post  represents,  in  the  lower  figure,  the  dvinity  Mani,  who,  ac- 
cording to  the  Maori  tradition,  fished  up  the  islands  from  the 
bottom  of  the  sea.  The  protruding  tongue  of  the  upper  figure 
shows  that  it  is  one  of  the  numerous  defiant  statues  which  abound 
on  the  islands.  We  notice  an  approximation  to  the  horrid  orna- 
mentation of  the  Mexican  pillars,  which  represent  their  gods,  but 
we  find  the  four  ornaments  which  remind  us  of  the  sacred  num- 
ber of  the  wild  tribes. 

3.  We  notice  in  all  of  these  totem  posts  certain  features  which 
are  common.     First,  the  tall  hat,  which  resembles  that  of  the 


*See  Alaska,  "The  Sitkan  Archipelago,"  by  E.  R.  Skidmore,  p.  ^y.    See  Fig.  2,  p.  340. 
fThe  plate  illustrating  this  will  be  found  in  Smithsonian  Report  for  1888,  p.  327. 


346  NA  TI VE  A  M ERICA  N  S  YMB  OL  ISM. 

Chinese,  is  over  the  heads  of  many.  Second,  the  frog  is  carved 
upon  the  post,  but  is  seldom  used  as  a  crest.  Third,  the  eagle, 
the  bear,  the  wolf  and  the  crane,  are  generally  the  totems. 
Ii"ourth,  the  raven  is  the  great  divinity,  who  was  the  creator  and 
ruler  of  all.  Fifth,  the  Orka,  or  whale-killer,  a  species  of  por- 
poise, the  beaver,  the  dragon  fly,  sea  lions  and  other  figures  are 
used  to  perpetuate  certain  legends.  These  are  frequently  com- 
bined together  in  a  grotesque  way,  the  tongue,  generally,  pro- 
truding from  the  mouth  so  as  to  make  a  connecting  link  between 
the  figures,  and  the  large  eye  being  carved  upon  the  different 
parts  of  each  figure.  Sixth,  the  totem  posts  are  carved  so  that 
the  figures  rise  one  above  the  other,  making  a  genealogical  tree, 
but  the  pipes,  dishes,  rattles,  paddles,  mortuary  boxes,  paint 
brushes,  and  other  tools,  are  carved  pell-mell  on  the  different 
sides.  Seventh,  the  nature  powers,  wind  spirit,  clouds,  man  in 
the  moon,  thunder  bird,  are  personified  and  carved  in  the  shape 
of  animals  or  human  beings. 

The  creator  of  all  things  and  the  benefactor  of  man  was  the 
great  raven  called  by  the  Thlinkeets  Yetl,  Yeshl,  or  Yeatl,  and  by 
the  Haidas,  Ne-kil-stlus.  He  was  not  exactly  an  ordinary  bird, 
but,  like  all  old  Indian  mythical  characters,  had  many  human 
attributes,  and  the  power  of  transforming  himself  into  anything 
in  the  world.  His  coat  of  feathers  could  be  put  on  or  taken  off 
at  will  like  a  garment,  and  he  could  assume  any  character  what- 
ever. He  existed  before  his  birth,  never  grows  old,  will  never 
die.  Numerous  are  the  stories  of  his  adventures  in  peopling  the 
world  and  giving  to  man  the  earth,  fire,  fresh  water,  life,  fish, 
game,  etc. 

This  story  of  creation  as  well  as  belief  in  the  cause  of  the 
changes  of  the  weather,  and  a  thousand  other  superstitions  are 
noticeable.  The  imagery  is  entirely  that  which  is  peculiar  to  the 
northwest,  and  contains  the  figures  of  whales,  animals  of  the 
sea;  bears,  wolves  and  animals  of  the  forest;  eagles,  cranes, 
ravens,  creatures  of  the  air,  as  well  as  many  fabulous  creatures, 
all  of  them  peculiar  to  this  region.  Some  have  imagined  that 
they  recognized  the  monkey,  but  the  grotesque  figures  with  a 
human  form  and  animal  head,  such  as  the  wolf,  beaver,  etc., 
might  be  easily  taken  for  a  monkey.  It  is  not  likely  that  the 
monkey  was  ever  seen,  or  portrayed,  by  the  natives  here.  The 
conventional  figure  of  the  orka  or  whale  killer,  the  bear,  the  sea 
lion,  of  the  crab,  crow,  whale  and  other  animals  were  often 
carved  upon  the  boxes,  tattooed  upon  the  person,  woven  in  the 
ceremonial  blankets,  and  twined  in  the  basket  hats  in  such  a 
way  as  to  be  recognized  only  by  those  who  were  familiar  with 
the  figures.  Strips  of  silver  (see  Figs.  4  and  5)  made  into  brace- 
lets, representing  the  bear  and  raven,  show  the  custom  of  placing 
their  totems  upon  their  personal  ornaments.  The  same  custom 
is  seen  in  the  woven  garments  which  cover  the  bed  of  the  chief 


348  NA TIVE  A MERICAN  S  YMBOLlSAf. 

Shaks  and  in  the  Chilkat  blankets  which  han^  on  the  wall 
above  his  head.  In  this  we  have  the  bear  totem  repeated  several 
times — the  stuffed  bear  at  the  side,  the  woven  bear  on  his  gar- 
ments, another  bear  on  the  wall,  a  bear's  head  on  the  table. 

The  ornaments  are  modern,  but  they  contain  the  same  symbol- 
ism as  the  ancient  heir-looms.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the 
carved  pipes  and  other  specimens.  One  of  these  already  pic- 
tured* resembles  a  totem  post.  It  represents  at  the  top  the  figure 
of  the  eagle;  next  below,  the  orka,  or  whale-killer;  next,  the 
raven,  known  by  its  beak  ;  lowest  down,  known  by  its  tongue. f 
The  figure  of  the  bear-mother  is  a  slate  carving,  finished  in  the 
round.  It  perpetuates  a  legend.J  The  daughter  of  a  chief  spoke 
in  terms  of  ridicule  of  the  bears.     The  bears  descended  and  took 


Fig.  7.— Carved  Slate  Disk. 

her  captive  and  made  her  the  wife  of  the  chief  of  the  bears.  She 
became  the  progenitor  of  all  the  Indians  bearing  the  bear  totem. 
The  carving  represents  the  agony  of  the  mother  in  suckling  her 
child,  which  was  half  bear  and  half  human.  The  slate  disk,  (see 
Fig.  7)  represents  the  orka  or  whale-killer.  This  is  known  by 
the  fins,  the  nose  and  the  eyes.  We  see  from  these  specimens 
that  the  carvings  are  designed  to  perpetuate  the  legends,  but  that 
there  was  a  different  style  of  carving  among  the  different  tribes. 
Mr.  Niblack  says:  "Every  carving  and  pictograph  is  pregnant 
with  meaning,  but  the  task  of  tracing  out  the  legends  and  com- 
paring them  with  those  of  adjacent  regions  is  difficult.  No  idea 
of  the  ethnological  affinities  can  be  found  without  comparison  of' 

*See  Fig.  t,  in  Chapter  XIII,  p.  278. 

tSee  article  on  Ethnographic  Religions,  p.  311,  Fig.  6.        Xlbid.,  p.  312,  Fig.  8. 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  349 

the  mythology."  Mr.  James  Deans,  who  is  familiar  with  the 
different  tribes,  and  has  made  a  study  of  the  totem  posts,  says 
that  each  tribe  has  its  own  way  of  carving  and  its  own  set  of 
myths,  so  that  one  is  not  sure  that  he  is  giving  the  right  inter- 
pretation unless  he  knows  the  tribe  to  which  the  carving  belongs. 

The  following  is  a  description,  given  by  Mr.  Deans,  of  the 
totem  posts  and  carved  images  which  have  been  gathered  from 
the  different  tribes  of  the  northwest  coast  and  placed  in  front  of 
the  Haida  house,  near  the  Anthropological  building  in  Jackson 
Park,  Chicago.  He  begins  with  a  post  not  seen  the  cut,  which 
contains  many  carvings  of  male  and  female  figures.  On  the  above 
mentioned  column,  reading  from  below,  the  first  is  the  carving  of 
an  Indian  with  his  head  encircled  by  feathers.  This  represents  the 
owner  of  the  house  in  front  of  which  this  column  stood.  The 
second  figure  is  the  raven,  called  by  these  people  Caugh.  This, 
the  raven,  is  the  phratry  or  principal  crest,  along  with  the  eagle 
phratry,  of  all  these  people.  The  next  is  the  dogfish,  which 
along  with  the  raven  phratry,  was  the  crest  of  the  man  who  had 
this  house  built  for  himself  The  third  figure  is  a  man,  perhaps 
designed  to  represent  the  owner  of  this  totem  post.  The  fifth 
figure  is  a  woman  with  head-dress,  and  is  evidently  a  figure  of 
the  housewife.  Above  her  is  the  figure  of  a  killer  or  fin-back 
whale,  with  two  young  ones,  one  on  each  side  of  its  mouth.  The 
sixth  figure  is  the  crest  of  the  wife.  The  young  ones  show  her 
to  have  had  a  family,  which,  like  herself,  would  have  the  whale 
crest.  The  next  or  seventh  figure  is  that  of  a  woman,  showing 
that  the  wife  was  connected  by  birth  with  the  tribe  in  which  she 
lived.  The  upper  or  last  figure  is  the  eagle,  and  designates  the 
phratry  to  which  she  belonged. 

The  second  column  (Fig.  8)  is  a  Haida  column.  This  house 
formerly  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  Haida  Indian  village  of 
Skidegat's  Town,  so  called  from  its  chief  always  taking  the  title 
of  Skidegat.  The  house  belongs  to  a  man  whose  name  formerly 
was  Choscah,  or  raven.  It  was  the  first  house  in  the  village  be- 
longing to  the  Cathlins  Coan  hadry  (point  of  the  waves  people), 
who  came  and  settled  in  the  town  of  lllth-cah-gutla  (hut  between 
streams)  called  Skidegat's  Town,  as  above  mentioned.  These 
people  were  driven  from  their  home  by  tidal  waves  and  by 
ravages  of  war.  When  they  came  to  Skidegat  they  lived  all 
together  by  building  their  houses  in  a  row;  their  descendants  live 
all  together  in  the  same  style  to-dav 

The  figures  on  the  post  are:  lowest,  the  bear  with  man's  head 
dov/nward;  second  is  the  spout-fish  (lown);  on  each  side  of  it  is 
the  Chemouse  of  the  Sinesheans,  which  is  a  symbolization  of  a 
river  snag,  a  floating  snag  or  oftener  a  tree.  To  an  Indian  sail- 
ing down  the  rapid  streams  of  the  Pacific  slope  these  snags  are 
dangerous,  and  a  superstitious  dread  has  painted  them  as  monsters 
of  the  worst  kind ;  so,  in  order  to  be  safe,  they  adopted  them  as 


350  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

a  crest.  The  Haida  tribes  borrowed  this  crest  from  these  Sine- 
sheans.  The  next  figure  is  a  head  with  large  eyes.  It  is  shown 
as  holding  on  with  its  mouth  to  the  tail  of  the  lown.  This  is 
the  head  of  a  bear  as  is  shown  by  the  tan  gue  (bear's  ears) 
placed  on  each  side  of  the  head.  From  this  head  upward  is  a 
large   dogfish.     It  is  shown  as  having  a  woman   on   its   back. 


Fly.  S.— Haida  Totem  Posts  at  the  World's  Fair. 

Above  the  woman's  head  is  another  bear's  head,  with  tan  giie. 
Above  all  is  the  tail  of  the  dogfish,  shown  between  two  little 
images.  The  following  I  consider  to  be  a  correct  reading  of  the 
carvings  on  this  post:  First,  the  bear  with  a  man's  head  down- 
ward; amongst  the  natives  of  southern  Alaska  symbolized  a 
strange  custom.  When  any  one  built  a  house  a  slave  was  killed 
and  his  blood  sprinkled  on  the  post,  his  body  generally  being 
buried  beneath  it.  the  bear  on  the  post  being  the  crest  of  the  man 
who  built  the  house,  and  the  man  being  the  slave  who  was  killed. 
I  have  been  unable  to  find  that  such  a  thing  as  killing  a  slave  for 


COMMEMORA  TI VE  COL  UMNS.  35 1 

such  a  purpose  was  ever  done  amongst  the  Haida.  In  this  case 
I  speak  knowingly,  as  I  helped  to  dig  up  the  post,  and  I  found 
that  no  slave  had  ever  been  buried  there.  In  fact  the  man  who 
built  the  house  says  he  killed  no  slave. 

There  are  two  stories  told  by  these  Haida  people  with  regard 
to  a  man's  head  being  upside  down  on  the  post.  The  first  I  shall 
give  is  the  one  told  by  the  builder  of  the  house:  The  bear  was 
the  crest  of  the  man  Chaouk,  by  whom  the  house  was  built.  His 
intention  being  not  to  follow  the  old  usage  of  his  people  by 
having  the  doorway  in  the  post,  he  had  the  man's  head  put  on  in 
order  to  have  no  blank  space,  as  well  as  to  exemplify  an  old 
story,  which  runs  thus:  Long  ago,  a  little  boy  wandered  away 
and  got  lost  in  the  bush.  A  hungry  bear  found  him  and  ate  him 
up.  The  second  stOry  is  founded  on  a  usuage  common  among 
these  people:  If  a  man  owed  just  debts  to  another,  he  was 
politely  asked  three  times  to  pay  it,  and  if  then  he  refused,  no 
more  was  said  of  the  debt  by  the  party  to  whom  the  money  was 
owing,  but  he  quietly  waited  until  he  had  money  enough  to  build 
a  house,  when,  among  other  carvings,  he  had  the  image  of  the 
debtor  put  on  in  the  shape  of  a  man  with  his  head  down,  and  his 
crest  above  him,  in  order  that  the  people  might  know  who  it 
was,  A  debtor  seldom  waited  until  the  third  time,  well  knowing 
the  consequences. 

The  next  figure  is  the  lown  or  spout  fish.  It  was  put  on  to 
show  the  crest  of  Choouto's  first  wife,  who  was  a  daughter  of 
Crosaw,  chief  of  Hieller,  on  these  islands.  The  Chemouse  on 
each  side  were  put  on  for  ornament  more  than  anything  else,  al- 
though no  doubt  there  was  a  connection  between  it  and  the  wife. 
The  two  bears'  heads  above  show  a  double  relationship  between 
this  chief  and  the  bears,  which  came  about  as  follows:  He  inher- 
ited his  uncle's  crest,  which  was  a  bear,  as  well  as  the  bear  crest 
of  the  village  Cathlins  Coan  (Point  of  the  Waves),  in  which  he 
was  born.  Together  with  these  heads  is  a  woman's  head  and  a 
dogfish.  This  represents  an  old  legend  among  these  people,  the 
legend  of  Hathlingzo  (Bright  Sunshine).  She  was  a  woman 
who,  long  ago,  went  to  the  open  country  in  order  to  dig  roots 
for  food.  After  she  had  plenty,  she  went  to  the  seaside  to  wash 
them.  While  there  a  dogfish  came  along  and  turned  her  into  a 
sort  of  mermaid — half  woman  and  half  dogfish.  This  is  said  to 
symbolize  the  storm  clouds,  which,  in  that  land  of  mountains, 
often  quickly  turn  the  bright  sunshine  to  a  storm.  This  story 
may  also  symbolize  the  Cathlins  Coan  hadry  or  people,  when 
they  left  their  own  country  and  settled  at  Skidegat.  The  dog- 
fish being  the  crest  of  the  town  of  Illth-cah-gutla,  or,  as  it  is 
generally  called  nowadays,  Skidegat's  Town,  from  the  chief,  who 
also  takes  the  name  of  Skidegat,  so  by  becoming  that  town's 
people,  they  became  entitled  to  the  dogfish  crest.  The  two 
wooden  men  with  the  tail  of  the  fish  between  them,  with  Taden 


352  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

Skeel  on  top,  may  signify  this  man  and  his  uncle  Clads-an-Coond, 
and  it  may  not.  Probably  they  meant  that  he  was  a  chiet  at  two 
times  or  places.  The  three  circles,  black  and  white,  are  three 
degrees  of  aristocracy.  They  also  show  that  he  was  allowed  to 
have  three  dances,  and  to  wear  circles  around  his  neck  while 
dancing.  This  carved  column  is  forty-two  feet  in  length  and  is, 
like  all  the  others,  made  of  red  cedar. 

The  third  post  is  an  Alaskan  one  from  Tongass,on  the  south- 
ern boundary  of  that  country.  This  one  is  also  about  forty-two 
feet  in  height.  The  carvings  on  it  are:  i.  The  lowest,  a  bear 
holding  a  raven,  although  it  looks  more  like  a  fur  seal,  which  I 
should  certainly  say  it  was  if  the  post  was  a  Haida  one.  2.  Next 
above  is  bear,  a  frog  with  a  bear's  tongue  in  its  mouth,  and  a  hat 
with  eight  rings.  As  for  the  signification  of  the  carvings  on  this 
post,  I  may  say  that  the  bear  at  the  bottom  was  the  crest  of  the 
people  whose  house  this  was.  The  bear  holding  the  crow  or 
raven,  as  is  shown  here,  would  show  that  the  bear  and  the  raven 
were  foes  and  that  the  bear  had  the  best  of  him,  though  accord- 
ing to  the  Haida  tribes  it  would  show  an  old  legend  about  the 
bear  and  the  fur  seals.  3.  Next  above  was  the  phratry  of  the 
man  who  owned  this  house.  He  also  was  one  of  the  Cauhada 
gens.  4.  Next  above  is  the  frog  with  the  bear's  tongue  in  its 
mouth,  which  showed  the  bear  and  the  frog  to  have  been  friends. 
This  frog  I  believe  is  the  bear's  wife's  crest.  The  highest  figure 
— the  head  and  hat  with  eight  degrees — must  have  been  the 
husband,  because  the  hat  is  on  a  bear's  head.  This  post  is  badly 
finished,  A  Haidah  carver  would  never  put  such  a  post  out  of 
his  hands,  and  if  he  did  he  would  be  laughed  at  by  the  rest  of 
the  people. 

The  next  column,  fourth  in  order,  is  a  Haida  post.  It  is  of 
far  better  finish,  and  is  worthy  of  a  Haida.  This  post  has  for  its 
figures,  first  and  lowest,  a  scamsun  or  sparrow-hawk,  the  door- 
way to  the  house  being  in  the  belly  of  the  bird.  The  next  is  a 
frog;  the  next  a  being  with  a  bear's  head  and  a  human  body, 
holding  on  to  the  dragon  fly ;  the  next  a  crane  ;  on  the  top  is 
the  Taden  Skeel  of  three  men,  showing  the  chief's  successors. 
This  one,  as  well  as  No.  3,  is  exhibited  by  Mr.  E.  D.  Ayer,  of 
Chicago,  111,  to  whom,  I  believe,  it  belongs.  The  description 
given  of  this  post  is  rather  imperfect,  and  a  stranger  could  glean 
but  little  information  from  it.  The  large  bird  on  the  bottom  can 
hardly  be  called  the  sparrow-hawk.  It  should  be  called  the 
mosquito-hawk.  The  Haida  legend  of  its  origin  is  as  follows  : 
Long  ago  the  land  was  mostly  covered  with  water,  and  when 
the  water  left  it  was  very  swampy.  Then  the  sun  was  very  hot, 
far  hotter  than  it  is  nowadays.  This  swampy  ground  bred  mos- 
quitos  of  an  enormous  size ;  they  were  as  large  as  bats.  These 
bats  are  well  known  to  most  people  from  their  habit  of  flying 
about  by  night.     These  insects  were  so  large,  and  their  bite  so 


COM  MEM  OR  A  TIVE  COL  UMNS.  3  3 

deadly,  that  many  people  died  from  them.  The  country  was 
slowly  being  depopulated  from  this  cause.  The  people  com- 
plained until  the  god  Ne  kilst-luss  heard  their  cry,  and  sent  the 
butterfly  to  investigate.  On  its  return,  it  gave  a  woful  account 
of  the  people's  condition.  Hearing  this,  Ne-kilst-luss  sent  the 
mosquito-hawk  to  live  on  them  and  drive  them  away,  which  it 
did.  Now  that  the  sun  is  less  hot,  and  scamsums  plentiful,  the 
people  can  live.  One  legend  is  that  the  scamsum  was  an  enor- 
mous bird,  which  still  lives  in  the  mountains,  from  which  it 
flies  over  the  sea,  in  order  to  destroy  the  killer-whales,  or,  as 
the  Haidas  call  them,  the  scannah.  Its  body  is  the  thunder- 
bird,  the  clapping  of  its  wings  the  noise,  the  lightning  a  fiery 
dart  sent  out  of  its  mouth,  in  order  to  kill  these  whales.  The 
next  figure  is  evidently  a  frog,  showing  that  the  party  who  had 
this  house  was  allied  to  that  crest  or  gens,  or,  what  is  not  unlike- 
ly, they  might  have  been  connected  with  Skidegat's  family.  The 
next  is  rather  difficult  to  decipher,  owing  to  the  head,  which  is 
evidently  a  bear's,  being  upside  down.  It  has  the  tan  guc  (bear's 
ears)  on  it  plain  enough,  showing  it  was  highly  connected  with 
the  bears.  From  its  mouth  to  the  mouth  of  the  figure  above  is 
a  band,  which  is  held  by  the  under  figure.  This  shows  a  con- 
nection between  the  two.  In  the  third  post  it  shows  friendship 
existed  between  the  two  figures — that  is,  the  bear  and  the  frog. 
In  this  case  the  animals  shown  are  different.  The  lower  figure 
I  consider  to  be  a  bear,  and  the  upper  I  believe  to  be  either 
a  butterfly  or  a  mosquito,  and  doubtless  symbolizes  the  old  story 
of  the  butterfly  sent  out  by  the  ancient  god  Ne-kilst-lass.  The 
figure  above  seems  to  be  intended  for  the  dragon  fly,  which  also 
is  an  enemy  to  these  pests;  although  I  consider  this  portion  of 
the  carvings  to  be  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  rendering  of  the 
above  legend.  A  number  of  years  ago  I  saw  in  the  old  village 
Yukh,  Queen  Charlotte's  Islands,  a  rendering  on  a  very  old 
totem  post  of  the  same  myth.  The  figure  with  the  long  beak  is 
a  crane  or  heron,  and  doubtless  was  the  crest  of  the  wife  of  the 
man  who  built  this  house.  The  three  figures  on  top  belong  to 
the  family  of  Skidegat.  The  first  chief  of  that  name  adopted  it 
in  order  to  put  on  top  of  his  column.  It  is  a  mythological  tale 
of  the  west  coast,  and  is  as  follows:  Long  ago  the  god,  Ne- 
kilst-lass,  for  a  frolic,  turned  himself  into  a  beautiful  woman,  and 
three  men  fell  in  love  with  her  and,  some  say,  married  her,  al- 
though this  totem  post  shows  it  belonged  to  one  of  Skidegat 
family.  This  ends  the  totem  posts  from  northern  British  Co- 
lumbia. 

The  next  is  a  house  of  a  different  sort  and  belonged  to  the 
Quackuhls  of  Vancouver  Island.  Instead  of  a  totem  post  these 
people  generally  paint  their  crests  on  the  front  of  their  houses. 
The  paintings  on  this  one  represent  the  sun  on  each  side  of  the 
doorway,with  the  thunder  bird  above  the  door.     This  is  the  style 


354 


NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


of  this  bird,  as  is  shown  by  these  people.  This  house,  the  notice 
on  side  of  the  wall  says,  belonged  to  the  Nu-enshu  clan  of  the 
Quackuhls,  on  Vancouver  Island,  British  Columbia.  The  next 
carving  is  a  doorway  from  a  house  at  Billa  Coola,  in  the  interior 
of  British  Columbia.  It  is  a  bear,  and  was  the  crest  of  the  peo- 
ple who  lived  in  the  house. 

4.  The  study  of  the  ornaments  and  figures  on  the  mortuary 
boxes  aids  us  greatly  in  interpreting  the  symbols  found  on  the 
totem  posts.  These  boxes  were  commemorative,  but  the  figures 
are  largely  mythologic.    To  illustrate:  The  cedar  box  (see  Fig.  9) 


i'7(/.  :i.  —  Cedar  i>o.r. 

used  by  the  Thlinkits  as  a  depository  for  the  ashes  of  the  dead, 
contains  on  its  front  the  figure  of  the  bear,  with  eyes,  ears,  paws, 
mouth,  breast,  all  portrayed  in  an  allegorical  way.  The  slate  box 
(see  Figs.  10  and  ii),  an  heir-loom,  contains  on  the  lid  two  figures 
or  faces.  The  upper  one,  with  rows  of  teeth  and  protruding  tongue, 
is  lioorts,  the  bear.  The  figures  in  the  upper  corners  represent 
the  ears,  with  an  eye  in  each.  The  lower  figure  on  the  lid  con- 
tains the  face  and  flippers  of  the  sea  lion.  The  head  of  the  sea 
lion  can  be  seen  in  the  handle  on  each  side  of  the  box.  The 
face  in  front  is  that  of  the  bear,  having  in  its  mouth  the  hunter; 
the  paws  of  the  bear  are  in  the  lower  corners.  In  the  Haida 
drawings,  an  eve  is  placed  in  the  breast,  ear,  paw,  tail  and  other 
parts  of  the  body,  with  the  belief  that  each  part  has  the  power 
of  looking  out  tor  itstlf  There  are  certain  conventional  signs 
which  indicate  to  the  natives  v.  hat  animals  are  meant.     With  the 


COMMMWnATIVE  COLUMNS.  355 

brown  bear,  it  is  the  protruding  tongue  ;  with  the  beaver  and 
wolf,  the  character  of  the  teeth;  with  the  orka,  the  fin;  with  the 
raven,  the  sharp  beak;  with  the  eagle,  the  curved  beak.  Certain 
groupings  are  generally  recognized  as  portraying  certain  well- 
known  legends,  such  as  the  bear  and  hunter,  the  raven  and 
moon.  In  the  Chilkat  blankets,  the  colors  are  interwoven  to 
form  a  totemic  pattern.  These  blankets  are  very  common,  and 
have  become  so  conventional  in  their  style  that  they  are  recog-^. 
nized.  The  figure  of  Hoorts,  the  bear,  is  common  on  them. 
The  same  is  true  of  the  ceremonial  shirts,  though  sometimes  the 
figure  of  the  wolf  is  seen  upon  them,  instead  ot  the  bear.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  all  parts  of  the  body  of  the  bear,  such  as 
the  ears,  paws,  breast  and  legs,  have  eyes  looking  out.  This 
illustrates  the  personifying  tendency  and  at  the  same  time  shows 


/•'/(/     Ui.—  tSlatr  lio.r 

the  superstition  which  the  people  had.  They  imagined  a  spii  it 
io  be  in  every  part  of  the  body.  This  spirit  was  able  to  rule- 
and  direct  the  part  even  as  the  totem  spirit  did  the  whole  body. 
IV.  The  question  of  the  origin  of  the  ancestor  posts  here 
comes  up.  On  this  there  will  undoubtedly  be  a  difference  of 
opinion,  for  one  class  will  hold  that  these  originated  on  this 
continent  independently,  as  the  result  of  the  system  of  develop- 
ment here,  while  another  class  will  hold  that  they  prove  a  contact 
between  the  races  and  are  the  result  altogether  of  a  transmitted 
cultus.  Our  position,  as  already  indicated,  is  that  the  resem- 
blances between  the  Polynesian  and  the  Haida  symbolism  js  too 
strong  to  resist  the  conviction  that  much  of  it  was  borrowed. 
While  there  was  an  American  system  which  consisted  in  the 
widespread  totemism  or  animal  worship,  yet  there  was  a  Polyne- 
sian or  Asiatic  ancestor  worship  mingled  with  it,  which  gave  a 
new  tinge  to  and  which  ultimately  resulted  in  that  very  unique 
system  which  is  now  our  object  of  study.  We  maintain  further 
that  there  was  in  Polynesia  a  very  extensive  esoteric  system,  which 
embodied  in  itself  many  of  the  religious  conceptions  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  far  east,  and  that  the  very  conceptions  were  by  this 


356  NA  Tl VE  A MERICAN  S  YMBOLlSM. 

means  transmitted  and  adopted  by  the  natives  and  became  em- 
bodied in  these  ancestor  posts,  the  difference  between  the  sym- 
bols of  the  two  wide  areas  being  owing  to  the  underlying  ground 
work,  but  the  resemblances  being  owing  to  the  transmitted  ele- 
ments. We  recognize  the  resemblances  both  in  the  customs  and 
in  the  symbols,  and  shall  therefore  call  attention  to  these  and 
afterward  point  out  the  differences. 

*»  The  resemblances  are  very  numerous.  The  following  have 
been  noticed  as  common  in  New  Zealand:  i.  Cremation  of  the 
bodies  and  the  preservation  of  the  ashes.  2.  The  keeping  of 
the  head  in  a  box  or  carrying  it  about  the  person.  3.  The  cre- 
mation of  the  husband  and  immolation  of  the  widows  and  slaves. 
4.  The  burying  of  the  bodies  in  canoes.  5.  Erecting  the  statues 
with  protruding  tongues  in  the  midst  of  cemeteries.  6.  The 
preservation  of  garments  and  making  them  "taboo."  7.  The 
glorifying  the  memories  of  heroes  and  ancestors  by  the  carved 
figures.     8.  Naming  the  divinities,  and  calling  them  ancestors, 


/;<7-  11— Lid  (if  llir  B'Ki-. 

and  off^Ting  saciifices  to  them  in  the  cemeteries.  We  can  cm- 
pare  these  with  Ensign  Niblack's  description  of  the  mortuary 
customs  among  the  Haidas:  i.  On  the  death  of  a  chief  the  body, 
after  lying  in  state  for  a  year,  is  finally  burned  on  a  funeral  pyre 
and  the  ashes  and  burned  bones  are  deposited  in  a  mortuary  box 
or  house.  2.  Formerly  the  head  was  preserved  separately  in  a 
box.  3.  Certain  slaves  were  selected  to  be  sacrificed  at  the  funeral 
of  their  master,  and  their  bodies  were  cremated  with  his,  that 
their  spirits  might  accompany  his  to  the  next  world.  4.  In  some 
cases  pillars  were  erected,  and  the  mortuary  boxes  were  placed 
on  them,  while  at  the  base  of  the  pillar  was  the  canoe,  but  in  other 
cases  the  canoe  itself  became  the  burial  place.  5.  Carved  columns 
and  boxes  and  ornaments  on  which  a  protruding  tongue  connects 
the  various  figures  are  common.  6.  The  ceremonial  apparel  of  a 
deceased  chief  was  always  placed  with  his  personal  property  in 
boxes  and  preserved  for  many  years.  7.  The  height  and  elabor- 
ateness of  the  carved  columns  were  generally  signs  of  the  wealth 
of  the  individual.     8.  The  carving  on  the  boxes,  sculpturing  on 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  357 

the  rocks,  and  the  drawings,  paintings  and  tatooed  patterns  were 
"totemic  pictographs"  which  perpetuated  legends  concerning  the 
various  divinities,  which  were  either  animals,  birds  or  creatures 
of  the  sea,  or  in  some  cases  wind  spirits  and  nature  powers,  each 
represented  by  an  eye  in  a  wing,  or  limb,  or  claw.  The  symbols, 
however,  illustrate  how  pregnant  with  meaning  every  carving  and 
pictograph  was,  and  how  difficult  a  task  it  is  to  trace  them  out 
and  compare  them  with  those  of  adjacent  regions,  and  how  im- 
portant a  knowledge  of  the  legends  is  to  the  proper  interpreta- 
tion of  the  figures.  No  idea  of  the  ethnical  affinities  of  the 
various  stocks  can  be  formed  without  comparative  mythologic 
and  ethnologic  study.  "In  the  ceremonial  institutions,  in  the 
elaborate  dance  paraphernalia,  in  the  carved  heraldic  columns,  in 
the  varied  m.ortuary  customs,  in  all  the  practices  of  highly  im- 
aginative and  inventive  tribes  of  Indians,  we  have  similarities 
and  differences  so  bewildering,  that  it  is  difficult  to  trace  the 
mutual  influence  of  the  different  ethnic  groups." 

Still  the  commemorative  columns  of  New  Zealand  and  the 
northwest  coast  are  worthy  of  study.  If  they  do  not  prove  a 
contact  between  the  two  races,  they  show  at  least  a  transmission 
of  religious  conceptions,  for  there  are  many  resemblances  be- 
tween them.  These  consist  in  the  position  of  the  hands,  the 
abdominal  protuberance,  the  protruding  tongue,  the  arrange- 
ment of  faces  and  figures  in  stories,  and  the  attitude  and 
location  of  the  images,  as  well  as  in  the  appearance  of  the 
phallic  symbol.  In  New  Zealand,  the  abdominal  protuberance, 
the  hands  usually  resting  on  the  abdomen,  represents  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul  and  the  longevity  of  the  gods.  Here,  too, 
the  tongue  was  significant,  as  it  was  a  symbol  of  life,  the  pro- 
truding tongue  signifying  the  departed  life.  It  appears  that  in 
the  act  of  death,  the  voice  or  spirit  was  drawn  out  by  the  god. 
The  word  unn  means,  in  the  New  Zealand  language,  to  pull  out. 
The  iin?/s  are  sacred  pieces  of  carved  wood,  with  which  the 
cemeteries  were  decorated.  The  TiH  in  New  Zealand  was  a 
protecting  genius,  a  kmd  of  household  god  or  ancestral  spirit. 

There  were  in  the  Exposition  at  Chicago  two  remarkable  im- 
ages which  illustrate  the  distribution  of  symbols  throughout  the 
entire  western  coast  of  America  and  on  the  various  islands  of 
Polynesia.  One  of  these,  Irom  the  Marquesas  Islands,  was  in 
the  collection  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  Liberal 
Arts  building.  It  represents  the  god  Tiki  Akau,  and  has  the  same 
attitude  and  position  of  hands  that  the  Tiki  from  New  Zealand 
have.  The  peculiarity  of  the  idol  is  that  there  are  symbols  on 
either  side  of  the  wide  open  mouth  like  the  horse-shoes  and  the 
double  arches,  which  are  sky  symbols  with  the  Zunis  and  Moquis. 
The  hands  also  are  apparently  made  to  represent  the  phallic 
symbols — the  four  fingers  making  arches  and  the  middle  finger 
a  single  line.     The  other  image  was  to  be  found  in  Emmons'  col- 


358  NA  TIVE  A MERICA N  b  YMBOLISM. 

lection  in  the  Government  building.  It  was  labeled  a  shaman's 
guard — a  spirit  to  protect  the  grave  of  a  shaman.  It  is  a  lull- 
length  image,  and  resembles  the  idol  Irom  the  Marquesas  in  the 
shape  of  the  body  and  position  of  the  arms  and  hands,  but  the 
expression  of  the  face  is  more  like  that  of  an  Indian.  The 
peculiarity  of  it  is  that  there  are  on  the  shoulders  and  breasts 
and  the  hollow  of  the  thigh,  carved  heads  of  animals,  the  two 
animals'  lower  heads  being  near  the  pelvis,  reminding  us  of  the 
serpent  heads  which  are  seen  projecting  from  the  thighs  of  the 
gold  figures  of  the  Chiriquis,  depicted  by  W.  H.  Holmes.  On 
the  northwest  coast,  the  image  over  the  grave  of  the  sham.an 
was  supposed  to  be  a  spirit  which  guarded  the  shaman.* 

The  phallic  symbol  is  also  significant  in  both  regions.  Ellis 
speaks  of  certain  carved  figures  or  batons  on  which  the  divinity 
is  represented  by  the  phallic  symbol.  The  same  symbol  is  used 
on  the  northwest  coast  and  signifies  life  as  a  gift  of  the  divinity. 
The  arrangement  of  the  figures  and  faces  in  stories  is  also  signifi- 
cant, for  they  betoken  ancestry  and  a  long  line  of  descent,  the 
number  of  stories  proving  the  superiority  of  the  family. 

Still  further  details  in  the  symbols  of  the  two  regions  may 
also  be  recognized.  To  illustrate  :  the  custom  of  sacrificing  a 
slave  at  the  dedication  of  a  house  and  planting  the  totem  post 
over  the  body  was  formerly  common  among  the  Haidas,  and 
weapons  are  still  preserved  which  were  used  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  slaying  slaves.  In  New  Zealand,  Ellis  says,  some  of  the 
buildings  for  the  abode  of  their  Gods  were  actually  laid  in  human 
sacrifices,  and  the  central  pillar  supporting  the  roof  of  one  of 
the  sacred  houses  was  planted  upon  the  body  of  a  man  who  had 
been  offered  as  a  victim.  Similar  resemblances  may  be  recog- 
nized between  the  my  thologic  creatures  of  the  two  regions.  There 
were  many  such  mythologic  divinities,  some  of  them  creatures 
of  the  sea,  others  of  the  land,  and  others  of  the  air,  and  yet  all 
had  nearly  the  same  ofifice — the  shark  serving  the  sam.e  ofifice 
which  the  whale-killer  did  among  the  Haidas,  a  fabulous  bird 
corresponding  to  the  raven,  and  certain  gods  or  genii  serving  as 
protective  divinities,  as  the  images  protected  the  graves  of  the 
medicine  men.  The  most  romantic  accounts  are  given  of  the  god 
of  the  sea  and  his  combat  with  the  tempest,  while  the  bird  is  sup- 
posed to  dwell  by  the  rock  which  was  the  foundation  of  the 
earth,  and  contained  within  himself  the  tempest,  just  as  the  raven, 
who  was  the  great  creator,  was  also  the  thunder-bird  of  the 
Haidas.  The  superior  gods  and  men,  the  animals,  the  air,  earth 
and  sea  were  supposed  to  originate  in  the  procreative  power  of 
the  supreme  god,  hence  the  significance  of  the  phallic  symbol. 

Illustrations  of  these  points  may  be  found  by  studying  the 
works  ofEllis,t  the  missionary,  and  comparing  the  myths,  espec- 


*The  symbols  on  the  Marquesas  idol  are  given  elsewhere. 
tSee  Ellis'  "Researches."    Vol.  I;  pp.  97,  99.  258,  295. 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  359 

ially  the  myths  of  the  deluge,  the  creation,  about  the  Pleiades,  the 
passage  of  the  sun  by  a  hidden  path  and  many  others,  with 
myths  which  are  extant  in  various  parts  of  North  America. 

V.  The  most  important  feature  in  the  commemorative  columns 
of  the  northwest  coast  remains  to  be  considered,  namely,  the 
individual  totemism  which  was  embodied  in  them.  These  col- 
umns are  called  ancestor  posts,  but  they  are  properly  totem 
posts  of  individuals  rather  than  of  clans.  Accordmg  to  Mr. 
Frazer,  there  are  three  kinds  of  totems:  i.  The  clan;  2.  Sex; 
3.  Individual.  The  clan  totem  is  the  one  which  is  the  most 
common  throughout  the  hunter  tribes  of  the  eastern  coasts.  The 
sex  totem  is  more  common  among  the  Polynesian  tribes,  but  the 
individual  totem  is  the  system  we  recognize  among  the  Haidas 
and  the  Thlinkeets.  In  the  first  system  there  is  no  place  in  a 
tribe  or  clan  for  any  person  whose  kinship  is  not  fixed  and  only 
those  persons  can  hold  a  totemistic  relationship  who  are  either 
born  into  a  clan  or  adopted  into  a  clan,  with  the  artificial  kinship 
specified.  In  the  last  case  descent  is  important,  but  it  is  not 
absolutely  essential,  for  rank  and  position  depend  upon  one's  own 
property  or  prowess  or  personal  qualities. 

I.  Individual  totemism  can  not  be  traced  from  ancestors  directly, 
because  it  often  exists  where  there  is  the  most  unsatisfactory 
recognition  of  ancestry,  whether  it  be  of  paternity  or  maternity. 
The  confounding  of  animals  with  their  known  ancestors,  and 
reverencing  them  as  they  reverence  ancestors,  was  a  result  of 
totemism  among  this  people.  The  belief  in  a  possibility  of  a 
human  descent  from  natural  objects,  such  as  rocks,  animals  and 
trees,  exists  universally  among  primitive  peoples,  but  this  belief 
here  took  the  shape  of  regard  for  certain  creatures  of  the  sea  or 
land  or  air,  and  gave  rise  to  a  wonderfully  varied  and  grotesque 
series  of  myths  concerning  these  animals,  which  became  em- 
bodied in  the  many  and  elaborate  symbols.  According  to  this 
system  the  individual  became  so  fully  identified  with  his  totem, 
which  was  generally  one  or  another  of  these  fabulous  animals, 
that  neither  his  own  name  or  that  of  his  parents  could  be  made 
known,  tor  it  was  entirely  swallowed  up  in  the  name  and  history 
of  the  animal  whose  totem  he  bore.  As  a  result,  the  columns 
were  no  longer  the  records  of  the  clan  or  the  tribe,  but  they 
were  erected  for  the  exaltation  of  the  individual  and  of  his  family 
while  living,  or  for  the  glorification  of  his  name  after  he  was 
dead.  This  exaltation,  however,  depended  more  upon  the  amount 
of  property  which  the  individual  had  accumulated  than  upon 
personal  prowess  or  upon  genealogical  descent. 

In  a  strict  sense,  the  village  was  the  tribal  unit;  but  the  head 
of  the  household  in  the  village  which,  through  inheritance, 
numbers  and  influence,  predominated  over  the  others,  was  nom- 
inally chief  of  the  village.  Besides  the  principal  chief  there  were 
others  who  were  the  heads  of  the  principal  households  or  clans 


360  A'^4  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

of  the  village;  their  raj;ik  or  claim  to  distinction  and  respect  was 
proportioned  to  the  degree  of  their  wealth,  age,  superiority,  the 
general  good   fortune  and   prosperity   of  the  group   of  persons 
of  which  they  were  the  head.     The  chief  was  not  treated  with 
any  marked  deference  on  ordinary  occasions,  but  in  ceremonies 
a  degree  of  state  was  formally  kept  up  to  impress  visitors.  Often 
the  alliance  of  the  medicine  men  was  gained  by  purchase,  and 
the  chief  and  shamans  combined  to  hold  themselves  in  the  res- 
pect and  fear  of  the  community.     The  chiefs  generally  had  a 
carpenter  in  their  household  who  was  especially  expert  in  build- 
ino-  houses,  carving  wood,  stone,  horn  and  bone,  slate  and  metal 
implements  and  ornaments,  and  household  utensils;  though  there 
we're   wood   carvers   whose    specialty   was    to    make   and   paint 
totemic  or  mortuary  columns.     Some  of  the  women  were  expert 
basket  makers,  and  weavers  of  cloaks  and  mats  of  cedar  bark  and 
wool,  makers  of  dance  and    ceremonial    costumes.      Tattooing 
was  a  fine  art  and  was  common  to  both  sexes.     The  figures  or 
conventional  representations  of  their  totems,  pricked  in  charcoal 
or  black  pigment, served  to  identify  the  individual  with  his  totem. 
The  ceremonial  masks  and  head  dresses  of  the  chiet  were  made 
by  his  carpenter.  These  masks  were  painted  with  the  totemic  rep- 
resentations of  the  owners,  and  were,  by  their  hideousness  and 
grotesqueness,  calculated  to  strike  terror  into  the  minds  of  the 
spectators,  and  to  give  the  appearance  of  some  superhuman  be- 
ing to  the  person  who  wore  them.     The  completeness  of  the 
disguise  was  an  object  with  the  chiefs  as  well  as  the  medicine  men, 
so  they  were  carehil  not  to  show  their  own  faces.     This  disguise 
of  the  person  under  the  semblance  of  his   totem  was  continued 
after   death,  so   that    the   mortuary   boxes   and   the   ceremonial 
blankets  in  which  his  ashes  were  deposited  were  covered  with 
the  totemic  figures  instead  of  portraits. 

2.  A  ceremonial  ownership  came  in  along  with  individual  totem.- 
ism.  The  relief  carving  on  the  totemic  columns  and  totem  posts 
was  done  either  by  the  owner  or  by  persons  hired  for  the  pur- 
pose. This  carving  was  often  arbitrary  and  fanciful,  and  yet 
identified  the  individual  with  his  totem  while  he  was  livmg  and 
after  he  was  dead,  and  introduced  a  sort  of  ceremonial  owner- 
ship which  was  carried  out  in  painting  or  carving  his  crest  on 
every  article  of  personal  property.  The  simplest  implement  or 
utensil  is  ornamented  with  some  pictograph  relating  to  the 
legends  of  the  totem  to  which  he  belongs.  Tattooed  on  the 
body,  woven  into  fabrics,  etched  on  the  metal  bracelets  and  orna- 
ments, painted  on  the  house  fronts,  drawn  on  the  canoe  outfits, 
emblazoned  on  metal,«wood  and  stone,  the  totem  of  the  Indian 
is  his  earliest  and  latest  care. 

The  totemic  ownership  extended  to  the  canoe,  the  paddles,  the 
houses,  the  villages,  as  well  as  to  the  utensils  and  tools.  In  the 
case  of  the  canoe  the  totem  was  indicated  by  carving  or  painting 


COMMEMORATIVE  COLUMNS.  361 

the  bow  and  stern  with  elaborate  totemic  patterns.  The  canoe 
is  to  the  northwest  coast  what  the  camel  is  to  the  desert  and  the 
horse  is  to  the  Arab.  It  reached  its  highest  development  here. 
Classified  according  to  shapes,  sizes  and  uses,  there  were  four 
kinds — hunting,  family,  transporting  and  those  used  in  time  of 
war.  They  were  all  adorned  more  or  less  with  totemic  sem- 
blances. The  houses  in  the  villages  were  also  totemic  in 
character.  Formerly  the  doorway  or  entrance  was  through  a 
hole  in  the  carved  column,  and  the  posts  within  the  houses  were 
generally  covered  with  carved  figures.  The  villages  are  invaria- 
bly situated  along  the  shore,  the  houses  arranged  near  a  shelving 
beach  in  rows,  with  one  or  more  carved  columns  in  front  of 
each.  At  the  end  of  the  village  is  the  grave-yard,  with  its 
variety  of  sepulchres,  and  scattered  throughout  the  villages,  in 
front  and  at  the  corners  of  the  houses,  are  the  mortuary  columns 
similar  to  those  in  the  grave-yards.  Each  village  practically 
constitutes'a  tribe,  but  the  totemic  system  often  operated  to  make 
the  alliance  between  the  phratries  and  totems  of  different  villages 
stronger  than  the  clannish  feeling  due  to  close  ethnical  affinity 
of  any  particular  household.  Still  there  were  villages  which 
were  brought  under  the  control  of  some  one  chief  and  were 
held  under  a  suzerainty.  An  individual  distinguishes  himself 
and  becomes  wealthy  and  a  leading  man  in  the  village.  His 
totem,  which  has  been  an  obscure  one,  rises  in  importance. 
Under  his  successor  the  totem  widens  in  its  number  and  influence 
and  finally  comes  to  be  ranked  as  a  ruler  over  a  territory.  There 
was,  in  fact,  a  change  from  tribal  or  clan  descent  to  property, 
and  the  territory  over  which  the  chief  held  sway  was  the  limits 
of  the  totemic  rule. 


362  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


CHAl'TEK    W. 

PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES. 

We  have  now  passed  over  the  entire  region  occupied  by  the 
uncivilized  tribes  and  have  considered  their  religions  in  their 
order.  We  have  found  that  various  animals,  the  serpent,  the 
sun  and  moon,  fire  and  water,  idols  and  human  images,  myth- 
ologic  creatures,  winged  creatures,  ancestors,  and  even  the 
cardinal  points  were,  in  a  manner,  worshiped  by  them,  the  cult 
varying  according  to  the  locality.  There  remains,  however,  one 
important  work,  that  is  to  trace  out  the  particular  personal 
divinities  and  to  identify  them  by  name  and  locality,  and  to 
describe  the  office  and  character  which  they  bore  in  the  minds  of 
the  people.  This  is  a  work  which  has  been  done  for  nearly  all 
civilized  races,  both  in  the  east  and  the  west,  and  there  are  few 
divinities  anywhere,  whether  in  historic  or  prehistoric  times, 
which  are  not  known  by  name.  A  sort  of  classical  mythology 
could  be  written  about  them,  but  somehow  the  divinities  of  the 
uncivilized  races  are  not  so  well  known  and  so  every  dictionary 
is  destitute  of  their  names.  The  task  is  a  difficult  one,  and  yet 
there  are  certain  things  which  aid  us  greatly  in  identifying  these 
aboriginal  divinities. 

1.  In  the  first  place, the  chief  divinities  were  generally  "Culture 
Heroes,"  which  were  regarded  as  the  tribal  ancestors  and  guardian 
spirits,  but  also  as  great  creators  and  transformers,  the  beginning 
of  nearly  all  tribal  history,  going  back  to  the  creation. 

2.  The  character  of  these  "Culture  Heroes"  generally  corres- 
pond with  that  of  the'people  who  worship  them,  those  ot  the  lower 
or  degraded  tribes  having  a  very  low  character,  and  those  of  the 
more  advanced  tribes  being  characterized  by  exploits  which  were 
full  of  a  certain  kind  of  barbaric  heroism. 

3.  The  myths  which  perpetuate  the  names  and  exploits  of  the 
divinities, especially  those  of  the  "Culture  Heroes,"  generally  con- 
tain an  imagery  which  remarkably  corresponds  with  the  scenery 
of  the  habitat  over  which  these  divinities  had  their  sway.  The 
study  of  the  scenery  in  particular  localities  is  a  great  aid  in 
identifying  them. 

4.  There  are  occasionally  certain  traditions  connected  with 
certain  objects  in  nature,  such  as  rocks  and  caves,  streams  and 
waterfalls,  lakes  and  sandy  beaches,  trees  and  mountains,  rivers 
and  oceans,  which  convey  the  idea  that  these  scenes  were  con- 
tinually haunted  by  the  spirits  of  the  divinities.     The  influence 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  363 

of  these  traditions  was  felt  so  much  that  savages  rarely  passed 
by  the  objects  without  making  an  offering  to  the  spirit  of  the 
divinity. 

5.  Various  relics  are  found  in  the  different  parts  of  the  conti- 
nent which  may  be  taken  as  images  of  the  divinities,  or  as 
embodying  the  myths  concerning  these  divinities.  These  relics 
are  in  the  shape  of  carved  pipes,  engraved  shells,  masks,  rock 
inscriptions,  amulets  and  charms,  idols,  as  well  as  the  figures  on 
the  inscribed  rocks  and  on  the  effigies  of  earth,  nearly  all  of 
which  were  designed  to  be  symbols  of  the  supernatural  powers. 
The  study  of  the  relics,  and  especially  the  comparison  of  their 
peculiarities  with  those  given  in  the  myths,  will  enable  us  not 
only  to  identify  the  divinities,  but  to  carry  back  the  cult  to  pre- 
historic times,  thus  showing  that  the  same  "Culture  Heroes" 
were  worshiped  in  the  earlier  and  later  times. 

With  these  points  in  mind,  we  propose  now  to  go  over  the 
territory  occupied  by  the  uncivilized  tribes,  taking  the  different 
tribal  groups  in  their  order,  and  making  a  special  study  of  the 
divinities  which  were  the  most  prominent  in  those  groups,  and 
especially  those  which  were  regarded  as  their  culture  heroes. 
We  shall  begin  with  the  rude  fishermen  of  the  north  and  search 
out  their  myths,  with  the  idea  of  ascertaining  the  chiet  divinities. 
We  shall  then  pass  to  the  hunter  tribes  on  the  northwest  coast, 
from  those  to  the  hunter  tribes  along  the  chain  of  the  great 
lakes,  from  these  to  the  nomadic  tribes  of  the  prairies,  and  from 
these  to  the  mountain  tribes  of  the  Central  and  Southern  States, 
leaving  out  the  tribal  divinities  of  the  Gulf  States  as  belonging 
to  a  solar  cult,  which  is  very  different  from  that  of  the  wild  tribes. 
We  shall  find  that  in  all  these  northern  regions,  the  chief  divini- 
ties are  presented  under  animal  names  and  animal  shapes,  though 
many  of  them  were  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  personification 
of  the  nature  powers,  but  clothed  with  the  imagery  which  the 
prevalent  totemism  or  animal  worship  would  suggest.  Many  of 
these  are  "Culture  Heroes,"  which  were  common  to  all  the  tribes, 
having  a  similar  character  everywhere.  These  bear  such  resem- 
blance to  the  "World  Makers"  of  the  old  world  that  we  are  forced 
to  believe  that  there  was  a  transmission  of  legends  and  traditions 
from  other  continents  which  filtered  through  and  effected  the  con- 
ception which  the  natives  had  of  the  creation.  Occasionally 
there  is  a  trace  of  that  grand  perception  of  a  supreme  being,  who 
was  the  great  first  cause  of  all,  exactly  as  there  was  among  the 
earliest  races  of  the  far  east,  and  in  classic  lands,  and  which  is 
an  inherent  quality  in  human  nature,  however  much  it  may  be 
obscure  d. 

1.  We  begin  with  the  divinities  of  the  Eskimos,  taking  the 
entire  group  which  occupied  the  shores  of  the  Arctic  sea,  and 
which  stretched  from  Greenland  to  Alaska,  embracing  the  cen- 
tral districts.     The  chief  divinity  and  culture  hero  was  a  phan- 


364  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

torn,  in  the  shape  of  a  huge  dog,  which  was  really  the  spirit  of 
the  sea.  though  the  spirit  figures  in  the  shape  of  a  woman, 
called  Sedna,  who  lives  in  the  sea.  There  are,  beside  this,  other 
divinities  which  were  personifications  of  the  nature  powers.  One 
of  these  figures  is  a  triad  in  the  shape  of  three  sisters,  the  three 
symbolizing  the  different  parts  of  the  thunder  storm.  One  ot 
them  strikes  the  fire  and  makes  the  lightning  {Ingulitnng), 
another  rubs  the  skins  and  makes  the  thunder  [Udlugitung),  the 
third  makes  the  rain  and  is  a  rain  god.  They  live  in  a  house 
made  of  whale  ribs.  Their  faces  are  entirely  black,  reminding 
us  of  the  thunder  clouds,  but  they  wear  clothes  which  symbolize 
the  rain  clouds.  There  were  supernatural  beings  among  the 
Eskimos  who  were  owners  of  the  stars  and  constellations  and 
revolve  with  the  stars.  There  are  also  other  spirits  which  haunt 
the  rocks,  but  which  are  in  the  shape  of  bears,  birds  and  other 
animals.     They  are  called  tornaits. 

The  tornait  of  the  stones  live  in  the  large  boulders,  which  are 
supposed  to  be  hollow  and  form  a  house,  the  entrance  of  which 
is  only  visible  to  the  Angakoq  or  Shaman.     The   bear  is  the 


Fig.  l.—The  Whale  Killer. 

most  powerful  among  the  spirits.  The  spirits  of  the  dead  are 
also  very  active.  They  knock  wildly  at  the  huts  which  they 
cannot  enter.  There  are  also  spirits  in  the  air.  When  the 
storms  rage  and  the  sea  breaks  from  its  icy  fetters,  and  the  ice 
floes  break  with  loud  clashes,  the  Eskimo  believes  he  hears  the 
voices  of  these  spirits.  Sedna,  the  great  divinity,  lives  in  the 
sea,  and  is  the  divinity  of  the  sea.  She  is  sometimes  controlled 
or  summoned  by  the  Shaman  or  Angakoq.  She  comes  up 
through  the  hard  rocks,  and  the  wizard  hears  her  heavy  breath- 
ing.    She  is  harpooned  and  sinks  away  in  angry  haste. 

The  deluge  myth  prevails  among  the  Eskimos,  but  it  may 
have  come  irom  the  missionaries.  Still  there  is  one  feature  of 
the  myth  which  is  very  remarkable.  The  story  is,  that  the 
waters  rose  to  the  top  of  the  mountains,  but  after  they  retired 
they  left  the  mountains  covered  with  a  cap  of  ice.  Some  think 
that  this  is  a  tradition  of  the  glacial  period,  others  that  it  is  only 
one  method  of  accounting  for  the  glaciers  which  still  exist  in 
Alaska  and  elsewhere.     There  is  also  a  myth  concerning  the  man 


5  O 


—  <!«!_; .^  . 


h-., 

I<1«'. 


li.' 


*i. 


IIJOLS    AT    COPAN. 


ALTAR   AT   COPAN. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  365 

in  the  moon.  The  same  tradition  of  the  "man  in  the  moon"  is  found 
among  the  Haidas.  The  story,  according  to  Judge  Swan,  is  as 
follows:  The  moon,  koong,  discovered  the  man,  Eethlinga,  about 
to  dip  his  bucket  in  a  brook  for  water.  It  sent  down  its  rays,  or 
arms,  and  caught  the  man,  and  took  him,  with  his  bucket,  up  to 
itself,  where  he  has  since  lived,  and  can  be  seen  every  lull  moon, 
when  the  weather  is  clear.  The  man  is  a  friend  of  T'ktil,  the 
spirit  of  the  winds,  and  at  the  proper  signal  empties  his  bucket, 
causing  it  to  rain  upon  the  earth.* 

The  Eskimos  have  perpetuated  the  name  and  memory  of  their 
chief  divinities  by  identifying  them  with  the  objects  of  nature 
and  making  the  very  rocks  and  streams  and  heavenly  bodies  to 
be  their  abodes.  There  is  one  remarkable  thing  left  out  from 
their  mythology,  namely,  the  northern  lights.  There  may  be, 
indeed,  myths  in  reference  to  these,  but  they  are  not  on  record. 
There  is  a  myth  concerning  the  northern  lights  among  the 
Chippewas.  The  story  is  that  during  one  severe  winter  famine 
and  distress  came  upon  the  people.  An  old  chief,  the  oldest 
man  in  the  nation,  was  informed  in  a  dream  that  the  anger  of 
the  great  spirit  could  be  appeased  by  human  sacrifice.  Lots 
were  cast  and  three  braves  were  selected  for  sacrifice.  The  spot 
selected  was  the  summit  of  a  neighboring  hill  covered  with 
woods.  The  three  were  fastened  to  sticks  and  burned  alive,  by 
the  magicians,  in  silence,  unattended  by  spectators.  The  weather 
moderated  and  afterward  there  was  an  abundance  of  game — 
buffalo,  bear  and  deer — in  every  wigwam.  A  feast  of  thanks- 
givings was  offered.  During  this  ceremony  the  northern  sky 
was  illuminated  by  brilliant  lights.  Among  the  lights  three  huge 
figures  of  a  crimson  hue  were  seen  constantly  dancing.  These 
the  magicians  proclaimed  to  be  the  ghosts  of  the  three  warriors 
who  had  been  offered  in  sacrifice. 

II.  We  turn  next  to  the  divinities  of  the  Haidas  and  Thlinkits. 
The  chief  divinity  and  culture  hero  of  this  region  is  the  raven. 
This  may  be,  perhaps,  considered  as  a  spirit  of  the  forest,  and 
at  the  same  time  a  personification  of  the  nature  powers.  The 
raven  was  the  creator  and  ancestor  of  all  the  tribes.  There  were, 
however,  other  divinities  which  were  the  spirits  of  the  sea. 
Among  these,  the  whale  killer,  a  species  of  porpoise,  was  the 
chief.  There  is  a  figure  carved  on  the  rocks  near  Fort  Wi angel, 
Alaska,  which  represents  the  orka  or  whale  killer.  See  Fig.  I. 
Many  other  animals  and  birds,  which  were  common  on  the 
northwest  coast  and  nowhere  else,  were  regarded  as  super- 
natural beings. 

The  Smithsonian  has  furnished  various  cuts  which  represent 
human  faces  and  conventional  signs,  which  were  carved  upon 
the   rocks.     These   show   that  the  same  superstition  which  pre- 

*See  Smithsonian  Report  for  1888,  p.  323. 


366  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

vailed  among  the  Eskimos  prevailed  also  among  the  Haidas,  that 
the  rocks  were  haunted  by  spirits.  The  same  superstition  also 
seems  to  have  prevailed  among  the  uncivilized  tribes  elsewhere. 
This  is  illustrated  by  the  mammiform  images  from  Porto  Rico, 
which  represent  both  the  shape  of  the  island  and  the  guardian 
divinity  of  the  island.* 

There  is  an  image  found  inscribed  on  the  rocks  in  the  Easter 
Islands  which  represents  a  mythical  creature,  half  human  and 
half  animal,  with  bowed  back  and  claw-like  arms.  According 
to  the  natives  this  was  intended  to  represent  the  god  Meke- 
Meke,  the  great  spirit  of  the  sea.  Mr.  William  J.  Thomson  says 
the  figure  bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  decoration  on  a 
piece  of  pottery  which  he  once  dug  up  in  Peru  while  making 
excavations  in  the  graves  of  the  Incas.  See  Fig.  2.  This  animal 
might  be  taken  for  a  monkey. 

Mr.  James  Terry  and  others  have  claimed  that  the  monkey 
may  be  seen  carved  upon  the  totem  posts  of  the  Haidas.  No 
such  animal  figure,  however,  has  been  found  on  the  northwest 
coast.  The  figure  which  he  has  taken  to  be  the  monkey  is 
nothing  but  the  bear  with  the  human  face  and  form. 

There  are  many  myths  which  are  descriptive  of  these  ancient 
creatures.  These  myths  are  often  very  beautiful,  tor  they  are 
full  of  word  pictures  which  bring  the  scenery  before  us,  but  at 
the  same  time  are  full  of  fabulous  adventures,  and  show  the 
strange  imaginings  of  the  natives  in  which  the  sea,  land,  and  the 
creatures  of  the  earth  and  water  and  sky  were  all  mingled 
together.  Images  of  these  divinities  were  frequently  embodied 
in  the  sculptured  figures,  were  woven  into  garments,  or  were 
tattoed  upon  the  bodies  of  the  natives.  The  myths  and  symbols 
served  to  perpetuate  their  memory  and  make  them  very  sacred 
in  the  minds  of  the  people.  At  times  the  individuals  would 
tattoo  the  figure  of  different  animals  upon  their  persons — upon 
their  arms,  breast,  and  legs,  conveying  the  idea  that  each  part  of 
the  body  was  controlled  by  a  different  divinity.  There  are 
figures  in  the  reports  of  the  Ethnological  Bureau  which  repre- 
sent this.  In  one  a  man  has  a  fish  tattooed  on  his  arm,  a  cod  split 
open  on  his  breast,  on  each  thigh  the  octopus,  below  each  knee  the 
frog.  The  back  of  the  same  man  has  the  wolf  split  in  halves 
and  doubled.  A  woman  has  on  her  breast  the  head  and  fore 
paws  of  a  beaver,  on  each  shoulder  the  head  ot  an  eagle,  or 
thunder  bird,  on  each  arm  the  halibut,  on  the  right  leg  the 
skulpin,  on  the  left  the  frog.f 

The  Haidas  have  many  myths  about  the  raven,  the  whale, 
the  wolf,  bear,  salmon,  and  whale-killer,  all  of  which  were  totems; 
stories  of  their  adventures  as  human  beings,  which  are  exceed- 
ingly novel  and  interesting.     Occasionally  there  is  a  trace  of  sun 

*See  chapter  on  EthnoRraphic  Religions.  See  Report  of  Romers  Collection  of  Relics 
from  Porto  Rico.        tSee  Annual  Report  for  1892,  p.  69. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  367 

worship,  for  the  sun  and  moon  are  personified  here,  as  among 
other  races,  but  it  is  a  sun  worship  which  is  mingled  with  animal 
worship.  One  tradition  is  that  the  sun  descended  from  heaven, 
in  the  shape  of  a  bird,  and  was  transformed  to  a  man.  He 
built  a  house,  and  on  his  house  front,  on  either  side  of  the  door, 
a  sun  was  painted.  The  uprights  represented  men  carrying  suns. 
These  were  the  slaves  of  Senttae,  the  sun.  The  crossbars  con- 
necting the  uprights  were  also  men,  but  the  beams  were  sea  lions. 
Thus  we  see  all  the  kingdoms  were  mingled  in  their  mythol- 
ogies, the  animal,  the  astronomical,  and  the  human,  to  represent 


^ig,  Z— Image  on  a  Hock,  Easter  Islands. 

the  divinities  which  ruled  the  people.  There  is  one  heraldic 
column,  or  gens  tree,  on  which  at  the  top  there  is  a  slave  extend- 
ing his  hand  as  though  he  were  talking.  His  name  signifies  "he 
who  gives  presents  to  strangers."  Above  the  man  is  a  mask 
surrounded  by  wooden  rays,  which  represent  the  rays  of  the  sun. 
There  are  also  masks  which  the  natives  use  in  their  dances, 
which  have  the  beak  of  a  bird,  and  are  surrounded  by  a  circle 
which  represents  the  sun,  but  have  a  human  eye.  The  masks 
worn  in  feasts  often  represent  birds,  animals,  and  human  faces. 
These  masks  embody  legends  which  are  preserved  about  their 
divinities,  which  were  birds,  animals,  human  beings  and  ancestral 
spirits.  The  myths  are  also  suggestive.  These  are  full  of 
descriptions  of  the  gods  of  the  sea  and  land  and  sky,  though 
they  bear  the  human  semblance.  One  myth  represents  a  man 
with  long  hair,  who  is  the  spirit  of  the  sea.  The  myth  is 
embodied  in  a  column.  In  this,  the  man  with  a  split  skull 
stands  on  his  head.     Above  him  is  another  man  seated.     Above, 


368  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

this  man  is  a  wolf,  and  above  that  a  beaver.  The  uppermost 
figure  is  a  halibut.  Here,  then,  we  have  again  creatures  of  the 
sea,  wild  beasts  of  the  forest,  and  human  figures,  all  mingled 
together  in  myths  and  symbols,  and  covered  with  the  air  of  the 
supernatural.  Some  of  these  myths  are  very  suggestive,  for  they 
remind  us  of  legends  which  were  common  among  the  Greeks,  as 
well  as  of  the  traditions  which  are  contained  in  the  Scriptures. 
In  one  carved  column,  one  figure  represents  Yetl  with  the  new 
moon  in  its  bill,  and  a  dish  of  fresh  water  in  its  claws.  The 
story  is  that  he  stole  the  stars  from  the  boxes  in  which  they  were 
imprisoned  by  the  lord  of  the  tides.  When  the  sun  shone  forth 
for  the  first  time,  all  the  people  were  frightened  and  ran  in  all 
directions — some  of  them  into  the  mountains,  some  into  the 
woods  and  some  into  the  water.  This  was  connected  with  the 
discovery  of  fire,  thus  repeating  the  legend  concerning  Prometheus, 
who  discovered  fire  and  let  out  the  spirits  from  the  box.  There 
is  also  another  story  of  the  sun  that  broke  away  and  burned 
its  path  in  the  sky,  reminding  us  of  Phoebus  and  his  chariot. 

How  such  myths  came  to  be  prevalent  here  is  the  mystery.  The 
same  is  true  also  of  other  myths,  as  for  instance,  the  one  which 
reminds  us  of  the  story  of  Jonah  in  the  whale's  belly.  The  myth 
is  that  the  raven  went  into  the  whale's  belly,  which  frantic  with 
pain,  rushed  ashore,  while  the  invisible  Hooych  (raven)  walked 
quietly  out  and  was  ready  for  another  adventure.  There  is  a 
variation  of  the  same  story,  in  which  the  whale  killer  is  repres- 
ented as  in  the  whale's  belly.  This  whale  killer  was  believed  to  be 
a  demon  called  Skana.  He  could  change  himself  into  any  shape. 
The  story  is  that  the  whale  killer  was  kept  alongside  of  a  canoe. 
The  young  men  amused  themselves  by  throwing  stones  at  him  and 
broke  his  fin.  Upon  this  the  whale  killer  changed  himself  into  a 
canoe,  partly  broken,  with  a  man  by  the  side  of  it,  who  exclaimed, 
"You  have  broken  it."  Next  the  canoe  is  seen  going  over  the 
first  breaker,  with  the  man  sitting  in  the  stern.  When  the  canoe 
came  to  the  second  breaker,  it  went  under  and  came  up  outside 
of  the  breakers  a  whale  killer  and  not  a  canoe,  and  the  man  or 
demon  in  the  belly  of  the  whale  killer.  This  is  a  common  anec- 
dote with  all  the  tribes  of  the  northwest  coast,  and  is  of  ancient 
origin,  antedating  the  coming  of  the  white  man.  See  Plate.* 
There  is  another  drawing  among  the  Haidas,  which  symbolizes 
the  winds  and  clouds;  the  center  figure  is  Tkiil,  the  wind  spirit; 
on  the  right  and  left  are  its   feet,  which    symbolize    the    long 

*In  the  plate,  Fig.  i  represents  the  legend  of  the  raven  and  the  fisherman.  According 
to  the  story,  Skana  put  on  a  magic  hook  to  his  line  and  caught  the  raven.  He  pulled  the 
raven's  beak  entirely  off,  when  the  raven  changed  to  a  man.  tig.  2  represents  the  moon, 
who  drew  the  man  up  with  his  bucket  of  water.  Fig.  3  represents  the  raven  in  the  belly  ot 
the  whale  Fig.  4  represents  the  raven  who  has  the  power  of  changing  himselt  into  any 
shape  Fig.  5  represents  the  wind  spirit.  The  Chilkat  blanket  and  ceremonial  shirt  show 
the  totemic  legend  ot  the  owner  and  represents  Hoortz,  the  bear.  The  legs  and  feet  are 
drawn  up  at  the  side.  The  face  is  in  the  middle,  reminding  us  of  the  figure  on  the  Gest 
stone,  which  has  a  human  face  at  the  top,  the  legs,  arms,  hands  and  feet  are  bent  up  at  the 
sides.    This  is  a  human-tree  image,  instead  of  a  human  animal. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  369 

streaming  clouds,  and  on  each  side  above  are  the  wings,  which 
symbolize  the  different  winds,  each  designated  by  an  eye  and 
separated  by  patches  of  cirrus  clouds.  When  T'knl  wants  a 
certain  wind  to  blow  he  gives  the  word  and  the  oi"her  winds 
retire.  The  change  in  the  wind  is  usually  followed  by  rain, 
which  symbolizes  the  tears  which  stream  from  the  eyes  of  T'kul. 
But  we  need  not  dwell  longer  upon  these  myths.  It  is  plain 
that  the  nature  powers  were  personified,  and  that  the  names  of  the 
divinities  were  identical  with  the  various  animals  and  creatures 
which  abound  here. 

III.  The  divinities  of  the  Algonkins  are  next  to  be  considered. 
The  chief  divinity  and  "Culture  Hero"  of  this  wide-spread  stock, 
seems  to  have  been  the  personification  of  the  dawn,  under  the 
figure  of  the  rabbit.  It  reminds  us  very  much  of  the  divinities 
of  the  far  east,  which  figured  under  the  shape  of  a  hare.  The 
religious  conceptions  of  the  Algonkins  were  very  striking,  for 
they  represent  this  dawn  god  and  culture  hero  to  be  the  great 
creator  and  ancestor  who  survived  the  flood.  The  divinity  is 
draped  in  the  imagery  which  is  taken  from  the  scenery  amid 
which  the  Algonkins  lived.  It  is  very  easy  to  identify  him  as 
the  divinity  of  the  Algonkins  on  this  account.  Still  we  must  re- 
member that  there  were  different  divinities  among  the  Algonkins 
and  that  they  varied  according  to  the  locality  over  which  they 
had  sway.  This  shows  how  strongly  this  people,  which  belonged 
to  the  same  stock,  were  influenced  by  their  surroundings.*  They 
were  a  wide-spread  people,  whose  habitat  stretched  from  Hud- 
son's Bay  to  the  north  of  the  Potomac,  and  from  the  banks  of 
Lake  Superior  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  They  were  a 
wild  hunter  race,  and  their  divinities  were  such  as  hunters  would 
be  likely  to  worship.  There  were  differences  in  their  gods,  but 
they  were  differences  which  came  from  their  surroundings  rather 
than  from  inheritance.  We  shall  make  subdivisions  of  their 
territory,  and  study  the  correspondence  between  the  imagery 
which  they  have  used  and  the  scenery  of  the  specific  region,  for 
this  is  very  striking, 

I.  We  begin  with  the  gods  of  the  Abenakis.  These  generally 
bore  the  shape  of  animals,  but  mainly  animals  which  were  known 
to  the  Abenakis — wolf,  fox,  whale.  Still  there  was  a  personal- 
ity about  their  animal  gods  which  made  them  seem  to  be  almost 
human,  for  the  lines  between  the  animal  and  the  human  were 
entirely  obliterated  and  all  were  blended  into  a  combined  picture, 
in  which  the  scenery  served  as  a  background.  They  had  their 
sway  in  the  eastern  provinces,  and  were  very  unlike  the  divini- 

*Dr.  Boas  says:  The  comparisons  which  we  have  made  show  that  each  group  of  legends 
has  its  peculiar  province,  and  covers  a  certain  pjrtion  of  our  continent.  We  found  a  num- 
ber common  to  the  North  Pacific  and  Arctic  coasts.  Another  series  we  found  common  to 
the  territory  between  the  North  Atlantic  and  the  Middle  Pacific  coasts  The  Kiowa  tale 
and  the  northwestern  tale  indicate  a  third  group,  which  seems  to  extend  along  the  Rocky 
mountains. — Folklore  Journal,  Jatiiiary-March,  iSqi,  p.  iS. 


370  NA Tl  VE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

ties  which  ruled  the  region  along  the  great  lakes  and  which  were 
reverenced  by  the  western  tribes,  such  as  the  Mississaugas, 
Menominees  and  Ojibways.  Various  reasons  have  been  given 
for  this  dissimilarity  in  the  gods  of  the  Algonkins,  some  writers 
ascribing  it  to  the  influence  of  the  scenery  and  surroundings,  but 
others  recognizing  in  it  the  effect  of  contact  with  other  countries. 
Mr.  Charles  Leland  says  that  the  myths  which  are  still  afloat 
among  the  natives  of  the  eastern  tribes  along  the  coast  of  Maine 
have  great  resemblance  to  the  Scandinavian  myths,  and  makes 
out  that  the  gods  which  ruled  here  were  exact  counterparts  of 
the  Scandinavian  gods.  He  also  suggests  that  these  myths  were 
introduced  by  the  Norsemen,  during  their  various  voyages,  long 
before  the  times  of  Columbus,  and  that  they  were  adopted  by  the 
natives  with  which  they  came  in  contact.  This,  however,  does 
not  account  for  the  strange  character  of  the  myths  of  the  western 
tribes,  for  if  the  eastern  myths  contain  fragments  of  the  ancient 
Sagas,  the  western  myths  contain  the  fragments  of  the  still  more 
ancient  Scripture  story,  the  location  of  these  being  still  farther 
in  the  interior  and  more  remote  from  any  historic  country. 

There  is  something  very  mysterious  about  this  transmission  of 
myths?  Why  are  there  so  many  more  resemblances  to  the 
Scripture  narrative  in  the  myths  of  the  Algonkins  than  in  those 
of  any  other  tribe?  Shall  we  admit  that  there  were  strange 
visitors  among  the  natives  of  the  region,  concerning  whom  there 
is  no  record  at  present,  and  that  these  visits,  whether  of  pagan 
Norsemen  or  Icelandic  Christians,  had  the  effect  to  introduce 
among  the  natives  the  stories  which  abounded  both  in  the  "Eddas" 
and  in  the  sacred  Scriptures?  We  do  not  claim  for  any  American 
race  the  marvelous  feat  of  remembering  Scripture  traditions 
throughout  all  their  history,  for  we  ascribe  the  preservation  of 
these  traditions  in  Europe  to  a  written  literature.  Whatever 
portion  of  the  tradition  is  found  among  the  Algonkin  tribes 
must  have  come  from  a  filtering  process,  rather  than  from  the 
embalmment  of  tradition.  May  it  not  be  that  there  were  influ- 
ences which  crept  down  from  the  early  colonies  in  Iceland  and 
transmitted  both  pagan  and  Christian  legends,  and  that  the  Al- 
gonkins of  the  east  and  of  the  west  appropriated  them,  but 
clothed  them  in  imagery  drawn  from  the  different  localities? 

Carlisle  makes  the  Scandinavian  myths  a  development  of 
paganism.  "There  was  a  natural  religion  which  brought  a  recog- 
nition of  the  forces  of  nature  as  godlike  and  personal  agencies  as 
gods  and  demons  not  inconceivable  to  us."  "The  infant  thought 
of  man,  opening  itself  with  awe  and  wonder  on  this  ever  stupen- 
dous universe,  might  bring  out  something  very  genuine."  "The 
work  of  nature,  for  every  man  is  the  fantasy  of  himself,  the 
image  of  his  own  dream."  But  how  these  facts  of  Scripture 
history  could  be  suggested  by  the  works  of  nature  is  difificult  to 
understand.     "These  do  not  come  from  the  unnamable  subtleties 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  371 

of  spiritual  law,  to  which  many  pagan  fables  owe  their  shape." 
The  Abenakis  are  supposed  to  have  held  the  great  eastern  di- 
vinity— the  sun — asthcir"Culture  Hero," while  the  western  tribes 
situated  on  the  great  lakes  are  supposed  to  have  had  the  rabbit 
and  the  muskrat  and  loon  as  their  chief  divinities,  because  these 
animals  were  better  adapted  to  the  water  and  to  the  scenery  of 
the  interior. 

The  myths  which  have  been  gathered  by  certain  writers — Rev. 
S.  T.  Rand,  Mrs.  W.  Brown  and  others — illustrate  this.  They 
are  legends  which  are  afifixed  to  certain  spots,  which  serve  to 
make  them  sacred  to  the  minds  of  the  natives.  The  objects  of 
nature  thus  became  myth-bearers,  and  through  the  influence  of 
these  traditions  are  still  reminders  of  the  strange  divinities  which 
ruled  here.  There  are  not  many  divinities,  and  such  as  are 
spoken  of,  were  personifications  of  the  different  animals  which 
abounded,  such  as  the  whale,  the  wolf,  the  wolverine  and  the 
moose,  the  wolverine  being  the  divinity  which  corresponded  to 
the  Scandinavian  Loh  and  was  called  "  Loks."  The  story  of 
the  creation,  or  rather  the  deluge  and  re-creation  of  the  earth,  is 
not  conspicuous  among  the  Abanaki  traditions.  In  place  of 
this  there  is  a  series  of  transformations  and  local  adventures  in 
the  forests  and  in  the  sea,  and  which  makes  the  whole  scenery 
alive  with  supernatural  beings,  very  much  as  the  scenery  in  the 
north  is  filled  with  the  spirits  of  the  divinities  which  the  Eskimo 
worshiped  and  as  the  Scandinavian  scenery  was  alive  with  the 
spirits  of  the  pagan  divinities. f 

2.  We  turn  now  to  the  divinities  of  the  western  tribes,  including 
those  of  the  Delawares,  Ojibways,  Blackfeet,  Ottawas  and  Crees. 
Here  we  find  animal  divinities  again,  but  the  chief  of  the  divini- 
ties is  a  sort  of  culture  hero  and  creator.  He  presides  over  the 
territory  of  each  tribe  and  is  identified  by  certain  objects  in  that 
territory.  His  name  varies  according  to  the  tribe  m  which  he 
rules,  though  there  is  a  similarity  between  the  names.  He  is 
called  by  the  Delawares  Manibozho  and  is  identical  with  the 
hare,  the  giant  rabbit.*  Among  the  Menominees  he  was  called 
the  Manibush.  He  was  born  from  a  virgin,  the  daughter  ^f 
Nokomis.  He  was  a  little  white  rabbit  with  quivering  ears.  He 
was  the  means  of  destroying  the  evil  manitou,  or  the  great  fish. 
He  transformed  himself  into  a  pine  tree,  but  he  at  last  went  away 
and  dwelt  in  a  wigwam  which  is  preserved  in  a  large  rock  near 
Mackinaw.f     This   rock  is   noted   for  the   tradition  which  still 

*Journal  of  American  Folklore,  September,  1891,  p.  193.  Ojibways,  Nanaboghu;  Nipp- 
sings,  Wisakedjak;  Crees,  WisakketcHak;  Massasaugas,  VVanibozhu:  Menominees,  Mani- 
busli. 

t  In  the  Ottawa  legend,  Nenaw-bo-zhoo  is  swallowed  by  a  great  fish  that  dwelt  in  a  cer- 
tain lake.  He  is  identified  by  certain  objects  of  nature,  as  follows:  On  a  smooth  rock  on 
the  Ottawa  river,  there  are  prints  of  human  footsteps,  and  a  round  hole  about  the  shape  and 
size  of  a  kettle.  These  are  believed  to  be  the  tracks  of  Nenaw-bo-zhoo,  and  the  kettle 
which  he  had  dropped.  The  great  rocks  of  Hint  on  the  east  shore  of  Grand  Traverse  bay 
are  the  bones  of  the  stone  monster,  his  brother,  whom  Nenaw-bo-zhoo  slew.  A  depression 
in  a  rock  near  Thunder  Bay  Point  is  Nenaw-bo-zhoo's  grave,  and  a  mountain,  some  ten 


372  NA  TIVE  A  M  ERIC  AN  ,S  YMBOLISM. 

lingers  about  it.  It  is  in  the  shape  of  a  wigwam  and  is  still 
sacred  to  the  hare.  The  island  itself  is  in  the  shape  of  a  turtle 
and  is  supposed  to  be  possessed  by  the  turtle  divinity.* 

Dr.  Brinton  says  the  names  of  the  four  brothers  were,  Wabun, 
the  east;  Kabun,  the  west;  Kabibonokka,  the  north,  and  Shawano, 
the  south.  Wabun  was  the  chief  and  leader.  The  tribes  on  the 
Potomac  in  1610,  said,  "We  have  five  gods,  the  chief  is  the 
mighty  hare,  the  other  four  are  the  four  winds;  the  rays  of  light 
are  his  servants;  the  morning  star,  which  heralds  the  dawn,  was 
sacred  to*  him;  seated  at  the  east,  at  the  place  where  the  earth 
was  cut  off,  in  his  medicine  lodge,  he  sends  forth  his  messengers, 
called  Gijigonai,  to  make  the  day." 

Among  the  Winnebagos  the  earth-maker  was  called  Maiimia, 
the  wolf  When  the  world  was  created  he  was  sitting  on  a  piece 
of  ground  lacing  the  east,  because  the  east  was  the  source  of 
light.  At  the  creation  there  were  four  brothers.  The  green 
wolf,  black  wolf,  white  wolf  and  grey  wolf  It  is  very  likely 
that  some  of  the  wolf  effigies  which  prevail  in  Wisconsin  were 
identified  with  the  name  and  memory  of  this  divinity. 

The  most  remarkable  account  of  the  culture  hero  of  the 
Algonkins  is  the  one  which  was  preserved  by  the  Delawares  in 
the  book  which  was  called  the  "Walum-Olum."  According  to 
this  account  the  rabbit  was  the  chief  divinity  as  well  as  creator. 
The  account  is  given  elsewhere.  We  only  call  attention  to  it 
here  to  show  the  similarity  of  the  conception  among  the  Algon- 
kins everywhere. 

We  take  it  for  granted  that  this  tradition  of  the  flood  could  not 
have  come  from  a  mere  local  freshet,  for  there  is  no  tribe  that 
would  date  the  beginning  of  its  history  and  the  process  of  creation 
with  a  local  freshet.  We  maintain  that  the  resemblance  between 
the  flood  myth  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  Algonkins,  and  the 
deluge  myth  of  the  eastern  nations,  is  too  great  for  any  one  to 
ascribe  it  to  a  local  freshet.  Moreover,  the  cosmogony  of  the 
two  continents  are  very  similar.  We  shall  dwell,  theretore,  upon 
this  point,  because  it  is  important.  We  shall  find  that  there  are 
certain  points  in  these  cosmogonies  which  are  very  prominent. 
These  are  as  follows: 

(i.)  This  divinity  existed  before  the  flood  and  was  a  great  man- 
itou  and  creator.f  -This  is  not  saying  that  there  was  only  one 
being  who  was  a  creator  and  ruler,  for  there  were,  according  to 
the  American  mythology,  as  many  creators  as  there  were  tribes, 
each   tribe  claiming   that  the   great   m.anitou   was  their  special 


miles  long,  which  has  the  appearance  of  a  man  lying  on  his  back,  is  his  image.  The  pieces 
ot  native  copper  found  along  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  he  took  from  his  treasure  house 
inside  the  earth,  where  he  sometimes  lived.  He  studied  how  the  spider  weaves  her  web  to 
catch  flies,  and  invented  the  nets  for  catching  hsh.     (See  American  Hero  Myths.) 

•^Lewis  Cass  and  Schoolcraft  say  that  offerings  of  tobacco  were  made  to  the  turtle. 


poly 
man. 


tRev.  A.  L.  Riggs,  C.  L.  Pond,  M.  Eells  and  others  maintain  that  the  Indians  were 
,'theists,  that  the  Great  Spirit  was  used  as  an  accommodation  borrowed  from  the  white 


SUGAR  LOAF  ROCK  ON  MACKINAC  ISLAND. 


374  NA  Tl  VE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

ancestor  and  ruler.  This  was  probably  the  meaning  of  the 
Great  Spirit  when  used  among  them.  The  term  was  used  out 
of  accommodation  to  the  white  man.  The  Great  Spirit  had  no 
semblance,  and  was  a  very  indefinite  being  to  the  savage.  The 
term  might  apply  to  the  great  manitou  or  creator,  though  to  the 
particular  tribe  he  might  be  the  great  rabbit  or  hare  or  any  other 
animal  which  existed  before  the  creation.  It  might  be  the  per- 
sonification of  the  sun,  and  yet  was  not  known  or  worshiped  as 
such. 

(2.)  The  manner  in  which  he  came  into  existence  is  to  be  noticed. 
Generally  it  was  by  an  untimely  birth,  through  the  side  or  arm- 
pit of  his  mother,  which  caused  her  death.  In  most  of  the 
legends  there  were  two  brothers,  one  good  and  the  other  evil,* 
who  struggled  for  the  mastery,  like  Esau  and  Jacob,  before  they 
were  born.  In  this  respect  the  myth  reminds  us  of  the  Scandin- 
avian myth  and  also  one  contained  in  the  ancient  Vedas  of  the 
Hindoos.  This  conception  of  a  hero,  born  of  a  virgin,  who 
contended  with  his  brother  who  had  caused  the  death  of  his 
mother,  and  who  afterward  becarne  the  creator  and  transformer  as 
well  as  benefactor,  is  very  common  throughout  the  globe. f  It 
is  accounted  for  by  many  as  the  result  of  personification,  the 
light  being  the  great  benefactor,  but  the  darkness  being  the  great 
enemy  of  mankind.  This  conception  is  at  the  basis  of  the  myth- 
ology of  the  east  and  vvas  common  in  Egypt,  Assyria  and  India, 
According  to  most  writers,  it  was  transferred  to  Scandinavia,  and 
there  formed  the  basis  of  the  strange  mythology  which  has  been 
preserved  in  the  ancient  sagas.  It  may  also  have  traveled  further 
west  and  become  the  basis  of  the  myths  concerning  the  culture 
heroes  and  the  great  divinities  here. 

If  the  eternal  struggle  of  Ormuzd  and  Ahrimam,  light  and 
darkness  is  so  prominent  in  the  Zend-Avesta  of  the  Persians, 
and  was  also  embodied  in  the  story  of  Thor  and  Midgard  in 
Scandinavia,  and  of  St.  George  and  the  Dragon  in  Great  Britain, 
we  see  no  reason  why  it  may  not  have  been  transferred  to 
Iceland  and  been  embodied  here  in  the  story  of  Glooscap  and 
Lox,  or  Manibozho  and  his  brother.  Certainly  when  one  comes 
to  the  part  of  the  story  which  refers  to  the  struggling  ot  the  two 
brothers  in  the  mother's  womb,  and  the  issue  of  one  of  the 
brothers  from  the  mother's  arm-pit,  thus  causing  the  mother's 

*Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  maintains  that  this  distinction  between  good  and  evil  spirUs  was 
only  symbolic  of  light  and  darkness  and  had  no  reference  to  moral  qualities.  There  is  a 
plausibility  in  this  view,  yet  the  distinction  between  a  benefactor  and  a  mischief-maker  is 
plainly  illustrated  by  the  character  of  the  two  brothers.  Glooscap,  who  is  called  a  cheat 
and  a  liar,  is,  nevertheless,  a  benefactor,  while  Loks,  who  is  his  enemv,  resembles  the 
Scandinavian  Loki,  a  mischief-maker.  The  animals  are  somewhat  significant.  Glooscap 
is  the  rabbit,  or  hare,  and  Loks  is  the  wolverine,  a  stealthy  animal. 

tThe  chief  Cusic  (1825)  called  it  the  good  mind  and  the  bad  mind,  but  Father  Brebeuf, 
missionary  in  16^6,  described  it  as  the  struggle  of  loskeha  (the  white  one)  with  his  brother 
Tawiskara  (the  dark  one).  Thus  two  centuries  have  given  the  tale  a  different  or  a  modern 
bearing,  through  the  Christian  influence.  E.  G.  Squier  says  that  Manibozho  is  always 
placed  in  antagonism  to  a  great  serpent,  a  spirit  ot  evil,  but  Father  Lejeune,  in  1634,  makes 
no  mention  of  a  serpent.  It  is  not  certain  that  the  serpent  was  the  type  of  evil  among  the 
natives,  but  was  ratlier  the  embodiment  of  the  nature  powers,  the  lightning. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  375 

death,  it  seems  as  if  it  must  have  been  borrowed,  and  could  not 
have  been  an  original   invention  among  the  American   savages. 

This  struggle  between  the  two  brothers  is  very  v/ide-spread  in 
America.  The  Miztecs  hold  that  two  brothers  dwelt  in  the  garden. 
One  was  the  wind  of  nine  spirits  and  the  other  the  wind  of  nine 
caverns.  The  first  was  an  eagle,  which  flew  over  the  waters  ot 
the  enchanted  garden.  The  second  was  a  serpent  with  wings, 
which  flew  with  such  velocity  that  he  pierced  rocks  and  walls. 
Among  the  Dacotahs.  the  combat  is  waged  between  Unk-ta-he, 
the  god  of  waters,  and  Wauhkeon,  the  thunder  bird. 

Schoolcraft  has  recorded  a  myth  in  which  four  sons  were 
born  at  a  birth,  which  caused  the  death  of  the  mother.  The 
first  was  the  friend  of  the  human  race,  Manibozho.  The  second 
presides  over  the  land  of  souls,  Chipiopos.  The  third  is  the 
rabbit,  Wabosso,  who  rules  the  north.  The  fourth  was  the  flint 
man  which  supplies  fire  to  men  from  the  stones  which  are  scat- 
tered over  the  earth,  Chakekenapok.  Manibozho  killed  the  flint 
god,  tore  out  his  bowels  and  changed  them  to  trailing'  vines. 
Then  he  himself  gave  them  lances,  arrows  and  implements  and 
taught  them  how  to  make  axes,  snares  and  traps.  He  placed 
four  good  spirits  at  the  four  cardinal  points,  whither  the  calumet 
is  turned,  in  smoking  at  the  sacred  feasts.  The  spirit  of  the 
north  gives  snow  and  ice,  so  that  men  may  pursue  game.  The 
spirit  of  the  south  gives  melons,  maize  and  tobacco.  The  spirit 
of  the  west  gives  rain,  and  the  spirit  of  the  east  gives  light. 
The  voice  of  the  spirits  is  thunder, 

(3.)  The  third  fact,  which  is  common  in  all  the  myths,  is  that 
there  was  a  great  flood  which  came  and  destroyed  the  whole 
race  that  covered  the  earth.  The  cause  of  this  flood  is  not 
always  the  same.  By  some  it  is  said  to  have  originated  in  the 
sins  of  the  people,  and  others,  in  the  jealousies  of  the  gods. 

Among  the  Ottawas  the  god  of  the  deep  was  jealous  of  the  wolf. 
He  killed  the  wolf  and  made  a  great  feast,  to  which  sea  serpents 
and  water  tigers  were  invited.  During  this  feast  Manibozho,  the 
great  divinity,  changed  himself  to  a  black  stump.  The  sea 
serpent  coiled  himself  around  the  stump.  Manibozho  then  fled, 
pursued  by  the  monsters.  The  waters  rose  mountain  high,  but 
Manibozho  commanded  a  great  canoe  to  be  formed,  in  which  he 
saved  himself. 

Among  the  Menominees,  there  were  three  brothers,  who  de- 
stroyed a  great  fish,  but  the  evil  Manitou  from  under  the  earth 
was  angry  at  this  and  seized  one  of  the  brothers,  Manibozho,  as  he 
tried  to  cross  the  lake.  The  waters  poured  out  of  the  earth  and 
pursued  him,  but  the  badger  hid  him  in  his  burrow,  and  by  throw- 
ing back  the  earth  kept  out  the  waters.  Manibozho  then  took  refuge 
on  the  highest  mountain  and  climbed  to  the  top  of  a  pine  tree.  The 
waters  continued  to  rise,  but  Manibozho  caused  the  tree  four  times 
to  grow,  so  as  to  lift  him  above  the  waters.     He  then  saw  the 


376  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

animals  struggling  in  the  water.  He  commanded  first  the  otter, 
then  the  beaver,  the  mink,  and  the  muskrat  to  dive  for  the  mud. 

Among  the  Crees,  the  Manibozho  makes  a  monster  fish,  which 
strikes  the  water  with  his  tail  and  causes  the  inundation  until 
the  tops  of  the  highest  mountains  are  covered  and  no  land  is 
seen.  Then  Manibozho  makes  a  raft  and  sends  down  the  diver 
duck,  and  then  the  muskrat.  Imitating  the  mode  in  which  the 
muskrats  build  their  houses,  he  formed  a  new  earth,  placing  the 
disk  of  earth  on  the  water,  which  grew  to  great  size. 

Among  the  Missasagas,  the  story  is  that  Manibozho  hunted 
the  great  beaver  around  Lake  Superior,  and  broke  open  the 
great  beaver  dam  at  the  foot  of  the  lake,  exactly  as  Glooscap 
broke  open  the  beaver  dam  on  the  coast  of  Maine.* 


J^ig.  3.— Serpent  Pipe. 

Among  the  Canadian  Indians,  the  story  is  that  two  brothers 
were  hunters.  They  chased  the  deer  out  upon  the  ice,  the  sea 
lions  broke  the  ice,  and  the  brother  was  slain.  His  body  was 
hung  across  the  doorway  of  the  sea  lions'  house.  Manibozho 
took  down  the  body,  but  the  sea  lions  chased  him  to  the  edge  of 
the  lake.  They  made  the  waters  to  rise,  and  accompanied  by  all 
the  birds  and  beasts,  they  chased  him  far  inland.  He  climbed  a 
very  high  mountain,  closely  followed  by  the  waters.  He  then 
built  a  raft,  took  on  it  his  brother  and  all  the  animals  and  floated 
away.  Another  story  is.  that  Manibozho  was  walking  along  the 
sides  ot  an  enchanted  lake.  The  waters  began  to  boil,  and  from 
them  all  the  beasts  came  forth,  among  them  the  white  lion  and 
the  yellow  lion.  Manibozho  changes  himself  to  a  stump.  The 
bear  hugs  it  and  tears  it  with  tooth  and  claw.  The  great  serpent 
coils  himself  around  it  and  tries  to  crush  the  stump. 

Thus  the  story  of  the  deluge  varies  with  the  different  tribes, 
for  each  tribe  makes  the  river  or  lake  on  which  they  dwelt  the 
scene  where  the  tragedy  was  enacted.  Generally  the  myth 
bearers  are  certain  inscribed  rocks  or  caves,  in  which  the  serpent 


*Faber.  in  his  History  of  Idolatry,  relates  a  story  of  the  drawing  out  of  a  divinity  from 
the  lakes  and  ponds  of  Great  Biitain. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  377 

is  a  conspicuous  figure;  sometimes  an  island,  or  a  headland,  or 
a  waterfall  will  be  pointed  out  as  the  place  where  the  scene  oc- 
curred. 

What  is  most  remarkable  about  this  myth  is  that  it  seems  to 
have  prevailed  among  the  Mound-builders.  At  least  a  pipe  was 
found,  by  Squier  and  Davis,  in  a  mound  in  Ohio,  with  a  snake 
wrapped  around  the  bowl,  in  a  manner  to  suggest  the  story  of 
the  serpent  and  the  stump.  See  Fig.  3.  There  is  also  a  pipe  in 
the  Canadian  Institute  at  Toronto  that  embodies  this  same  myth. 
At  first  sight  it  may  seem  as  if  it  was  a  representative  of  the  tree 
and  the  serpent,  but  in  reality  it  embodies  the  myth  of  the  pine 
tree,  or  pine  stump,  with  its  branches  taken  off.  See  Figs.  4 
and  5.  The  pipe  was  found  in  a  mound  in  Kentucky,  opposite 
the  great  fort  at  Lawrenceburg,  Ind.  It  shows  the  branches  of 
a  tree  in  relief  on  the  side  of  the  face ;  also  the  coils  of  the  ser- 


Fic/f!.  Uand  5. Serpent  Tree  and  Face. 

pent  twisted  tight  about  the  throat.  Tiie  face  is  very  g'lou  "sh 
and  might  well  be  taken  as  the  portrait  of  Manibozho.  The 
eyes  are  expressive,  as  they  are  deep  set,  and  yet  the  eye  balls 
project  and  depict  agony,  as  if  the  parson  was  being  strangled.* 
(4.)  The  re-creating  of  the  earth  was  the  chief  work  of  the 
divinity.  The  manner  in  which  this  was  done  varies  according 
to  the  different  tribes.  The  Canadian  Indians  say  that  the  great 
hare  or  the  dawn  god,  which  was  virtually  the  same  as  Mani- 
bozho, floated  on  a  raft  of  wood,  on  which  were  animals  of  all 
kinds.  Seeing  only  swans  and  waterfowl,  he  pursuaded  the 
beaver,  the  otter  and  the  muskrat  to  dive.  He  took  up  the  grain 
of  sand  and  made  a  mountain   of  it.     Manibozho   started  to  go 

*Other  pipes  found  in  the  mounds  illustrate  myths  still  prevalent.  A  pipe  found  in 
Ohio  reprcseats  ananim.il  like  a  bear,  with  a  woman's  face,  bat  vvich  a  serpent  wound  around 
the  neck,  the  heal  and  tul  on  the  breast  of  the  woman.  A  pipe  in  the  Illinois  collection  at 
Chicago  represents  a  trog  carrying  a  cluinky  stone  or  mace  in  its  claw.  .A.  tassel  falls  from 
the  stone  across  the  claw  of  the  tr()g.  Another  pipe  represents  a  man  on  his  knees  holding 
a  rabbit  in  his  hands,  the  rabbit  in  an  attitude  as  if  ready  to  jump.  There  are  also  human 
effigies  wh.ch  remind  us  of  the  myths  of  the  culture  heroes. 


378  NA  Tl  VE  A  MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

around  the  mountain,  but  it  increased  in  size  and  became  the  great 
earth.  When  the  Indians  hear  noises  in  the  mountains  they 
know  that  the  great  hare  is  continuing  his  work.  The  story  is 
that  he  is  still  traveling  about  the  mountain  and  the  earth  is  still 
growing.  Schoolcraft  says  there  is  scarcely  a  prominent  lake, 
mountain,  precipice  or  stream  in  the  northern  part  of  America 
which  is  not  hallowed  in  Indian  story  by  the  fabled  deeds  of  this 
great  divinity  * 

The  Pottowottamies  say  there  were  two  great  spirits,  Kitche- 
maneto  and  Matchemaneto.  The  former  was  the  creator  of  the 
world.  He  piled  up  the  mountains  and  filled  the  valleys 
with  streams.  The  first  creature  made  was  a  wolf.  He  threw  it 
into  a  lake  and  it  was  drowned.  A  storm  arose  and  washed  the 
bones  of  the  animal  ashore.  They  were  turned  into  a  woman, 
who  bore  the  likeness  of  the  Pottowottamies. f  He  made  five 
other  beings  for  her  companions,  smoking  weed  (Usame),  the 
pumpkin  (Wapaho),  the  melon  (Eshkosimin),  the  bean  (Kokees), 
the  yellow  maize  (Montamin).J 

As  to  the  process  of  world  creation,  we  have  a  remarkable 
analogy  between  the  American  myth  and  the  story  given  by 
Diodorus  Siculus  as  the  common  tradition  among  the  Egyptians. 
After  the  flood  there  was  chaos,  and  the  mud  (maut)  was  the 
prevailing  element.  The  mud  was  changed  to  human  beings. 
Some  of  them  came  out  fully  formed  and  were  completely  human; 
others  were  partly  animal  and  partly  human;  others  still  stuck  in 
the  mud,  the  upper  part  perfect,  but  the  lower  part  unfinished. § 

(5.)  The  chief  point  v/hich  we  make  in  connection  with  the 
myths  of  the  creation  is  that  the  imagery  is  drawn  entirely  from 
the  local  scenery,  objects  which  were  familiar  to  the  aborigines. 
This  varies  according  to  the  tribe  which  repeats  the  myth,  that 
of  the  Ojibwas  having  been  taken  from  the  region  ot  the  great 
lakes  and  the  falls  of  St.  Marie,  but  that  of  the  Abenakis  con- 
taining pictures  of  the  rocks  and  forests  ot  the  coast  of  Maine; 
while  with  the  Dakotas  the  imagery  is  taken  from  the  pipe-stone 
quarry,  and  that  of  the  Haidas  from  the  scenes  of  the  northwest 
coast,  and  that  of  the  Clift-dwellers  from  the  region  of  the  great 
plateaux. 

The  whale  figures  conspicuously  in  the  Abenaki  myths  and 
those  of  the  northwest  coast,  but  never  appears  in  the  myths  of 
the  interior.  There  is  one  Algonkin  myth,  however,  which 
seems  to  refer  to  the  whale.  The  story  is  that  a  great  fish — the 
king  of  fishes — swallowed  Manibozho  and  his  canoe.     When  he 

*See  Hiawatha  Legends,  p.  49. 

tSee  I.anman's  "Records  of  a  Tourist." 

tThe  Caddoes  have  also  a  story  of  a  flood.  They  lived  on  an  eminence  on  the  Red  River 
of  the  South.  After  all  tne  world  hud  been  destroyed  by  the  tfood,  the  Great  Spirit  placed 
one  family  of  Caddoes  on  the  eminence,  and  from  them  sprung:  all  the  Indians. 

§There  is  a  tradition  among  the  Pawnees  that  a  race  of  giants  was  first  created,  but  they 
became  mired  in  the  soft  mud  before  the  waters  of  the  flood  were  fully  drawn  off,  and  the 
Dones  of  the  mastodon  occasionally  found  are  the  remains  of  this  race. 


PERSONAL  DIVINIIIES  AND  CLL7URE  HEROES.  379 

found  that  he  was  in  the  fish's  belly,  he  sought  to  escape.  He 
looked  in  his  canoe  and  saw  his  war-club,  with  which  he  struck 
the  heart  of  the  fish.  He  then  felt  a  sudden  motion,  as  if  the 
fish  was  moving  with  velocity.  The  fish  said,  "I  am  sick  at  the 
stomach."  Manibozho  then  drew  his  canoe  and  placed  it  across 
the  fi.-.h's  throat,  to  keep  from  being  vomited  into  the  deep.  He 
then  renewed  his  attack  upon  the  fish's  heart,  and  succeeded  by 
repeated  blows  in  killing  it.  He  then  heard  birds  scratching  on 
the  body  as  it  floated  on  the  shore.  All  at  once  rays  of  light 
broke  in.  The  birds,  which  were  sea-gulls,  enlarged  the  orifice 
and  in  a  short  time  liberated  him.  The  spot  where  the  fish 
happened  to  be  driven  ashore  was  near  his  lodge.  This  story 
is  given  by  Schoolcraft,  but  he  does  not  tell  what  tribe  it  came 
from.  The  event  is  evidently  located  on  the  sea  rather  than  on 
the  lakes.  It  resembles  the  one  among  the  Haidas  already  re- 
ferred to,  and  reminds  us  of  the  story  of  Jonah  in  the  whale's 
belly.  There  is  another  myth  of  Manibozho  acting  as  a  fisher- 
man. His  hook  is  caught  by  the  great  serpent.  It  reminds  us 
of  the  Scandinavian  story  of  Thor  and  the  Midgard  serpent.* 
IV.  We  next  come  to  the  "Culture  Heroes"  of  the  Iroquois. 
This  remarkable  people  had  many  divinities,  but  the  chief  of  them 
was  called  loskeha,  though  he  resembled  Manibozho,  the  Algon- 
kin  divinity  enough  to  be  taken  as  the  same.  Hiawatha,  the 
founder  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  has  also  been  deified  and 
worshiped  as  a  culture  hero.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
divinity  loskeha  was  a  personification  of  a  nature  power,  as  the 
story  of  his  birth  and  life  and  many  adventures  would  indicate. 
His  brother  was  the  troublesome  Tawiskara,  whose  obstinacy 
caused  the  mother's  death.  His  mission  was  to  water  the  earth. 
He  called  forth  the  springs  and  brooks,  the  lakes  and  the  broad 
rivers,  but  his  brother  created  an  immense  fog,  which  swallowed 
all  the  water  and  left  the  earth  as  dry  as  it  was  before.  He 
pierced  this  fog  and  let  the  water  out,  and  so  fertilized  the  land. 
He  opened  a  cave  in  the  earth  and  allowed  to  come  forth  all  the 
varieties  of  animals  with  which  the  woods  and  prairies  are 
peopled. t  He  contended  with  Tawiskara,  his  brother,  and  dealt 
him  a  blow  in  the  side.  The  blood  flowed  from  the  wound  in 
streams.  The  unlucky  combatant  fled  toward  the  west,  and  as 
he  ran  drops  of  blood  fell  on  the  earth  and  turned  to  flint  stones. 
The  home  of  loskeha  is  in  the  far  east.  There  was  his  cabin, 
and  there  he  dwelt  with  his  grandmother,  the  wise  Attensic. 
This  Attensic  was  a  supernatural  being  who  dwelt  above  the 
earth  when  it  was  covered  with  water,  and  when  the  aquatic 
animals  and  monsters  of  the  deep  were  all  the  living  creatures. 
She  threw  herself  through  a  rift  in  the  sky  and  fell  toward  the 


*See  Mallet's  Northern  Antiquities,  p.  445. 

tThis  story  of  letting  the  animals  out  from  a  cave  reminds  one  of  the  Haida  story  of 
the  stars  stolen  from  the  box.  the  Cherokee  story  of  the  boys  who  opened  the  box  and  let 
out  the  files,  and  of  the  Greek  story  of  Prometheus,  who  let  the  fates  out  of  the  box. 


380  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  b  YMBOLISM. 

earth.  Here  a  turtle,  which  dwelt  in  the  primeval  waters,  offered 
her  his  broad  back  as  a  resting  place.  Upon  this  mossbacked 
turtle  she  sat,  while  a  frog,  or  beaver,  or  some  other  animal, 
brought  her  mud,  Irom  which  she,  with  magic  power,  formed 
dry  land.  It  was  the  daughter  of  this  Attensic  who  gave  birth 
to  the  two  sons.  The  birth  cost  the  mother  her  life.  Her  body- 
was  buried,  and  from  it  sprang  the  various  vegetable  productions 
which  the  new  earth  required  to  fit  it  for  the  habitation  of  man. 
From  her  head  grew  the  pumpkin  vine,  from  her  breast  the 
maize,  from  her  limbs  the  bean  and  other  useful  esculents. 

There  are  many  myths  and  traditions  which  perpetuate  the 
various  exploits  of  this  culture  hero.  The  state  of  New  York 
abounds  with  localities  where  his  spirit  was  supposed  to  have 
dwelt.  The  point,  however,  which  most  interests  us  in  this  con- 
nection is  the  extent  with  which  the  tradition  of  the  flood  was 
associated  with  the  culture  hero  of  this  entire  region.* 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  chief  divinity  of  the 
Algonkins  and  Iroquois  was  very  similar.  About  the  only 
difference  is  that  the  imagery  of  the  Iroquois  divinity  partook  of 
the  scenery  of  the  state  of  New  York,  while  that  of  the  Algon- 
kins partook  of  the  different  regions  in  which  the  several  tribes 
formerly  dwelt.  The  same  may  be  said  of  one  of  the  divinities 
of  the  Dakotas.  This  divinity,  called  Ictinike,  is  represented  as 
a  trickster,  resembling  Glooscap.  He  answers  to  the  Iowa 
Ictcinke,  the  son  of  the  sun-god,  and  to  the  Santee  Unktomi 
(spider).  Ictcinke,  the  deceiver,  taught  the  Indians  their  war 
customs,  but  he  was  also  a  creator.  He  created  fruits  and  veg- 
etables out  of  parts  of  himself,  as  the  Iroquois  Attensic  did  out 
of  herself. 

V.  The  chief  divinities  of  the  Dacotahs  are  to  be  identified 
by  the  objects  of  nature  in  their  territory.  Catlin  gives  the 
myths  ot  the  Mandans,  a  branch  of  the  Dacotahs.  The  one  in 
reference  to  the  pipe-stone  quarry  is  very  interesting.  The  great 
spirit  at  an  ancient  period  called  the  Indian  nations  together 
here.  Standing  on  the  precipice  of  the  red  pipe-stone  rock,  he 
broke  from  its  wall  a  piece  and  made  a  huge  pipe,  which  he 
smoked  to  the  north,  south,  east  and  west.  He  told  them  that 
this  red  stone  was  their  flesh;  that  they  must  use  it  for  their 
pipes  of  peace;  it  belonged  to  all.  At  the  last  whiff  of  his  pipe 
his  head  went  into  a  cloud,  but  the  surface  of  the  rock  was 
melted  and  glazed.  Near  this  spot,  on  a  high  rock,  was  the 
thunderer's  nest.  Here  a  bird  sits  upon  her  eggs  during  fair 
weather.  At  the  approach  of  a  storm  the  skies  are  rent  with 
bolts  of  thunder,  which  is  occasioned  by  the  hatching  of  her 
brood.     Her  mate  is  a  serpent,  whose  fiery  tongue  destroys  the 

*The  great  Algfonkin  deluge  storv  appears  to  have  its  analogies  in  the  legends  of  the 
Athabascans,  the  Sioux,  the  Iroquois,  the  Cherokees.  besides  various  tribes  of  British  Co- 
lumbia and  Canada,  the  Pueblos,  the  Navajos  and  the  southern  tribes. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES  381 

young  as  soon  as  they  are  hatched,  and  the  fiery  bolt  darts 
through  the  sky.  Not  far  away,  in  the  solid  rock,  are  the  foot- 
steps of  the  thunder  bird,  the  track  where  he  formerly  stood 
when  the  blood  of  the  buffalos  which  he  was  devouring  ran  into 
the  rocks  and  turned  them  red.  A  few  yards  away  runs  a  beau- 
tiful little  stream,  which  leaps  from  the  top  of  the  precipice  to 
the  basin  below;  and  on  the  plain,  a  little  distance  beyond,  the 
five  huge  granite  boulders,  where  was  a  shrine  tor  the  guardian 
spirits  of  the  place.  Here  offerings  of  tobacco  were  made,  and 
on  the  surface  of  the  rock  were  various  marks  and  sculptured 
figures,  which  were  totems  of  the  tribes  which  resorted  there. 

The  Iv'nisteneaux  version  is,  that  at  the  time  of  a  great  freshet 
which  destroyed  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  tribes  of  the 
red  men  assembled  at  the  great  rock,  called  the  Pyramid  Rock, 
to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  waters.  The  water  continued  to 
rise  until  it  covered  them  all,  and  their  flesh  was  converted  into 
red  pipe  stone.  While  they  were  all  drowning-  in  a  mass,  a 
young  woman,  K-wap-taw-w  (a  virgin),  caught  hold  of  the  foot 
of  a  very  large  bird  that  was  flying  over,  and  was  carried  to  the 
top  of  a  high  cliff  not  far  off  that  was  above  the  water.  Here 
she  gave  birth  to  twins,  but  their  father  was  the  war-eagle.  Her 
children  have  since  peopled  the  whole  earth.  "The  pipe-stone 
is  the  flesh  of  their  ancestors,  and  is  smoked  by  them  as  the 
symbol  of  peace,  and  the  eagle's  quill  decorates  the  head  of  the 
brave." 

A  tradition  of  the  Sioux  is  as  follows:  "Before  the  creation 
of  man,  the  great  spirit  (whose  tracks  are  yet  to  be  seen  on  the 
stones,  at  the  Red  Pipe  stone  quarry,  in  form  of  the  tracks  of  a 
large  bird)  used  to  slay  the  buffaloes  and  eat  them  on  the  ledge, 
and  their  blood  running  on  the  rocks  turned  them  red.  One  day 
when  a  large  snake  had  crawled  into  the  nest  of  the  bird  to  eat 
his  eggs,  one  of  the  eggs  hatched  out  in  a  clap  of  thunder,  and 
the  great  spirit  catching  hold  of  a  piece  of  the  pipe-stone  to 
throw  at  the  snake,  moulded  it  into  a  man.  This  man's  feet 
grew  fast  in  the  ground,  where  he  stood  for  many  years,  like  a 
great  tree,  and  therefore  he  grew  very  old.  He  was  older  than 
a  hundred  men  at  the  present  day.  At  last  another  tree  grew 
up  by  the  side  of  him,  when  a  large  snake  ate  them  both  off  at 
the  roots,  and  they  wandered  away.  From  these  have  sprung 
all  the  people  that  now  inhabit  the  earth." 

This  tradition  of  the  tree  and  the  serpent  gnawing  at  the  root 
of  a  tree,  reminds  us  of  the  Scandinavian  myth.  According  to 
this  mvth  the  ash  tree  was  the.tree  of  existence.  This  grew  out 
of  Niffleheim.  Its  roots  were  in  Nidhogg,  and  the  fountain 
Urdur-fount  was  near  its  roots.  The  great  eagle  perched  on  its 
branches,  but  the  serpent  gnaws  at  the  roots  in  Nidhogg.  The 
giant  Hraesvelgur  sits  on  heaven's  edge,  in  the  guise  of  an  eagle, 
and  the  winds  rush  down  to  the  earth  through  his  outspreading 


382  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

pinions.  The  squirrel,  named  Ratatosk,  runs  up  and  down  the 
tree  and  seeks  to  produce  strife  between  the  eagle  and  Nidhogg, 
There  are  so  many  snakes  in  Nidhogg  that  no  tongue  can 
recount  them.  These  myths,  contained  in  the  Sagas,  were  put 
too-ether  in  Iceland  about  looo  A.  D.,  but  some  of  them  may 
have  been  easily  transferred  to  the  red  Indians  of  America. 

Among  the  Dacotahs  the  ash  tree  was  very  sacred,  the  serpent 
was  a  great  divinity,  and  the  bird  resembling  the  eagle  was  the 
chief  divinity.  These  were  the  symbols  of  the  nature  powers 
and  the  conception  may  have  arisen  as  a  result  of  personifica- 
tion, but  the  resemblance  between  the  myths  of  the  Dacotahs 
and  the  Norsemen  is  very  striking.  There  is  a  myth  among  the 
Dacotahs  which  reminds  us  more  thoroughly  ot  the  Scandinavian 
myth.  A  chart  accompanies  the  myth.  On  this  chart  is  a  tree, 
which  represents  the  tree  of  life.  By  this  tree  flows  a  river,  and 
beneath  the  river  is  a  red  star,  the  morning  star.  Near  this  are 
six  stars,  called  the  elm  rod.  Beneath  these  are  the  moon, 
seven  stars,  and  the  sun.  Under  the  "seven  stars,"  the  peace 
pipe  and  war  hatchet.  Beneath  these  the  lour  heavens,  or  upper 
worlds,  through  which  the  ancestors  of  the  people  passed  before 
they  came  to  earth.  They  are  represented  by  four  lines,  sup- 
posed to  be  pillars.  These  four  heavens  are  supported  by  an 
oak  tree.  Beside  the  oak  tree  are  earth  lodges  and  villages. 
There  was  a  chant  or  song  connected  with  this  chart.  It  was 
used  by  a  secret  society.  The  chart  was  tattooed  on  the  throat 
and  chest  ot  the  old  man  belonging  to  the  order.  The  picture 
of  the  chart  and  the  picture  of  the  ash  tree  of  existence  are  quite 
similar.* 

The  tendency  to  leave  signs  of  their  mythology  upon  the 
rocks  and  cliffs,  and  in  the  caves,  was  very  strong  among  the 
Dacotahs.  There  is  a  belief  in  the  Omaha  tribe  that  before  the 
spirit  finally  departs  from  men,  at  death,  they  float  toward  a  cliff 
overhanging  the  Missouri,  not  far  from  the  present  Santee 
Agency,  and  cut  upon  the  rocks  a  picture  showing  the  manner 
of  their  death.  It  is  said  that  these  pictures  are  easily  recog- 
nized by  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  deceased.  The  place  is 
called,  "Where  the  spirits  make  pictures  of  themselves. "f 

The  thunder  god  was  a  being  of  terrific  proportions.  It  bears 
the  shape  of  a  bird.  There  are  four  varieties  of  this  bird,  one  is 
black,  with  a  long  beak,  and  four  joints  to  its  wings.  (See 
Fig.  6.)  Another  is  yellow,  without  beak,  but  with  six  quills 
to  its  wing.  The  third  is  scarlet,  and  is  remarkable  for  having 
eight  joints  to  its  wing.     The  fourth  is  blue,  with  two  plumes  of 


*See  Fourth  Annual  Report  Ethnological  Bureau,  p.  84.  Also  see  Mallet's  .Antiquities  , 
Frontispiece.  ,  ,      ^.  ,  ,,    ^  ^,.         •    .. 

tThe  belief  is  common  among  the  Omali^s  and  among  the  Ojibwas  that  the  spirit 
hovers  about  the  grave.  On  this  account  food  and  water  are  placed  at  the  heads  of  the 
graves.  Among  the  Ojibwas  there  is  a  little  house  constructed  over  the  grave.  The  food 
is  placed  upon  the  floor  within  the  house,  while  the  image  which  shows  a  totem  of  the 
deceased  is  carved  upon  the  gable  of  the  howse— Journal  of  Folk  Lore,  March,  iSSg,  i>age  11. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES. 


383 


down  for  wings.  When  this  bird  flies,  it  is  hid  by  thick  clouds. 
The  lightning  is  the  flash  of  its  eyes  and  the  thunder  the  echo 
of  its  voice.  The  house  of  this  god  is  on  a  mound,  which  stands 
on  the  summit  of  a  hill,  and  opens  to  the  four  points  of  the 
compass.  Each  doorway  is  watched  by  a  sentinel,  a  butterfly 
at  the  east,  a  bear  at  the  west,  reindeer  at  the  north,  and  a  beaver 
at  the  south.  He  is  represented  in  the  human  form.  His  eye- 
brows are  lines  representing  the  sky,  from  which  two  chains  of 
lightning  zig-zag  downward. 

Here  we  have  the  symbolism  of  the  sky  worship  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  Zunis,  but  localized  among  the  Dacotahs. 
Another  divinity  of  the  Dacotahs  is  called  the  "moving  god." 
He  holds  the  four  winds.  He  invented  the  spear  and  the  toma- 
hawk  and    grave   them    lo    the    Indians.     His   home   is    in    the 


Ficj.e.—  Tlmndcr  Bird. 


Fift.  7.—IIeyoka  as  a  Hunter. 


boulders,  and  the  boulders  are  always  worshiped  as  symbols  of 
the  divinity.  The  stone  god  Toohkan  is  another  divinity.  He 
is  the  oldest  god.  His  symbol  is  the  Lingam.  His  home  is  the 
round  or  oval  stone,  about  the  size  of  a  man's  head.  This  is 
often  painted  red  and  covered  with  swan's  down. 

There  is  a  round  stone  at  Red  Wing  which  was  formerly  vis- 
ited by  the  Dacotahs  and  painted  red  as  a  reminder  of  the 
divinity.  This  stone  was  thrown  into  the  water  by  the  whites, 
but  was  replaced  by  the  Indians.  Another  stone,  near  St.  Paul, 
was  painted  in  a  similar  way.  This  has  been  described  by  the 
Rev.  H.  C.  Ilovey.  Rock  inscriptions  in  a  cave  near  St.  Paul 
have  been  described  by  Mr.  T.  H.  Lewis.  One  of  these  has  the 
shape  of  an  immense  bird  with  drooping  wings.  See  Fig.  6. 
This  was  evidently  designed  to  represent  this  divinity.  The 
feathers  in  the  wings  of  this  bird  are  drooping,  and  possibly  may 
symbolize  the  falling  of  rain.  There  is  serpent  form  attached  to 
the  head.  This  may  symbolize  the  lightning.  It  was  evidently 
designed  to  represent  the  thunder  bird.  A  similar  figure  may' 
be  seen  in  a  cave  in  Allamakee  County,  Iowa.     In  the  same  cave 


384  NA  Tl  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

are  human  faces,  with  horns  rising  out  of  the  faces.  In  the 
same  region  are  pictures  of  snakes,  animals,  canoes  and  cres- 
cents. In  Reno  cave,  in  Houston  County,  Minnesota,  there  are 
carvings  to  lepresent  birds  and  men.  One  figure  represents  a 
man  with  large  hands,  to  represent  clouds,  and  a  crooked  head, 
to  represent  lightning,  and  a  circle  enclosed  \n  a  triangle,  to 
represent  the  sun.  See  Fig.  8.  In  Lamoille  cave,  in  Minnesota, 
there  is  a  man  with  upraised  arms.  The  upper  parts  of  the  arms 
are  in  the  shape  of  plants.  See  Fig.  9.  This  was  a  human  tree 
figure. 

Oonktaghe  is  the  god  of  the  waters.  He  wears  the  horns  of 
an  ox  as  symbols  of  power;  but  has  the  human  form.  See 
Figs.  10  and  ii.\  This  divinity  is  niale  and  female.  The  dwelling 
place  of  the  male  is  the  water  and  the  female  the  earth.  The 
Dacotahs  offer  sacrifices  both  to  the  water  and  to  the  earth.      It 


Fig.  S.— Lightning  God.  Fig.  v.— Human  Tree. 

was  this  god  which  Carter  speaks  of  as  a  spirit  which  dwells 
under  the  falls  of  St.  Anthony,  in  a  cave  of  awful  dimensions. 
The  god  Oonktaghe  taught  the  Dacotahs  what  colors  to  use,  but 
Heyoka  told  them  how  many  streaks  to  paint  upon  their  bodies. 
The  use  of  paint  with  the  Dacotahs  was  always  symbolic.  Scarlet 
cr  red  was  always  for  sacrifice;  blue  was  the  symbol  of  the  sky. 
There  was  no  temple  for  worship  among  them.  Rites  of  initia- 
tion and  of  purification  were  common,  as  among  other  tribes, 
but  the  details  were  peculiar  to  themselves.  The  iniation  of 
warriors  was  similar  to  that  of  the  Mandans,  and  the  same 
cruelties  were  practiced.  The  medicine  men  were  sorcerers  and 
-icted  as  jugglers  and  exorcists.  There  was  a  religious  society 
among  them  that  was  full  of  symbolism.  The  supernatural  was 
always  present  with  them.  Everything  mysterious  was  called 
Wakan,  which  is  identical  with  the  Great  Spirit  of  modern  times. 
The  animals  were  mingled  with  the  human  beings. 

VI.  The  Cherokees  also  had  their  culture  hero.     This  singular 
people  was  formerly  located  in  the  mountains  of  north  Georgia, 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  385 

eastern  Tennessee  and  North  Carolina,  and  might  be  called 
the  mountain  people.  They  were  once  located  on  the  Ohio 
river  and  were  probably  a  branch  of  the  Iroquois,  but  they  were 
driven  south  by  the  Algonkins  and  became  mingled  with  the 
Muscogees.  Their  divinities  are  not  so  well  known  as  those  ot 
other  tribes,  but  there  is  a  resemblance  between  their  myths  and 
those  of  the  northern  Indians,  and  yet  there  was  a  mingling  of 
the  southern  system  of  sun  worship  with  their  mythology.  We 
find  ourselves  on  the  borders  of  another  system,  a  system  of  sky 
worship,  which  was  allied  to  that  of  the  cliff  dwellers,  and  yet 
has  the  characteristics  of  the  Iroquois  and  the  Algonkin  myth- 
ologies. The  best  information  is  that  furnished  by  the  collection 
of  manuscripts  gathered  by  Mr.  James  Mooney,  written  in  the 
Cherokee  alphabet.  Mr.  Mooney  says  that  the  exposition  ot 
aboriginal  religion  could  be  obtained  from  no  other  tribe  so  well. 


Figs.  10  and  11. — Oonklaghe. 

for  the  simple  reason  that  no  other  tribe  has  an  alphabet  of  its 
own.  Like  the  Celtic  Druids,  the  shamans  or  priests  found  it 
necessary  to  cultivate  a  long  memory,  but  among  the  Cherokees 
the  alphabet  enabled  them  to  commit  the  record  to  writing. 
The  religion  of  the  Cherokees  is  animal  worship,  and  the  begin- 
nings in  which  elements  and  the  great  powers  of  nature  were 
deified. 

Their  pantheon  includes  gods  of  the  heaven  above,  the  earth 
beneath  and  the  waters  under  the  earth  The  animal  gods 
constitute  the  most  numerous  class.  Among  these  are  the  great 
horned  serpent,  rattlesnake,  terrapin,  hawk,  rabbit,  squirrel. 
The  spider  was  prominent;  his  duty  was  to  entangle  the  soul  in 
the  meshes  of  his  web,  or  to  pluck  it  from  the  body  and  to  drag 
it  away  to  the  black  coffin  and  the  darkening  land.  There  are 
elemental  gods,  fire,  water,  and  sun.  The  sun  is  called  une' 
lamihi,  "the  apportioner;"  the  water,  "long  person,"  referring  to 
the  river. 

In  their  myths  we  recognize  the  culture  hero  as  a  creator;  also 
the  two  brothers.     The  earth  is  a  flat  surface;  the  sky  an  arch  of 


386  NA Tl  VE  AMERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

solid  rock  suspended  above  it.  The  arch  rises  and  falls  continu- 
ally day  and  night.  The  sun  is  a  man  so  bright  that  no  one  can 
look  at  him.  He  comes  through  the  eastern  opening  every 
morning,  travels  acrsss  the  heavens  and  disappears  in  the  western 
opening  and  returns  by  night  to  the  starting  point.  This  story 
of  the  sun  traveling  back  to  its  starting  point  by  an  underground 
path,  is  very  common  and  wide-spread.  Ellis  speaks  of  it  as 
prevailing  in  the  South  Sea    Islands. 

One  story  is,  that  here  lived  great  snakes,  glittering  as  the  sun 
and  having  two  horns  on  the  head.  The  last  of  which  was 
killed  by  a  Shawnee  Indian.  He  found  it  high  up  on  the 
mountain.  He  kindled  a  great  fire  of  pine  cones  in  a  circle;  as 
he  jumped  into  the  circle  a  stream  of  poison  poured  from  the 
snake.  He  shot  his  arrow  into  the  seventh  stripe  of  the  ser- 
pent's skin.  On  the  spot  on  which  the  serpent  had  been  killed, 
a  lake  formed,  the  water  of  which  was  black. 

This  conception  of  the  horned  snake  is  very  common.  The 
Jesuits  found  a  legend  among  the  Hurons  of  a  monstrous  ser- 
pent, called  Nuniout,  who  wore  on  his  head  a  horn  that  pierced 
rocks,  trees  and  hills.  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton  thinks  that  the  tale 
was  carried  from  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  to  the  Hurons  by 
the  Shawnees.  It  may,  however,  have  been  inherited  by  the 
Cherokees  from  the  Iroquois.*  He  also  thinks  that  the  horn 
symbolized  the  strength  of  the  lightning,  the  horn  of  the  serpent 
of  the  heavens,  which  pierces  trees  and  rocks. 

Another  story  is  connected  with  Looking  Glass  mountain.  A 
man  whose  name  was  "Kanati,"  the  lucky  hunter,  and  his  wife, 
who  was  called  "Selu",  the  corn,  had  a  son,  who  was  accustomed 
to  play  by  the  river  every  day.  The  boy  told  about  a  wild  boy 
who  called  himself  elder  brother,  and  who  came  out  of  the 
water.  The  parents  managed  to  seize  this  wild  boy  and  take 
him  home,  but  he  was  always  artful  and  led  his  brother  into 
mischief  and  to  be  disobedient.  Kanati  kicked  the  covers  off 
from  four  jars  in  the  corner,  when  out  came  swarms  of  bed  bugs, 
fleas  and  gnats,  which  crawled  all  over  the  boys  and  bit  and 
stung  them.  The  boys  finally  killed  the  mother  and  dragged 
the  body  around  in  a  circle.  Wherever  her  blood  fell  on  the 
ground  the  corn  sprang  up.  This  is  the  reason  why  corn  grows 
only  in  a  few  places.  They  contended  with  the  wolves;  they 
ran  around  the  house  until  they  made  a  trail,  except  on  one  side 
where  they  left  a  small  open  space.  The  trail  changed  to  a  high 
fence.  When  the  wolves  came  the  boys  passed  in  through  the 
opening;  the  wolves  could  not  jump  over  the  fence;  the  boys 
took  their  arrows  and  shot  those  inside  the  fence,  and  after- 
wards set  fire  to  the  grass  and  bushes  outside  the  fence  and 
burned  nearly  all  the  other  wolves. 

Their  next  exploit  was:    The  wild  boy  got  a  wheel  and  rolled 

*See  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  119.    See  Chapter  111,  on  the  Serpent  Symbol. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  CULTURE  HEROES.  387 

it  in  various  directions,  so  as  to  find  their  father,  the  Kanati. 
The  wheel  rolled  in  the  direction  in  which  it  was  always  night, 
but  came  rolling  back.  He  then  rolled  it  to  the  south  and  the 
north  and  it  came  back;  at  last  he  rolled  it  toward  the  sun  land, 
and  the  two  brothers  followed  it.  After  several  days  they  found 
Kaniti  with  a  dog  by  his  side.  The  dog  was  the  wheel  which 
they  had  sent  after  him  to  find  him.  This  conception  of  the 
wheel  is  very  rare  among  the  uncivilized  tribes,  though  it  was 
very  common  among  the  civilized  rrces  of  Europe  and  Asia. 
The  Basques  were  accustomed  to  roll  the  wheel  through  the 
fields  as  a  symbol  of  the  sun.  There  are  symbols  on  the  rocks 
of  Arizona  which  resemble  wheels.  Others  which  resemble 
sphinxes,  and  there  are  shell  gorgets  in  the  Cherokee  territory 
which  contain  circles  and  crescents  and  crosses  with  curved  arms, 
symbolizing  the  revolution  of  the  season.  Mr.  Staniland  Wake 
has  an  article  on  the  subject. 

Among  the  Cherokees  there  is  a  story  of  a  serpent.  The 
conjurer,  by  his  magic  spells,  coils  the  great  serpent  around  the 
house  of  a  sick  man  to  keep  off  the  witches,  but  he  is  always 
careful  to  leave  a  small  open  space  between  the  head  and  tail  of 
the  snake,  so  that  the  members  of  the  family  can  go  down  to  the 
spring  to  get  water.  This  myth  seems  to  have  been  wide- 
spread, for  there  is  an  effigy  of  a  snake  in  Wisconsin  which 
marks  the  site  of  a  lodge  circle.  This  effigy  is  near  a  spring  of 
water  called  Mineral  Springs.  The  opening  between  the  head 
and  tail  of  the  snake  is  toward  the  spring.  There  are  not  many 
of  the  Cherokee  myths  which  have  been  identified  with  any 
particular  objects  of  nature,  though  the  old  men  who  retain  the 
myths  always  look  back  to  the  region  from  which  they  came, 
their  memory  associating  the  myth  with  the  mountains  and 
rivers.  A  fragment  of  the  tribe  still  remains  east  of  the  Allegheny 
mountains.     These  identify  the  myths  with  particular  spots. 


C  UL2  IRE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS  389 


CHAPTER   XVI. 
CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  subjects  connecred  with  American 
archaeology  is  the  one  which  relates  to  "Culture  Heroes  and 
Deified  Kings."  Much  has  been  said  about  the  "  Heroes."  and 
many  theories  have  been  adopted  to  account  for  their  origin  and 
history,  but  as  to  the  kings  little  has  been  written,  for  there 
seems  to  be  but  little  known.  That  there  were  different  classes 
of  divinities  v/hich  were  worshiped  by  the  native  races  will  be 
acknowledged.  Some  of  them  were  the  personifications  of 
nature  powers;  others  semi-historic  human  divinities;  still 
others  actual  historic  characters  or  potentates.  It  remains, 
however,  for  the'archaeologists  to  identify  these,  and  make  known 
the  localities  where  they  were  worshiped.  This  is  the  task  which 
we  have  set  before  us  in  this  paper.  We  shall  first  take  the  tes- 
timony of  the  historians  and  see  what  they  say  in  reference  to 
the  "Culture  Heroes."  We  shall  next  take  the  testimony  of  the 
monuments,  and  from  them  endeavor  to  trace  the  relation  of  the 
"Culture  Heroes"  to  the  "nature  powers."  Lastly,  we  shall 
speak  of  the  various  statues  and  images,  which  have  perpetuated 
the  record  of  the  "Deified  Kings."  In  all  of  these  departments 
we  shall  seek  aid  from  the  study  of  the  myths  and  symbols. 
Our  object  will  be  to  distinguish  between  the  three  classes  of 
symbols,  those  which  represent  the  "  nature  powers,"  those 
which  relate  to  the  "Culture  Heroes,"  and  those  which  show  that 
royalty  was  represented.  There  may  be  a  difficulty  about  sepa- 
rating the  first  two  classes,  for  the  nature  powers  were  often  per- 
sonified, and  the  element  of  personality  was  hidden  behind  the 
symbols;  but  this  is  not  the  case  with  the  third  class,  for  the 
portraits  and  decorations  of  the  kings  are  apparent.  We  shall 
give  attention  especially  to  the  symbols  of  the  Mayas,  for  it  is 
among  them  that  the  statues  of  deified  kings  are  to  be  found; 
but  we  shall  also  take  the  symbols  of  the  other  civilized  race 
so-called,  such  as  the  Nahuas,  by  way  of  comparison.  Our 
chief  inquriy  will  be  whether  the  "Culture  Heroes"  of  these 
races  can  be  identified  by  their  monuments. 

I.     First  let  us  take  the  testimony  of  history. 

I.  The  two  nations,  the  Nahuas  and  Mayas,  were  for  a  long 
time  associated  together,  and  borrowed  from  one  another  customs 
and  habits,  even  symbols  and  mythologies,  though  the  Mayas 
were  much  the  older,  and  their  culture  was  really  more  advanced. 


390  NA IIVE  A  ME  RICA  N  S  YMBOLISM. 

Their  history  may  be  divided  into  several  epochs  or  periods,  the 
first  period  being  that  of  the  Maya  supremacy,  which  began 
before  the  Christian  era.  Bancroft  says,  "It  is  not  likely  that 
the  Maya  empire  in  its  integrity  continued  later  than  the  fourth 
century,  though  the  epoch  of  its  highest  power  preceded,  rather 
than  followed,  the  Christian  era."  The  second  was  the  Toltec 
period,  which  commenced  about  647  A.  D.;  the  third,  the.Chicemec, 
commenced  with  the  twelfth  century,  and  the  fourth  was  the 
Aztec  period,  commencing  1363  A.  D.  It  was  during  the  Toltec 
period  that  that  mysterious  person,  called  Quetzatlcoatl,  appeared 
and  introduced  the  various  arts  of  civilization,  and  an  elaborate 
system  of  religion.  He  was  the  great  "Culture  Hero"  of  the  Na- 
huas,  and  the  pontiff  king  of  Tulan.  He  effected  many  religious 
innovations,  and  was  distinguished  for  his  opposition  to  human 
sacrifice.  Temples  to  his  honor  were  erected  at  Cholula  and  in 
all  parts  of  Anahuac.  His  reign  was  a  short  one.  He  retired 
before  the  machinations  of  his  enemy,  Tezcatlipoca.  Who  he 
was  and  where  he  came  from  is  altogether  unknown,  yet  such 
was  his  character  that  he  impressed  himself,  not  only  upon  the 
Toltecs  and  the  Nahuas,  but  also  upon  the  entire  Maya  race, 
for  there  are  culture  heroes  mentioned  in  the  history  of  all 
the  tribes  of  Mexico  and  Central  America,  though  under  the 
different  names  of  Votan,  Cuculkan,  Gucumatz,  and  Quetzatl- 
coatl, according  to  nationality.  Some  writers  have  explained 
this  on  the  theory  that  they  were  only  personifications  of  the  great 
sun  divinity,  and  have  compared  them  to  the  various  culture 
heroes  which  have  appeared  in  the  early  history  of  all  nations. 
Quetzatlcoatl  is  represented  by  the  Aztec  historians  as  a  white 
man,  wearing  a  beard  and  enveloped  in  a  garment  covered  with 
crosses,  and  resembling  an  European  monk  or  priest.  Some 
have  accounted  for  him  by  the  supposition  that  two  personages 
have  been  confounded;  one  the  early  "culture  hero,"  an  entirely 
mythical  character,  another  the  pontiff  king  of  Tulan,  who 
assumed  dominion  about  873  A.  D.  His  reign  in  Cholula  lasted 
about  ten  years.  Others  have  imagined  that  some  visitor  from 
a  foreign  shore  had  appeared  and  introduced  great  reformations, 
and  this  gave  rise  to  the  traditions, 

Quetzatlcoatl  was  the  great  divinity  of  the  Toltecs  and  repre- 
sented the  more  gentle  and  humane  religious  tendencies  which 
prevailed  among  them,  and  which  were  supplanted  by  the  cruel 
and  warlike  religion  of  the  Aztecs.  He  was  the  feathered  serpent 
or  serpent  bird.  We  recognize  in  his  name,  and  in  the  legends 
concerning  him,  the  god  of  the  wind  or  air,  which  was  known  in 
Central  America  under  the  varying  names  of  Cuculkan  (bird 
serpent),  Hurakan  (hurricane),  Gucumatz  (feathered  serpent), 
Votan  (serpent).  He  was  always  a  serpent,  either  feathered  or 
flying.*     He  reminds  us  ot  the  beneficent  gods  of  the  ancient 

♦Reveille's  "Native  Religions  of  Mexico."    i .  57. 


,^?$*as» 


m 


Jfe^SSfWrc 


FEMALE  STATUE  FROM  COPAN. 


BACK  OF  FEMALE  aTATUE. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS.  393 

world,  Dios  or  Jupiter  Pluvius,  of  the  Greeks;  Ormuzd,*  of  the 
Persians;  Varuna,  of  the  Hindoos;  Tien,  of  China,  who  were 
embodiments  of  good. 

In  the  Maya  traditions  the  person  whose  name  appears  first 
is  Zamna,  a  son  of  the  chief  deity,  who  taught  the  people  the 
hieroglyphic  alphabet  and  gave  a  name  to  each  locality  of  Yucu- 
tan.  He  played  the  same  role  here  that  Votan  did  in  Chiapas. 
The  same  events  are  recorded  in  the  Yucatec,  Tzendal,  Quiche 
and  the  Toltec  traditions.  According  to  a  Maya  tradition,  this 
culture  hero  came  to  America  and  apportioned  the  land  to  the 
people.  He  came  by  sea  from  the  east.  He  built  a  great  city, 
the  city  ot  the  serpents,  and  became  a  law-giver  and  civilizer,  the 
introducer  of  the  Maya  culture,  and  after  his  appearance  was 
worshiped  as  a  god. 

Votan  was  also  a  divinity  among  the  Mayas.  He  corresponded 
m  his  history  to  Quetzatlcoatl  of  the  Mexicans.  Bancroft  makes 
him  the  first  historian  of  his  people.  "He  wrote  a  book  on  the 
origin  of  the  race,  though  at  times  he  seems  to  be  a  mythic 
creation,  a  sort  of  mediator  between  man  and  God,  and  at  times 
a  sort  of  legislator.  He  portioned  out  the  land.  He  founded 
Palenque,  the  future  metropolis  of  a  mighty  kingdom.  He  was 
supposed  to  be  the  founder  of  civilization.  He  came  by  sea 
from  the  east.  He  made  four  mysterious  visits.  Still  he  was  not 
the  first  to  appear,  for  American  civilization  was  already  in  ex- 
istence. After  his  death  he  was  deified,  and  may  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  deified  kings.  It  was  in  the  days  of  this  ancient 
Maya  glory,  when  Votan  and  his  successors  reigned,  that  the 
kings  played  roles,  to  a  great  extent  mythical,  combining  the 
powers  of  legislators,  teachers,  high  priests  and  monarchs.  Then 
came  a  famous  personage,  bearing  a  striking  resemblance  in  his 
traditionary  career  to  the  Quetzatlcoatl  of  the  Nahuas,  called 
Cuculkan,  whom,  some  think,  was  an  historical  personage,  and 
others  imagine  to  be  only  a  personification  of  the  sun  or  some 
of  the  nature  powers. f" 

There  were  two  distinct  cycles  of  myths  in  Yucatan.  The 
earlier  related  to  Itzamna,  the  later  referred  to  Cuculkan.  It  was 
a  tradition  among  the  natives  that  the  most  ancient  emigration 
was  from  che  east  across  the  ocean,  the  later  was  from  the  west. 
The  former  was  called  the  great  arrival,  the  other  the  less  arrival. 
Itzamna  was  the  guide,  instructor  and  civilizer.  He  was  the  first 
priest,  and  taught  them  the  proper  rites  to  please  their  gods.  He 
invented  the  characters  or  letters  with  which  the  Mayas  wrote 
their  numerous  books.  He  devised  their  calendar.  As  city- 
builder  and  king,  his  history  is  associated  with  the  noble  edifices 
of  Itzamal.;];  There  was  a  temple  at  Itzamal  consecrated  to  him 
as  the  eye  of  the  day.  the  bird  of  fire,  Kin-ich-kak-mo — Kin,  the 

♦See  Lockyer's  Dawn  of  Astronomy,  page  6. 

tBancroft,  Vol.  111.  p.  6.\^. 

tCharnay  speaks  of  finding  a  gigantic  face  at  the  foot  of  the  pyramid  at  Itzamal. 


394  NA  Tl VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

sun;  ich,  the  eye;  kak,  fire;  mo,  sacred  bird,  the  brilliant 
plumaged  guacamaya,  the  red  macay.  This  was  the  word 
adopted  as  the  name  of  the  ruler  of  Chichen-Itza.  Some  have 
derived  the  name  Itzamna  irom  sam,  early;  yam,  first;  Zamalyam, 
the  dawn,  the  aurora,  the  dew,  the  son  of  the  morning.  The 
symbol  which  represented  this  divinity  and  culture  hero  was 
the  sun's  disk,  which  shot  forth  its  scorching  rays.*  There  was 
a  temple  sacred  to  him,  to  which  the  people  resorted,  and  at  high 
noon  spread  a  sacrifice  upon  the  altar.  The  moment  the  sun 
reached  the  zenith,  a  bird  of  brilliant  plumage,  which  was  noth- 
ing less  than  a  fiery  flame,  shot  from  the  sun,  descended  and 
consumed  the  offering  in  the  sight  of  all.  His  shrine  was  ex- 
tremely popular,  and  to  it  pilgrimages  were  made  from  such 
remote  regions  as  Tabasco,  Guatemala  and  Chiapas.  Four  paved 
roads  were  constructed  to  this  shrine,  from  the  north,  south,  east 
and  west,  straight  to  the  quarters  ot  the  four  winds.f  Associated 
with  Itzamna  were  the  four  Bacabs,  or  gods  of  the  winds,  each 
identified  with  a  particular  color  and  the  cardinal  points  ;  the  first, 
that  of  the  south,  yellow;  the  east,  red;  the  north,- white;  and 
the  west,  black.  The  winds  and  rains  from  these  directions  were 
under  the  charge  of  these  gods. 

Bishop  Landa  says  they  represented  four  brothers,  who  sup- 
ported the  four  corners  of  the  heavens,  who  blew  the  winds  from 
the  four  cardinal  points,  and  presided  over  the  four  dominical 
signs  of  the  calendar.  Each  year  in  the  calendar  was  supposed 
to  be  under  the  influence  of  one  of  these  brothers.  They  were 
the  sons  of  Ich-chal,  the  goddess  of  the  rain-bow,  who  was  the 
wife  of  the  light  god  and  mother  of  the  rain  gods,  since  the 
rainbow  is  never  seen  but  during  a  shower,  and  while  the  sun  is 
shining.  These  four  divinities  were  called  "chacs,"  giants.  They 
were  gods  of  fertility;  they  watered  the  crops;  they  presided 
over  streams  and  wells;  they  were  divinities  whose  might  was 
manifested  in  the  thunder.  They  were  represented  as  enormous 
giants,  standing  like  pillars  at  the  four  cornei  s  of  the  earth,  and 
supporting  the  heavens.  They  were  worshiped  under  the  symbol 
of  the  cross,  the  four  arms  of  which  represented  the  four  car- 
dinal points.  This  was  regarded  as  a  tree,  and  in  the  Maya 
tongue  was  called  the  "tree  of  life."  The  celebrated  cross  at 
Palenque]:  is  one  of  its  representations.  There  was  another  such 
cross  in  a  temple  on  the  island  of  Cozumel.  This  was  a  symbol 
of  the  four  rain  gods,  the  Bacabs.  In  periods  of  drought,  offer- 
ings were  made  to  it  of  birds,  and  it  was  sprinkled  with  water. 
The  festival  to  the  gods  of  the  harvest  occurred  in  the  early 
spring.  In  this  festival  Itzamna  was  worshiped  as  the  leader  of  the 
Bacabs.  and  an  important  rite  called  the  "extinction  of  the  fire" 


*The  iace  of  the  sun  may  be  seen  in  the  shrine  at  Palenque,  Casa  No.  4:  thebird  on 
the  cross,  Casa  No.  2;  the  tree  of  life  and  cross.  Casa  No.  ■;;  the  three  tablets   Casa  No.  i. 
tChichen  was  a  holy  city  among  ancient  cities,  p.  3;;,,  Landa.    See  xiii,  p.  344. 
iSee  Plates  of  the  crosses  at  Palencjue. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS.  395 

was  performed.*  The  Bacabs  were  supposed  to  blow  the  winds 
from  the  four  corners  of  the  earth  through  wind  instruments  or 
trumpets. t  It  was  in  the  second  period  of  the  Mayas  that  Cu- 
culkan  appeared,  and  was  the  culture  hero.  This  period  was  later 
than  that  of  Itzamna,  though  its  date  is  unknown  and  the  sym- 
bols were  different.  The  natives  affirm  that  there  were  twenty 
men,  the  chief  of  whom  was  Cuculkan,  that  they  wore  long 
robes  and  sandals  on  their  feet,  had  long  beards,  and  their  heads 
were  bare.  Cuculkan  was  the  tutelar  divinity  of  Yucatan,  as 
Votan  was  of  Chiapas,  and  Ouetzatlcoatl  was  of  Cholula.  His 
name  means  "feather  serpent,"  the  "mighty  serpent."^  He  was 
worshiped  in  Chichen-Itza,  a  city  whose  ruins  still  rank  among 
the  most  imposing  in  Central  America.  A  temple  was  built  in 
his  honor.  It  was  unlike  others  in  Yucatan.  It  had  circular 
walls,  and  tour  doors,  which  were  directed  toward  the  four  cardi- 
nal points,  with  a  staircase  guarded  by  serpents.  Under  the 
beneficent  rule  of  Cuculkan  the  nation  enjoyed  its  halcyon  days. 
At  length  the  time  drew  near  for  him  to  depart;  he  gathered  the 
chiefs  together  and  expounded  to  them  his  laws,  then  took  his 
journey  westward  toward  the  setting  sun.  The  people  believe 
that  he  ascended  to  the  heavens,  and  from  his  lofty  house  he 
watches  over  the  interests  of  his  adherents.  Such  was  the  tra- 
dition of  the  mythical  hero  as  told  by  the  Itzas.  Previous  to  the 
destruction  of  Mayapan,  temples  were  built  to  him,  and  he  was 
worshiped  throughout  the  land.  One  version  of  the  tradition 
about  Cuculkan  makes  him  arrive  from  the  west  and  return  to 
the  west,  while  that  concerning  Itzamna  and  Quetzatlcoatl  was 
that  they  came  from  the  east  and  returned  to  the  east.  With  this 
exception  the  chief  divinity  and  "culture  hero"  of  the  Mayas  and 
Nahuas  seem  to  have  been  very  similar.  There  is  another  point 
in  which  they  resemble  one  another,  they  all  prophecied  their 
return.  These  prophecies  were  obscure,  but  they  distinctly  re- 
fer to  the  arrival  of  white  and  bearded  strangers  from  the  east, 
who  should  control  the  land,  and  alter  the  prevailing  religion. 
These  prophecies  gave  rise  to  the  general  expectation,  so  that 
the  Spaniards  were  surprised  to  find  themselves  welcomed  as  the 
divinities  whose  advent  had  been  foretold. 

The  culture  hero  of  the  Peruvians  was  like  those  of  the  Mayas 
and  Nahuas  with  one  exception,  he  seemed  to  have  been 
at  the  outset  worshiped  as  a  supreme  being.§  Vira  Cocha 
was  the  name  of  this  "culture  hero,"  and  divinity.|l  He  was 
the  first  cause  and  ground  of  all  things.  He  made  the  sun, 
formed  the  moon,  and  gave  her  light;  he  created  the  beautiful 
aurora,  the  dawn  goddess;  the  twilight,  whose  messengers  were 

*Brinton's  Hero  Mytlis.    See  description  on  page  195. 

tThe  Mandans  say  that  four  tortoises  vomit  out  the  rains;  the  Navajoes  that  four  swans 
drained  tlie  eartli:  the  Riches  that  four  animals  brought  the  maize. 

:|See  Bancroft's  Antiquities,  page  22c),  and  Native  Races.  \'ol.  Ill,  page  325. 
tjSee  Brinton's  Gods  of  the  Kicbcs,  also  Native  Myths. 
llMyths  of  the  New  World. 


396  NA  2IVE  A MERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  fleecy  clouds,  who,  when  she  shakes  her  clustering  hair,  drops 
noiselessly  pearls  of  dew  on  the  green  grassy  fields.  Invisible 
himself,  the  rays  of  light  were  his  messengers,  faithful  soldiers, 
"shining  ones,"  who  conveyed  his  decrees  to  every  part.  He  was 
worshiped  as  a  creator.  He  was  not  the  sun,  but  was  the  creator 
of  the  sun,  the  incarnation  of  the  infinite  creator.  The  legend 
is,  that  two  brothers  started  from  the  distant  east,  and  journeyed 
to  the  west,  and  gave  names  to  the  places  as  they  passed.  They 
reached  the  western  ocean,  and  having  accomplished  all  they  had 
to  do  in  this  world,  they  ascended  into  heaven.  Still  there  is  a 
myth  that  Vira  Cocha  was  human.  At  a  remote  period  he  ap- 
peared to  the  tribes  as  an  elderly  man,  with  white  hair  and  flowing 
beard,  supporting  himself  on  a  staff' and  clothed  in  flowing  robes. 
He  met  the  same  fate  as  other  wise  teachers.  According  to 
another  myth,  he  had  a  host  of  attendants,  white  and  bearded 
like  himself.  When  they  reached  the  sea,  they  walked  out  upon 
the  waves  and  disappeared  in  the  west.  His  name  means  "foam 
of  the  sea."  Dr,  Brinton  thinks  that  this  story  is  founded  upon 
the  personification  of  the  sun,  the  god  of  light  and  of  wind.  The 
Peruvians  expected  the  return  of  Vira  Cocha,  so  that  the  Span- 
iards found  themselves  expected  guests  in  the  realms  of  the  Incas 
as  well  as  in  Yucatan.  There  were  "culture  heroes"  among  the 
other  races  of  South  America.  In  the  lofty  plateau  of  the  Andes, 
in  New  Granada,  was  the  home  of  the  Muyscas,  who  were  skilled 
in  smelting  and  beating  the  precious  metals,  and  were  fond  of 
agriculture.  They  attributed  their  various  arts  to  the  instruc- 
tions of  a  wise  stranger,  who  came  from  the  east,  and  whose 
path  led  to  the  holy  temple  at  Sogomoso.  His  hair  was  abund- 
ant, his  beard  fell  to  his  waist,  and  he  was  dressed  in  long  flowing 
robes.  At  night  he  retired  into  a  cave  in  the  mountain,  and 
again  reappeared  in  the  morning.  His  name  was  Chimizapagua. 
Another  name  applied  to  the  hero  god  was  Bochica.  He  is 
represented  as  the  supreme  male  divinity,  whose  female  associate 
is  the  rainbow,  the  goddess  of  rains  and  waters,  and  fertility, 
fields  and  child-bearing.  There  were  culture  heroes  also  in 
Brazil  and  even  in  Paraguay,  one  of  which  was  named  Tamu  or 
Zume,  called  our  ancestor,  whom  the  natives  regarded  as  a  ben- 
evolent old  man,  to  whom  they  attributed  their  arts.  He  came 
from  the  east,  the  sun-rising,  and  went  towards  the  east.  The 
impress  of  his  feet  was  left  upon  the  rock,  and  a  well-marked 
path  was  pointed  out  here  as  the  path  of  Bochica  in  New  Granada. 
The  interpretation  of  these  various  myths  given  by  Dr.  D.  G. 
Brinton  is  that  they  were  all  based  upon  the  personification  of 
the  sun  or  the  god  of  light,  since  the  most  of  them  came  from 
the  east,  though  he  does  not  explain  why  they  went  back  to  the 

♦The  culture  hero  of  the  Moqui  Cliff-dwellers  was  a  personage  who  appeared  poorly 
clad  and  was  for  a  time  despised,  but  he  introduced  many  arts,  and  is  now  looked  upon 
under  the  name  of  Montezuma,  as  the  great  divinity  and  benefactor. 


BEARDED  KING  AT  COPAN. 


BURIED  STATUE  AT  COPAN, 


CIJLTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS.  399 

east.  The  strange  thing  about  these  heroes  is  that  they  all 
have  beards  and  wear  long  robes,  which  are  sometimes  covered 
with  crosses.  They  were  evidently  prehistoric  in  their  appearance, 
and  were  worshiped  as  divinities;  and  yet  when  we  come  Jto 
identify  them  in  the  monuments,  we  find  few  human  figures 
which  have  either  beards,  or  robes  covered  with  crosses.* 

II.  This  leads  us  to  the  study  of  the  monuments.  Do  these 
anywhere  furnish  testimony  as  to  the  "  Culture  Heroes."  so  that 
we  can  identify  them,  and  fix  upon  the  localities  where  they  were 
worshiped?  This  is  an  important  question,  for  by  the  answer 
we  may  not  only  decide  as  to  the  difference  between  the  myths 
and  the  traditions,  but  verify  history.  In  taking  the  testimony 
of  the  monuments,  we  shall  consult  those  authors  who  have 
visited  them,  and  made  a  study  of  them,  among  whom  Mr.  J.  L. 
Stephens  is  regarded  as  chief  This  gentleman,  in  1840,  started 
with  his  companion,  Mr.  Catherwood,  from  New  York  for  Nica- 
ragua. The  two  were  fortunate  enough  to  strike  upon  the  very 
localities  where  the  chief  cities  of  the  ancient  Mayas  were  situ- 
ated, some  of  which  had  been  seen  by  the  Spaniards,  but  the 
majority  of  them  were  totally  unknown  to  the  conquerors.  They 
were  surprised  at  the  extent  and  magnificence  of  the  ruins,  but 
were  able  to  visit  many  of  them,  and  take  sketches  of  the  chief 
buildings  and  statues  and  works  of  art,  and  to  write  out  descrip- 
tions of  the  same.  The  ruins  were  scattered  over  a  wide  region 
ot  country,  some  of  them  in  Honduras  (Quirigua,  Copan), 
others  in  Guatemala  (Quiche,  Quezaltenago),  others  in  Chi- 
apas (Ocosingo,  Palenque),  others  in  Yucatan  (Uxmal,  Chichen- 
Itza,  Merida,  Kabah),  all  of  them  bearing  the  marks  of 
ancient  Maya  civilization.  The  publication  of  their  work  made 
a  great  sensation,  and  was  for  the  science  of  archaeology  nearly 
as  important  an  event  as  the  discovery  of  America  was  for  his- 
tory. A  few  explorers  had,  to  be  sure,  visited  the  region  before,t 
and  still  others  followed;  but  the  work  of  Stephens  is  the  most 
valuable  of  all.  Bancroft  says,  "The  accuracy  of  his  survey 
cannot  be  called  in  question."  It  was  with  great  difficulty  that 
the  overhanging  forest  trees  were  cleared  away,  and  the  lines 
were  run  out  which  secured  the  platting  of  the  various  ruins,  and 
the  location  of  the  pyramids,  palaces,  temples  and  altars,  with 
relation  to  one  another;  but  it  was  owing  to  these  measurements 
that  we  learn  the  length,  breadth  and  height  of  the  various  p}'ra- 
mids,  the  size  of  the  shrines  upon   them;    also  the   height  and 

*Charnay  discovered  sculptured  door-posts  at  Chichen-Itza  on  which  bearded  men  were 
depicted.  Stephens  has  described  two  of  the  idols  or  portrait  statues  at  Copan  as  haying 
beards.  Neither  of  these  have  crosses  on  their  garments,  though  there  are  different  Icinds 
of  crosses  among  the  symbols. 

tWaldeck,  a  French  artist,  in  1S35;  Norman,  from  New  Orleans,  in  '43;  Charnay,  the 
French  author,  in  '5S  and  again  in  '7S;  Friederichsthal  in  '41;  Capt.  Del  Rio,  1795;  Dupaix, 
1805  Col.  Galindo.  governor  of  the  province  of  Peten,  C.  A.,  explored  Copan  in  1S3;,  and 
published  an  account  in  the  bulletin  of  the  Societe  de  Geographic  of  Paris  and  in  .Ameri- 
can <ntiquari.a,n,  Soc,  Xrans.,  Vol.  II,  p.  545. 


400  NA TlYE  A MERICA N  S YMBOLISM. 

breadth  of  the  terraces  which  formed  the  platforms  to  the  palaces; 
the  size  and  location  of  the  different  rooms  in  the  palaces,  their 
courts  and  corridors;  also  the  length  of  the  walls  surrounding 
the  palaces;  the  size  of  the  carved  pillars  and  gigantic  faces  and 
sculptured  altars  which  surrounded  the  pyramids;  also  the  length 
and  breadth  of  the  tablets  confined  within  the  shrines  or  adora- 
torios.     From  these  we  determine  the  character  of  the  different 
buildings,  and  decide  which  were  devoted  to  purposes  of  royalty, 
which  were  used  for  religious  objects,  and  even  decide  as  to  the 
use  of  the  different  apartments  in  each  of  the  buildings.     The 
description  of  Mr.  Stephens  reveals  to  us   the  beauty    of  the 
sculpture  and  the  magnificence  of  the  architecture,  as  well  as 
the    grandeur    of    the    ruins.      It    is,    however,    owing    to    the 
skillful  hand  of  the  artist    Catherwood,  that  we  are  furnished 
with  drawings  which  bring  out  in  detail  all  the  ornaments  which 
were  wrought  into  the  fagades  of  the  palaces  and  of  the  shrines, 
and  even  the  sculptured  figures  or  portraits  embodied  in  the  stat- 
ues, and  are  able  to  study  the  symbols  and  hieroglyphics  which 
appear  on  them  in  great  numbers.     The  plates  in  the  book  are 
among  the  chief  sources  of  authority  and  information  on  these 
subjects,  and  well  repay  examination.     These  gentlemen  found 
the  most  interesting  objects  at  Copan.*  The  ruins  here  were  two 
miles  in  extent,  and  seemed  to  represent  a  palace  with  court-yards, 
and  buildings  around  the  courts,  situated  upon  terraced  pyramids, 
with  wide  steps  leading  to  the  buildings,  colossal  heads  upon  the 
sides  of  the  pyramids,  and,  what  is  most  interesting  of  all,  nine- 
teen statues,  covered  with  the  most  elaborate  sculptured  orna- 
ments, and   containing  the  figures  which   may  have  been  the 
portraits   of  the    kings   and    queens   who  occupied   the   palace. 
There  were  altars    covered  with  most   elaborate  symbols  near 
seven  of  these  statues,  conveying  the  idea  that  sacrifices  may 
have  been  offered  to  the  kings.     The  sculpture  upon  some  of 
the  statues  filled  the  travelers  with  astonishment,  for  it  was  very 
beautiful  and  elaborate,  as  can  be  seen  from  an  examination  of 
the  plates  and  the  cuts.     Quirigua,  about  twenty  miles  distant, 
presented  also  a  collection  of  statues  of  the  same  general  char- 
acter as  those  at  Copan,  but  somewhat  larger;  they  were  carved 
pillars,   with   figures  on  the  front  and  back,  and  heiroglpyhics 
on  the  sides,  some  of  them  twenty-three  feet  above  the  ground, 
with  a  base  projecting  fifteen  or  sixteen  feet.  At  Quiche  there  was 
an  extensive  fortress,  surrounded  with  ravines,  a  palace  and  a 
place  of  sacrifice,  but  no  statues  were  visible.     The  place  of 
sacrifice  was  an  isolated  pyramid,  broken  and  ruined,  but  was 
supposed  to  be  an  altar  erected  for  the  sacrifice  of  human  victims.! 
At  Palenque|  were  the  most  extensive  ruins,  most  of  the  build- 


*For  the  ground  plan  of  the  palace  at  Copan,  see  chapter  vii,  page  171. 
tincidents  of  Travel,  pp.  171. 309. 3i9-  ,  .      „ 

JThe  shrines  at  Palenque  are  shown  in  the  chapter  on  Pyramids,  pp.  182-1S3. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS.  401 

ings  facing  the  cardinal  points;  there  were  palaces  with  corridors 
and  courts,  and  sculptured  groups  in  the  courts,  also  a  shrine, 
with  a  sculptured  tablet  in  the  shrine.  Near  by,  were  various 
temples  or  shrines  which  contained  the  tablets,  and  were  named 
after  the  tablets  :  the  temple  of  the  cross,  the  temple  of  the  sun, 
the  temple  of  the  three  tablets.  These  shrines  or  adoratorios 
presented  on  their  facades  many  remarkable  figures  in  bas-relief, 
some  of  which  evidently  represented  divinities,  or  the  priests 
which  presided.  At  Ocosingo,  in  Chiapas,  was  a  terraced  hill  or 
elevation,  and  on  the  summit  a  pyramid  which  supported  a  stone 
building  eleven  by  eighteen  feet.  Over  the  doorway,  on  the  out- 
side, was  the  stucco  ornament  which  resembled  the  winged 
globe  of  the  Egyptian  temples.*  At  Uxmal  was  the  most  inter- 
esting group  of  ruins.  Here  was  the  building  known  as  the  gover- 
nor's house,  or  Casa  de  la  Gobernador;  a  pyramid  rising  in  three 
terraces,  the  sides  measuring  five  hundred  and  forty-five  feet  and 
reaching  the  height  of  forty  feet.  It  supports  a  building  three 
hundred  and  twenty-two  feet  long,  thirty-nine  feet  wide  and 
twenty-six  feet  high,  with  two  rows  of  corridors,  and  heavy 
cornices,  and  above  the  cornice,  beautiful  sculpture.  Here  was 
the  two-headed  idol  and  the  picot.f  also  the  Casa  de  Palomas, 
also  the  Casa  de  la  Viega  or  old  woman's  house,  so  named  from 
a  statue  lying  near  its  front ;  also  the  Casa  de  Monjas,  or  Nunnery, 
with  its  four  interior  faQades,  fronting  the  court,  with  the  cornice, 
which  covered  over  twenty-four  thousand  square  feet  for  the  four 
buildings,  filled  with  elegant  and  elaborate  sculpture.  This 
building  was  remarkable  for  its  symbolism.  Over  the  doorways 
of  the  southern  court  were  the  ornaments  which  resembled  a 
small  hut  or  shrine,  with  a  statue  seated  within  the  door,  and 
above  the  shrine  was  the  ornament  resembling  the  human  face 
and  eye;  lattice  work  and  ranges  of  pillars  on  either  side, J  On 
the  eastern  court  were  horizontal  bars  terminating  in  serpents' 
heads,  on  which  hung  a  gigantic  mask  or  human  face  with 
peculiar  head-dress,  ear  pendants  and  protruding  tongue,§  On 
the  western  court  was  the  serpent  temple,  a  building  whose 
faqade  was  covered  with  lattice  work,  ornaments  in  the  shape  of 
the  Greek  fret  and  two  massive  serpents  in  relief,  which  formed 
the  panels,  their  bodies  interlacing  and  surrounding  the  entire 
front,  the  tail  and  head  at  either  end  of  the  building  with  a 
human  face  within  the  jaws.  At  Chichen-Itza  were  the  numerous 
buildings  which  were  called  the  "castle,"  the  approach  to  which 
was  guarded  by  the  serpent  balustrade;  also  the  "gymnasium" 
'  with  its  stone  rings  in  the  shape  of  serpents;  also  the  buildings 
in  which  were  the  figures  sculptured  in  bas-relief,  representing 

♦This  winged  figure  resembled  that  on  the  facade  at  Palenque.    See  page  133. 
tCharnay  says,  "that  picots  were  placed  in  the  center  of  the  plaza  of  the  palace   at 
Qhichen-Itza,  and  slaves  were  fastened  to  them  to  be  punished. 

\A  cut  of  this  ornament  may  be  seen  in  "Cliff-dwellings  and  Ruined  Cities,"  page  307. 
glbid.,  page  325.    See  also  Bancroft's  Antiquities.,  page  1S3. 


4U2  iV^4  7 1 VE  A MERICA N  S  YMBOLISM. 

the  human  form  with  plumed  head-dress  and  bunches  of  bows 
and  arrows;  the  building  called  the  "red  house,"  called  by  Char- 
nay  the  "prison;"  and  the  circular  building  called  the  "caracol," 
or  winding  staircase,  by  Norman  the  "dome,"  which  contained 
the  stairways  with  balustrade,  formed  of  two  intertwined  serpents. 
The  castle  was  interesting,  because  it  contained  a  carved  door 
jamb  representing  a  prince  with  crown  and  peculiar  head-dress; 
a  sculptured  lintel  with  a  figure  engaged  in  mysterious  incanta- 
tion ;  also  a  shrine  in  which  were  square  pillars  and  carved  zapote 
beanis,  and  doorways  upon  the  four  sides;  and  the  serpent  balus- 
trade. 

(2.)  These  descriptions  of  Mr.  J.  L.  Stephens  were  for  a  long 
time  relied  upon  as  about  the  only  authority;  but  M.  Desire 
Charnay  has  made  two  visits  to  the  same  localities,  one  in  1858 
and  the  other  in  1878,  and  has  brought  out  some  new  points  in 
connection  with  the  ruins.  He  visited  Mexico  and  examined  the 
ruins  at  Tulan,  and  found  the  same  general  arrangement  of  apart- 
ments as  Stephens  had  seen  at  Uxmal  and  Palenque.  He  also 
passed  over  the  mountains,  and  reacheH  the  cities  of  the  Mayas, 
and  made  the  discovery  of  another  city,  to  which  he  has  given 
the  name  of  Lorillard.  He  took  photographs  of  the  various 
buildings  which  were  drawn  by  the  artist  Catherwood,  and  has 
furnished  some  interesting  descriptions  of  them  all.  The  result 
of  his  efforts  confirms  the  impressions  which  were  received  from 
the  engravings  and  descriptions  in  the  work  of  Stephens.  At 
Tulan  he  found  a  temple  consisting  of  pillars  in  the  shape  of  ser- 
pents, the  heads  of  which  formed  the  base  and  the  tails  the 
capital.  Similar  pillars  supported  the  fagade  of  the  building  El 
Castillo,  at  Chichen-Itza,  having  serpents'  heads  at  the  base  and 
feather  ornaments  at  the  sides,  thus  showing  that  the  same  sym- 
bols were  employed  by  the  two  races.  He  speaks  of  the  analogies 
between  the  sculptures  of  the  two  regions.  He  calls  it  all  Toltec. 
The  protruding  tongue  in  the  tablet  of  the  temple  of  the  sun, 
Casa  No.  i,  reminds  one  of  the  protruding  tongue  in  the  calendar 
stone  of  Mexico.  His  photographs  of  the  tablet  of  cross  No.  3 
at  Palenque  bring  out  the  fact  that  there  were  hidden  away  among 
the  foliage  which  forms  the  arms  of  the  cross,  certain  masks 
which  suggest  that  there  was  a  personal  element  as  well  as  the 
"nature  powers"  embodied  in  this  shrine.  The  face  near  the 
top  of  the  cross,  a  necklace  and  medallion  below  the  face,  rem.ind 
us  of  the  adornments  of  the  kings  and  chiefs.  These  photo- 
graphs bring  out  more  than  ever  the  magnificence  in  the  ornaments 
and  decorations  on  the  fagades  of  the  different  palaces,  those  on 
the  palace  at  Kabah  being  very  beautiful.*     The  facade  of  the 


*At  Ake  was  a  palace  with  a  court-yard  and  a  picot  in  the  center  of  the  plaza,  as  at 
Uxmal-  also  a  small  oval  pyramid,  a  tennis  court,  a  ruined  palace  and  a  great  gallery  o/ 
cohimns  At  Itzamal  a  massive  face  at  the  base  of  a  pyramid,  at  Chichen-Itza  a  perpen- 
diculai  pyramid,  the  base  occupied  by  eight  large  idols,  a  fortress  or  pyramid,  two  serpents 
forming  a  winding  stair-case. 


CLLTLRE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS. 


40c 


Dwarf's  House  or  Nunnery  is  very  imposing.  The  panoramic 
view  of  all  the  buildings  at  Uxmal  is  especially  interesting,  as  it 
enables  us  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the  character  of  the 
architecture  of  the  Mayas.  In  the  city  called  Lorillard  there 
was  a  magnificent  building  called  the  "first  temple,"  another 
called  the  "second  temple,"  another  called  the  "palace."  In 
these  are  sculptured  lintels  made  from  wood  and  stone  which 
represent  persons  in  royal  attire,  one  of  them  represents  a  sacrifice 
to  Cuculkan  or  a  penitential  scene.* 

(3.)  The  descriptions  and  engravings  furnished  by  these  two 
travelers  enable  us  to  recognize  the  differences  between  the 
different  classes  of  monuments,  for  we 
find  in  all  of  the  cities,  altars  devoted 
to  sacrifice,  pyramids  and  palaces  which 
were  devoted  to  royalty,  shrines  devoted 
to  worship,  all  having  ornaments  and 
symbols  which  were  correlated  to  the 
design  or  the  purpose  of  the  buildings 
themselves.  This  is  especially  appar- 
ent in  the  shrines  which  were  devoted  to 
specific  divinities,  for  the  sculptured  fig- 
ures on  some  of  the  temples,  whether 
outside  upon  the  facades,  or  upon  the 
piers  and  doorways,  or  upon  the  tablets 
in  the  inner  chamber,  are  all  significant 
of  the  worship  of  one  divinity,  the  one 
to  whom  the  temple  was  devoted.  Such 
shrines  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
palaces.  The  palaces  were  full  of  rooms, 
which  were  occupied  by  the  royal  family, 
and  between  the  rooms  were  courts  and 
corridors  and  apartments  of  state,  and 
all  the  conveniences  which  became  the 
home  of  royalty.  There  were  occasionally 
shrines  in  the  palace,  in  private  apart- 
ments, in  which  altars  and  tablets  were  erected.  Surrounding 
the  palaces  were  large  enclosures,  some  of  which  were  used  for 
gardens.  In  the  gardens,  at  the  foot  ot  the  pyramids,  there  were 
statues  decorated  with  the  adornments  of  royalty,  and  on  the 
sides  of  the  pyramids  gigantic  heads,  some  of  them  fifteen  feet 
high,  as  high  as  the  columns  themselves.  These,  however,  only 
confirm  the  impression  already  formed,  namely,  that  the  statues 
within  the  palaces  were  the  portraits  of  deified  kings,  that  the 
figures  on  the  tablets  in  the  shrines  represented  the  nature  divin- 
ities dressed  in  the  garb  of  priests  and  kings;  but  the  "Culture 
Heroes"  are  to  be  found  in  the  isolated  shrines  or  upon  the  pyr- 
amids which  contained  statues  upon  their  summits. 


Fig.  1. — Gigantic  Head. 


♦See  Ancient  Cities. 


404  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

This  shows  that  there  were  capitals,  in  which  kings  had  their 
seats  of  empire,  but  there  were  also  sacred  cities  devoted  to 
particular  gods.  Charnay  thinks  that  Palenque  was  not  a  royal 
palace,  but  a  priestly  habitation,  a  magnificent  convent  occupied 
by  the  clergy,  and,  like  Teotihuacan,  Izumal  and  Cozumal,  a  city 
resorted  to  as  a  place  of  pilgrimage.  He  thinks  that  there  were 
capitals  in  which  were  kingly  mansions,  and  that  the  history  of 
the  people  can  be  found  in  the  reliefs.  Tezcuco  of  New  Mexico 
may  have  been  such  a  capital  among  the  Nahuas;  Copan,  Chichen- 
Itza,  Quirigua,  Uxmal  and  Kabah  may  have  been  the  capitals 
of  the  Mayas.  Whether  there  were  cities  or  shrines  which 
were  sacred  to  the  culture  heroes  of  the  Mayas,  as  Cholula  was 
among  the  Toltecs,  remains  a  question.  The  national  divinities, 
such  as  Quetzatlcoatl,  Huitzilipochtli,  ruled  over  particular  cities 
among  the  Nahuas,  and  it  may  be  these  were  the  national  divini- 
ties of  the  Mayas.  The  palace  at  Tezcuco  was  a  collection  of 
buildings  composed  of  royal  residences,  public  offices,  courts  of 
law.  It  extends  from  east  to  west  1234  yards,  and  trom  north  to 
south  987  yards.  There  were  in  it  two  large  plazas  or  courts, 
one  of  which  served  as  a  public  market.  A  palace  devoted  to 
Quetzatlcoatl  had  halls  facing  the  four  cardinal  points.  The 
hall  of  gold  faced  to  the  east,  the  hall  of  emeralds  faced  to  the 
south,  the  hall  ot  silver,  decorated  with  sea  shells,  faced  to  the 
north,  and  the  hall  decorated  with  feather-work  faced  to  the  west. 
This  was  in  the  northern  province,  but  the  ruins  which  have 
been  found  in  the  southern  provinces  of  Yucatan  and  Guatemala 
are  more  magnificent  than  those  of  Mexico.  This  forces  upon 
us  the  conviction  that  there  were  three  classes  of  beings  that 
were  worshiped — nature  divinities,  culture  heroes  and  deified 
kings. 

(4.)  The  task  is  to  distinguish  the  divinities  from  kings.  The 
clue  is  furnished  to  us  by  the  study  of  the  symbols,  especially 
when  compared  with  the  ornaments,  the  first  being  found  on  the 
shrines,  the  last  on  the  palaces.  We  have  spoken  of  the  "por- 
trait statues."  Let  us  consider  their  location  and  peculiarities. 
The  most  of  them  are  at  Copan.  Here  the  ornaments  on  the 
statues  resemble  those  on  the  door-posts  and  facades  of  the  pal- 
aces, the  same  or  similar  ornaments  being  repeated.  On  the 
contrary,  at  Palenque  there  are  priestly  figures  on  the  tablets  in 
the  shrines  which  resemble  those  found  on  the  piers  and  fagades. 
As  a  rule,  the  ornaments  and  symbols  on  the  shrines  differ  from 
those  on  the  palaces,  and  the  symbols  on  the  palaces  differ  from 
those  on  the  altars,  those  on  the  altars  differ  from  those  on  the 
friezes  and  cornices  of  the  fagades.  This  shows  that  the  sym- 
bolism of  the  Mayas  was  correlated  to  the  design,  and  that  the 
distinction  between  the  royal  personages  and  the  nature  divini- 
ties prevailed  in  all  the  cities. 

(5  )  This  brings  us  to  the  main  question,  Does  the  study  of  the 


CULTURE  HEROES  A.\D  DEIFIED  KIXGS. 


405 


monuments  enable  us  to  identify  the  culture  heroes  ?  It  may  be  a 
little  thing  which  will  furnish  a  clue  by  which  to  identify  a  divin- 
ity— an  eye  for  Tlaloc,  a  bird  or  feather-headed  serpent  for 
Quetzatlcoatl,  a  vine,  or  leaf,  or  a  cross,  for  Centeotl,  the  god  of 
vegetation,  a  child  in  the  arms  for  the  god  of  maternity,  but  the 
analysis  of  these  figures  and  symbols,  especially  when  taken 
in  connection  with  the  study  of  the  architecture,  will  enable  us 
to  fix  upon  the  divinity  to  which  a  building,  shrine  or  tablet  was 
devoted. 

These  are  the  means  by  which  certain  gentlemen  have  sought 
to  identify  the  culture  heroes  with  certain  statues.  M.  Charnay 
has  described  the  pyramid  called  El  Castillo,  in  Chichen-Itza, 
and  thinks  that  the  building  on  it  was  a  shrine  to  Cuculkan  or 
Quetzatlcoatl,  for  this  is  the  pyramid  which  has  the  serpents  for 
balustrades,  and  the  feathered  serpent  is  the  symbol  of  this  "Culture 


Piy.  2. — atatae  of  Tlaloc. 

Hero."  He  has  ascribed  the  shrine  which  contains  cross  No.  2,  at 
Palenque,*  to  Tlaloc,  for  he  recognizes  the  eye  of  Tlaloc  in  one  of 
the  figures  on  the  facades  and  thinks  the  palm  leaves  and  masks 
were  also  emblems.  The  shrines  at  Uxmal  and  Lorillard,  espec- 
ially the  one  with  heavy  cornice  and  massive  pillars,  he  also 
ascribes  to  Cuculkan,  as  he  recognizes  the  feather-headed  serpent 
in  the  pillars.  The  stone  lintel  at  Lorillard  which  contains  a 
seated  figure  he  ascribes  to  the  same  divinity.  The  statue  repre- 
sented as  lying  upon  the  back  and  holding  a  vase  in  the  hands, 
which  was  found  by  M.  Le  Plongeon  at  Chichen-Itza,  he  ascribes 
to  Tlaloc  (Fig.  2),  inasmuch  as  there  are  carved  on  the  stone  a 
sheet  of  water,  aquatic  plants  and  fish,  all  of  which  are  the  em- 
blems of  Tlaloc.  Others,  however,  think  it  represents  the  Maya 
Bacchus,  or  god  of  wine.     The  doorpost  on  the  Castillo  at  Chich- 


*Charnay  and  Prof.  E.  B.  Holden  both  think  that  the  shrine,  Casa  No.  2,  at  Palenque, 
was  the  temple  of  the  god  of  war,  Huitzilopochtli,  and  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain. 


406  NA  Tl  VE  A MERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

en-Itza,  which  has  sculptured  figures  with  head-dress,  girdle, 
sash,  sandal,  wand  and  a  bearded  face,  with  the  vine  expressing 
speech  extending  from  the  mouth,  Charnay  thinks  represents 
Quetzatlcoatl.  on  account  of  the  beard.  Another  figure  on  the 
capital  above  the  pillars  has  a  turban  with  a  feather  head-dress 
and  stands  with  upraised  arms  supporting  the  entablature.  He 
wears  large  bracelets,  a  collar  of  precious  stones,  a  shield,  a  richly- 
embroidered  mantle  and  has  a  long,  flowing  beard  and  the  same 
symbols  ot  speech  in  front  of  him.  This  figure,  Charnay  thinks, 
also  represents  Quetzatlcoatl.  There  is  a  figure  or  a  statue  stand- 
ing on  a  pyramid  with  a  peculiar  head-dress,  a  garment  or  flow- 
ing robe  with  crosses  upon  it,  but  which  has  no  beard.  This 
statue,  Dr.  Hamy  thinks,  represents  Quetzatlcoatl,  for  he  recog- 
nizes the  symbols  of  that  hero,  the  cross  and  the  robe.  The 
tablet  of  the  cross,  No.  2,  at  Palenque,  Dr.  Brinton  thinks,  repre- 
sents Quetzatlcoatl,  as  it  contains  the  bird  on  the  summit  of  the 
cross,  and  represents  two  figures  as  offering  sacrifice  to  the  bird.* 
With  as  much  reason  we  may  identify  the  shrine  or  temple  with 
the  three  tablets,  as  the  shrine  of  the  goddess  Centeotl,  the  wife 
of  Tlaloc,  for  there  arc  three  figures  on  the  piers  of  this  temple 
which  represent  a  female  with  a  child  in  the  arms,  which  is  the 
emblem  of  this  goddess  among  the  Nahuas.  She  was  regarded 
as  the  goddess  of  maternity.  At  the  back  ot  the  shrine  is  the 
tablet  containing  the  prayer  to  the  goddess.  There  is  an  isolated 
pyramid  at  Palenque,  on  which  is  a  shrine  called  the  "temple  of  the 
beau-relief,"  and  in  the  shrine  the  tablet  shown  in  the  cut.  Fig.  3. 
It  represents  a  warrior  with  a  helmet,  sitting  on  a  globe,  the  globe 
resting  on  a  double-headed  throne,  the  attitude  of  the  figure  be- 
ing expressive  of  awe,  or  as  if  commanding  silence.  This  has 
not  been  identified  with  any  particular  divinity  or  culture  hero, 
yet  the  elegance  of  the  figure  and  the  finish  of  the  art  in  the  tab- 
let and  the  isolation  of  the  pyramid  and  the  shrine,  show  that 
it  was  an  important  divinity.  It  may  represent  Cuculkan,  the 
Maya  "Culture  Hero,"  who  was  the  god  of  air  personified,  or, 
what  is  more  probable,  the  Maya  god  of  war,  for  Huitzilopochtli, 
the  Aztec  god  of  war,  is  described  by  the  early  writers  as  an 
image  seated  on  an  "azure  globe,"  under  a  canopy  which  sym- 
bolized the  heavens,  and  as  richly  decorated,  though  the  figure 
and  the  throne  remind  us  of  the  Hindoo  goddess  Kali. 

III.  This  leads  us  to  the  subject  of  the  deified  kings.  We 
have  already  spoken  of  the  difference  between  the  pyramids  on 
which  were  the  palaces  and  those  on  which  were  the  shrines  or 
temples,  and  have  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  monuments  and 
ornaments  were  correlated  to  them.  This  point  is  illustrated 
still  more  by  the  study  of  the  so-called  portrait  columns. 
These  have  been  taken  as  representing  the  "Culture  Heroes" 
or  the  personal  divinities,  and  they  have  been  compared  to  the 
figures  on  the  tablets;  but  we  maintain  that  they  were  the  por- 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS. 


407 


traits  of  kings,  and  that  they  illustrate  the  paraphernalia  of 
royalty.  While  there  are  upon  them,  especially  upon  the  back, 
symbols  reminding  us  of  symbols  of  the  nature  gods,  especially 
of  Tlaloc,  the  "  rain  god,"  yet  the  fact  that  the  faces  upon  them 
are  so  life-like  proves  that  they  were  the  portraits  ot  kings. 


''-^f^y' '  ^/ 


w^^ 


l!l!l|ia!!il!IMiP!lrlli!!lt!!i|illli||!|!i 


Fig .  J.— Sealed  Figure  ai  FaUnquc,  rcpre-senliny  ,,c^    u._-a  v./    War. 

We  are  to  notice  here  that  there  was  a  difference  between  the 
decorations  of  the  kings  and  that  of  the  priests,  those  of  the 
kings  being  very  elaborate  and  abounding  with  many  personal 
ornaments;  those  of  the  priests  being  plainer  but  more  symbolic. 
We  shall  see  this  if  we  compare  the  different  figures  and  statues 
which  Mr.  J.  L.  Stephens  discovered  at  the  foot  of  the  pyramids 
of  Copan  with  those  figures  which  he  saw  on  the  bas-reliefs 
which  covered  the  facades  at  Palenque.  We  maintain  that  the 
former  represent  the  forms  of  kings  and  chiefs,  clothed  in  their 


408 


XA  n  VE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


official  regalia ;  but  the  latter  represent  the  priests,  who  are 
clothed  in  priestly  garments  and  at  the  same  time  bore  the  sym- 
bols of  the  divinities  which  they  served.  The  especial  illustra- 
tion is  that  found  on  the  tacade  of  the  adoratorio  Casa  No.  2,  at 
Palenque ;  here  there  is  a  figure  of  a  king  on  one  side  of  the  door 
way  and  a  priest  upon  the  other,  while  within  the  shrine  is  the 
mask  which  represents  the  sun,  with  a  protruding  tongue,  sus- 
pended to  the  cross-bars.  These  exhibit  the  three  classes,  kings, 
priests  and  nature  divinities.  Holden  maintains  that  the  Palenque 
bas-reliefs  and  the  portrait  statues  represent  the  nature  divinities, 
and  has  written  a  labored  article  to  prove  this,  giving  the  symbols 
found  in  the  two  localities.  He  speaks  of  the  crotalus  jaw* 
over  the  head  of  the  idol  described  by  Stephens ;  also  of  the 
birds'  heads  and  plumes  and  other  ornaments  in  the  head-dresses 

of  kings  and  queens,  as  if 
they  were  repeated  on  the 
bodies  of  the  priests;  and 
from  these  resemblances  un- 
dertakes to  give  a  clue  to 
the  solution  of  the  hiero- 
glyphics. The  comparison 
is  far  fetched,  for  there  is 
very  little  that  is  common 
between  the  two  classes  of 
figures,  the  regalia  in  the 
sculptured  figures  showing 
that  they  were  kings,  but 
the  attire  on  the  stucco 
figures  showing  that  they 
were  priests.  If  the 
learned  professor  had  taken 
the  back  of  some  of  these 
statues  and  compared  them 
with  those  on  the  front  of 
the   shrine,  he  would  have 

Mg.i-I'onUffKingatCopan..  ^^^^_^       ^^^^      ^^^^j^      ^^^^^^ 

right,  for  we  find  here  the  same  symbols,  the  glaring  eye  of  the 
god  Tlaloc,  which  is  a  symbol  of  the  rain  drop;  the  peculiar 
scroll  or  curl  which  represents  the  whirlwind;  also  the  wind 
symbol,  which  has  the  shape  of  the  elongated  tongue  or  divided 
staff;  also  the  various  crosses,  the  cross-hatching,  whichf  rep- 


*The  reader  will  find  in  the  chapter  on  Pyramids,  chap,  vii,  p.  133,  this  shrine;  also  plates 
representing  these  figures.  The  chapter  on  "Serpent  Symbol,"  plate  2.  represents  the  por- 
trait columns  at  Copan.  On  page  108,  plate  10.  is  a  statue  lepresenting  the  goddess  of 
death,  with  all  its  ghastly  symbols.  We  can  easily  see  that  there  is  a  great  difference  be- 
tween the  three  classes  of  figures,  for  one  has  the  royal  regalia,  another  has  the  priestly  robe 
and  the  third  has  the  symbols  of  the  nature  powers. 

tThere  are  cross-hatchings  upon  the  altars  at  Copan,  and  a  death's  head  and  a  Tlaloc 
eye,  all  of  which  are  symbols  of  the  d  tterent  divinities.  The  resemblance  of  these  orna- 
ments on  the  back  of  the  statues  to  those  on  the  altars,  shows  that  the  kings  were  under  the 
control  of  the  same  tutelar  divinity. 


TURBANED  KING  AT  COPAN. 


XI 


DWARF  STATUE  FROM  COPAN. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS. 


411 


resents  the  serpent's  skin,  the  eagle's  beak  and  the  parrot's  beak, 
one  of  which  is  the  symbol  of  the  god  Tlaloc  and  the  other  of 
the  god  of  war.  These  symbols,  which  are  on  the  back  of  the 
statues,  show  the  divinities  which  were  worshiped,  but  those  on 
the  front  were  evidently  the  portraits  of  the  royal  family.  This 
is  confirmed  by  comparing  the  figures  which  are  on  the  Tizoc 
stone  in  Mexico  with  those  on  the  bas-relief  at  Palenque.  The 
first  evidently  represents  a  king  triumphing  over  conquered  kings; 
whereas  the  bas-reliefs  represent  the  priests  which  were  connected 


Fig    5.— The  Tizoc  Stone. 

with  the  shrines  and  the  divinities  which  were  worshiped  in  them.* 
There  are  few  monuments  whici{  show  greater  contrasts  than  do 
the  Tizoc  stone  and  the  Palenque  tablets. 

The  figures  on  the  stone  show  what  was  the  royal  attire  of  the 
Aztec  kmgs,  while  those  on  the  bas-reliefs  show  the  attire  of  the 
priests,  and  perhaps  the  conventional  dress  of  the  culture  heroes, 
as  well  as  the  attire  of  the  common  people.  There  were  in  three 
of  the  shrines  two  figures  which  were  dressed  alike.  They  had 
the  same  attitudes  and  were  engaged  in  the  same  act  of  sacrifice. 
These  may  be  seen  standing  on  either  side  of  the  cross,  which 
was  the  central  object  of  worship  and  which  symbolized  the  nature 
powers.  In  one  tablet,  the  tablet  of  the  sun,  they  stand  upon 
crouching  human  figures;  in  another,  the  tablet  of  the  tree,  they 
stand  upon  the  corolla  of  a  flower  or  branch  of  a  vine;  in  a 
third,  the  tablet  of  the  bird  and  cross,  they  are  standing  upon  an 
altar.     They  are  surrounded  by  hieroglyphics,  which  may  have 


*See  Charnay's  description  of  bas-i'clicfs  in  tennis  court  at  Chichen-Itza,  p.  362. 


412 


NAllVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 


been  intended  for  a  prayer.  Their  attire  is  made  up  of  drapery 
which  falls  in  folds,  and  probably  represents  the  common  attire 
of  the  people,  especially  the  better  class.  They  represent  two 
persons,  male  and  female,  offering  sacrifice.  Corresponding  to 
these,  on  the  outside  of  the  temple  of  the  sun,  there  are  two 
figures — one  clad  in  the  attire  of  a  king,  the  other  of  a  priest.  See 
Plates,  These  may  have  been  intended  to  represent  the  divin- 
ities Tlaloc,  the  god  of  rain,  and  Huitzilipochtli,  the  god  of  war; 
but  if  so  they  were  gods  who  were  clothed  in  the  attire  of  kings 

and  priests.*  The  comparison  of 
these  figures  will  enable  us  to 
see  the  manner  of  representing 
the  different  classes;  those  on 
the  central  tablets  were  symbolic 
of  the  nature  divinities;  those 
on  the  outer  tablets  represent- 
ing the  common  people  offering 
sacrifices;  those  on  the  facades 
or  piers,  kings  and  priests,  wait- 
ing upon  or  worshiping  the 
nature  divinities,  the  god  of  war, 
of  rain,  the  air  and  sun. 

There  are,  however,  figures  on 
the  bas-reliefs  in  the  palace  at 
Palenque  which  represent  war- 
riors or  kings,  with  captives 
before  them.  These  figures  are 
clothed  almost  exactly  the  same 
as  are  the  figures  on  the  Tizoc 
stone  and  are  in  the  same  atti- 
tude. Stephens  says:  "The  prin- 
cipal personage  stands  in  an  up- 
right position,  and  exhibits  an 
extraordinary  facial  angle.  Sup- 
posing the  statues  to  be  images  of  living  personages,  they  indicate 
a  race  now  lost  and  unknown.  The  head  dress  is  evidently  a  plume 
of  feathers;  over  the  shoulders  is  a  collar  decorated  with  studs, 
and  a  breastplate;  part  of  the  ornament  of  the  girdle  is  broken; 
the  tunic  is  probably  a  leopard's  skin;  the  whole  dress  no  doubt 
exhibits  the  costume  of  this  unknown  people.  At  his  feet  are  two 
naked  figures  seated  cross-legged,  and  apparently^suppliants." 

*Prof.  Holden  says:  "This  is  the  templeof  the  god  Huitzilopoc  htli  and  his  equal  Tlaloc. 
The  symbols  on  the  roof  and  cornice  refer  to  these,  as  the  faces  at  the  ends  ol  the  cornice, 
with  the  double  lines  for  eye  and  mouth,  are  unmistakably  Tlaloc  signs.  On  one  of  the 
figures  on  the  piers  we  also  find  the  sandals,  the  belt,  the  front  pendant,  the  bracelets,  the 
neck  ornament,  the  helmet,  the  shield,  the  crescent  moon,  the  back  ornament,  the  twisted 
cords,  the  eagle  head  and  the  twisted  serpent  in  the  hand,  all  of  which  are  symbols  of  the 
god  of  war.  On  the  other  pier  is  the  sorcerer  Tlaloc,  blowing  the  wind  from  his  mouth.  He 
has  the  eagle  in  his  head-dress,  the  jaw  with  grinders,  the  peculiar  eye,  the  four  Tlaloc  dots 
on  his  ear,  the  snake  between  his  legs,  the  four  Tlaloc  dots  again  in  his  liead-dress  the 
leopard-skin  on  his  oack  (the  tiger  was  the  earth  in  Mexico) ,  and  the  naked  feet  have  pecu- 
liar anklets,  all  of  which  should  be  noticed  as  the  symbols  of  the  rain  god  of  the  Aztecs." 


Fig.  6.— Cacique  and  Kneeling  Figure. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KIXGS.  413 

Another  bas-relief  was  upon  the  pier  which  faced  the  western 
-corridor  of  the  palace.  The  subject  consists  of  two  figures  with 
facial  angles  similar  to  that  already  f^iven,  plumes  of  feathers 
and  other  decorations  for  head-dresses,  necklaces,  girdles  and 
sandals.  Each  has  hold  of  the  same  curious  baton,  which  re- 
sembles a  serpent,  and  opposite  their  hands  are  hieroglyphics. 
On  the  adjoining  pier  is  a  bas-relief  representing  two  figures,  one 
kneeling  as  if  to  receive  an  honor,  and  the  other  a  blow."  See 
Fig.  6.  The  standing  figure  here  seems  to  be  that  of  a  warrior, 
as  there  is  an  ornamental  battle-axe  projecting  over  the  right 
shoulder  and  a  wand  is  held  in  the  left  hand.* 

The  same  point  is  illustrated  by  the  figures  which  are  described 
by  Charnay  as  carved  upon  the  stone  lintels  at  Lorillard  City, 
for  these  represent  royalty  in  the  act  of  devotion,  one  of  them 
standing,  the  other  kneeling.  The  kneeling  figure  is  a  female 
figure  who,  as  a  royal  penitent,  was  undergoing  the  painful  cer- 
emony of  drawing  the  rope  covered  with  thorns  through  her 
tongue  as  an  act  of  penance  or  sacrifice;  while  the  male  figure, 
called  the  Achcantli,  carries  in  his  hand  a  palm  branch  or  sceptre 
and  encourages  the  penitent  in  her  painful  task.  The  head- 
dress, wide  collar,  heavy  bracelets,  ear-rings  and  superb  mantle 
of  the  kneeling  figure  show  how  rich  was  the  royal  attire.  We 
think  that  any  one  who  examines  the  engravings  and  studies  out 
the  different  ornaments  contained  in  the  head-dresses  will  con- 
clude that  they  represented  the  royal  attire  and  that  this  was 
very  different  from  the  priestly  garb.  We  acknowledge  that  the 
various  parts  of  the  royal  attire  were  full  of  symbols,  but  this  is 
only  in  accord  with  the  custom  of  the  aborigines  of  America. 
They  show  that  there  was  a  development  of  ornamentation  on 
this  continent  as  well  as  symbolism.  We  may  take  each  part  of 
the  dress  of  kings  and  chiefs  and  examine  them  in  turn  and 
find  that  they  were  all  emblematic  of  the  occupation,  rank  and 
ofifice  of  the  person  that  wore  them.  We  may  begin  with  the 
savages  and  work  up  to  the  civilized  races  and  find  that  each  article 
of  dress  grew  into  elegance  and  finish,  and  at  the  same  time 
increased  in  its  significance  and  symbolic  use;  but  the  fact  helps 
us  to  identify  the  different  classes  and  distinguish  between  the 
kings  and  priests,  and  between  these  and  other  culture  heroes. 

The  same  lesson  may  be  learned  from  some  of  the  figures 
which  were  discovered  by  Charnay  in  the  building  called  "  the 
castle."  Here  there  was  a  single  tablet  which  had  three  figures 
upon  it,  the  central  clad  in  the  attire  of  a  king;  the  one  above  it 

♦The  crown  on  the  head  is  said  to  contain  an  elephant's  trunk,  but  the  engraving  shows 
that  it  was  the  usual  animal-headed  casque  or  helmet,  such  as  was  commonly  worn  by  war- 
riors. The  ornament  which  has  been  taken  for  the  elephant's  trunk  is  only  the  divided 
staff,  wliich  is  the  usual  sign  of  speech.  To  prove  this  we  shall  refer  to  two  bas-reliefs. 
One  of  these  is  on  the  door-way  in  room  No.  i  of  the  same  palace.  Here  tlie  helmet  has 
waving  feathers  projecting  from  it,  but  is  made  from  the  upper  jaw  ot  some  monster  with  a 

flaring  eye  and  a  long  protruding  nose,  something  like  a  tapir,  which  here  is  turned  up  and 
ack,  but  which  cannot  be  taken  for  an  elephant's  trunk.    Stephen's  Yucatan,  Vol.  II,  p.  319 


AIR  GOD  DRESSED  AS  A  KING. 

From  the  Tablet  on  the  Left  Pier  of  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Palenque. 


RAIN  GOD  DRESSED  AS  A  PRIEST. 
From  the  Temple  of  the  Sun  at  Palenque.    Tablet  on  the  Right  Pier. 


416  NA  Tl  VE  A  MERICAN  S  YMBOLISM. 

having  the  form,  face,  attitude  and  peculiarities  of  the  culture 
hero  Cuculkan,  as  it  had  a  beard,  and  was  peculiarly  draped  and 
adorned  ;  the  one  below  has  the  face  of  Tlaloc,'  the  god  of  rain. 
This  tablet  represents  a  king  attended  by  two  divinities,  the  god 
of  air  and  the  god  of  rain.  It  was  evidently  erected  in  honor  of 
some  historic  king. 

"At  Kabah  is  shown  two  remarkable  bas-reliefs  raised  in  honor 
of  allied  caciques.  Like  the  Tizoc  stone,  they  represent  a  con- 
queror in  rich  Yucatec  costume  receiving  the  sword  ot  a  captive 
Aztec*  The  head-dress  of  each  is  covered  with  long  waving 
plumes,  which  rise  above  the  crown  and  fall  to  the  very  feet. 
The  crown  itself  of  one  of  the  figures  is  also  fashioned  out  of 
the  head  of  an  animal,  like  those  of  the  Mexican  manuscripts." 
Before  the  other  figure  there  kneels  a  king  or  cacique,  with  a 
weapon  in  his  hand  which  resembles  the  flint-edged  sword  used 
at  the  present  day.  It  has  on  its  head  the  usual  feathered  head- 
dress. 

The  place  where  the  best  illustration  of  the  costume  and  re- 
galia oi  kings  is  found  at  Copan.  Here  there  are  statues  or 
idols,  in  which  are  the  portraits  of  kings  and  queens,  covered 
with  the  most  elaborate  and  complicated  series  of  sculptured 
figures,  all  of  which,  when  they  come  to  be  analyzed,  prove  to 
be  the  various  parts  of  the  kingly  dress,  including  the  crown  or 
head-dress,  the  necklace  and  collar,  shoulder  piece,  breastplate, 
medallions  on  the  breastplate,  wristlets,  kilt  or  skirt,  with  its 
medallions  and  other  ornaments  and  fringes,  the  girdle  and  sash 
which  hangs  suspended  from  it,  the  elaborate  gaiters  and  anklets, 
the  sandals  and  footwear.  These  idols  were  for  the  most  part 
situated  on  the  ground,  separated  from  any  shrine  or  temple,  but 
near  the  terraced  pyramid  which  supported  the  palace;  two  of 
them  at  the  very  toot  of  the  pyramid,!  but  seventeen  of  them  in 
a  court  or  garden  a  little  removed  from  the  palace.  The  follow- 
ing is  Mr.  Stephens'  description  of  them.  He  says:  "At  the 
point  marked  L  stands  one  of  the  columns  or  idols  which  give 
the  peculiar  character  to  the  ruins  at  Copan.  It  stands  about 
six  feet  from  the  base  of  the  pyramid  wall.  It  is  thirteen  feet  in 
height,  four  feet  in  front,  three  deep.  It  is  sculptured  on  all  four 
sides,  from  the  base  to  top,  and  is  one  of  the  richest  and  most 
elaborate  specimens  in  the  whole  extent  of  the  ruins.  Before 
it,  at  a  distance  of  eight  feet,  is  a  huge  block  of  sculptured  stone, 
which  the  Indians  call  an  altar,  Following  the  wall  is  another 
monument,  or  idol,  of  the  same  size  and  in  many  respects  simi- 
lar.    The  character  of  this  image  as  it  stands  at  the  foot  of  the 

*Ancient  Cities,  p  3S9. 

tThese  are  the  idols  which  Professor  Holden  has  considered  identical,  and  which  he  has 
described  as  containing  the  same  symbols  as  the  serpent  idol,  or  god  ot  death,  which  stood 
over  the  gateway  to  the  teocali  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  referring  to  the  crotalus  ijaw  in  the 
mask,  and  the  solid  ovals  in  the  skirt  as  evidence.  A  plate  representing  it  may  be  seen  in 
the  chapter  on  Serpent  Worship,  p.  no. 


FROM  THE  INNER  TABLET  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  THE  SUN. 
The  symbols  on  the  central  tablet  are  as  follows:    i.  Two  staffs  arranged  as  a  St.  Andrews  cross.    2.  A  mask 
with  four  rosettes,  a  concentric  circle,  a  serpent  for  a  nose,  a  wind  coil  for  an  eye,  a  protruding  tongue.    3.  A  beam 
with  cross-hatchings,  four  dots  and  a  face  with  protruding  tongue.    4-  Crouching  figures  with   llaloc  eyes;  two  of 
them  dressed  as  priests,    c.  Cross  in  a  circle,  divided  staffs  or  wind  symbols,  and  masks. 


418  NAllVE  AiMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

pyramid  is  grand,  and  it  would  be  difficult  to  exceed  the  rich- 
ness of  the  ornament  and  sharpness  of  the  sculpture." 

The  large  number  of  idols  found  by  Mr.  Stephens  were  at 
some  distance  from  the  pyramid,  in  a  court  which  may  have 
been  either  the  cemetery  or  the  garden,  as  it  was  surrounded  by 
a  terraced  wall,  and  was  filled  with  idols  and  altars  which  faced 
in  toward  the  court.  "The  first,  on  the  point  marked  K,  was 
fallen  and  the  lace  destroyed.  At  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
feet  stands  the  one  marked  S,  with  its  front  to  the  east,  on  a 
pedestal  six  feet  square.  Before  it  at  a  distance  of  eight  feet 
ten  inches,  is  an  altar.  The  engravings  represent  the  front  and 
back  view.  The  front  is  supposed  to  be  the  figure  of  a  woman, 
and  the  countenance  presents  traits  of  individuality  leading  to 
the  supposition  that  it  is  a  portrait.  The  back  is  a  different  sub- 
ject." See  Plate.*  Here  at  the  top  is  a  crown  of  featherwork, 
which  gracefully  falls  away  from  the  helmet,  which  has  the  face 
of  Tlaloc.  Below  this  is  a  diadem  which  hangs  across  the  fore- 
head. On  the  shoulders  is  an  elaborate  collar  or  necklace,  com- 
posed of  precious  stones,  and  a  shoulder-piece  wrought  into  the 
shape  of  trailing  vines.  On  the  hands  and  arms  are  wide  wrist- 
lets made  of  some  rich  material.  A  medallion  hangs  suspended 
between  the  arms.  A  fringe  or  overskirt  may  be  seen  below  the 
arms.  Three  sashes  fall  gracefully  over  the  skirt,  one  of  them 
reaching  to  the  ground.  The  skirt  is  wrought  into  the  usual 
pattern,  with  cross  hatching  over  a  plain  fabric.  It  has  a  ruffle 
at  its  lower  edge,  which  seems  to  be  covered  with  a  row  of  prec- 
ious stones.  The  feet  are  wrapped  in  moccasins,  with  a  heavy 
border  at  the  back,  and  resemble  those  of  a  China  woman. 

The  symbols  on  this  statue  are  as  follows  :  On  the  back,  the 
face  of  Tlaloc,  the  rain  god,  with  its  heavy  grinders,  sunken 
cheek,  bulging  eye.  and  other  symbols  peculiar  to  that  divinity. 
This  face  is  seen  in  the  center  of  the  statue,  on  the  back  of  the 
female,  and  is  surrounded  by  a  graceful  framework  of  drapery, 
with  fringes  and  folds,  and  medallions  in  the  folds.  The  most 
remarkable  symbol  is  the  one  which  may  be  seen  on  the  forehead 
of  Tlaloc.  This  is  the  same  symbol  which  was  seen  on  the  cast 
of  the  altar  at  the  World's  Fair,  and  which  there  called  forth 
remark,  as  it  was  said  to  be  a  phallic  ornament  and  to  have  a 
mythologic  significance.  The  next  figure  is  still  more  remarka- 
ble, for  it  seems  to  be  the  figure  of  a  king,  but  a  king  with  a 
peculiarly  glaring  eye.  Stephens  says  of  it :  "It  is  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  in  Copan,  and  is  equal  to  the  finest  Egyptian 
sculpture.  It  stands  at  the  foot  of  a  wall  of  steps,  with  only  the 
head  and  part  of  the  breast  rising  above  the  earth.  The  eyes 
in  this  statue  turn  out  very  much  as  the  eyes  of  the  natives  of 
this  region  do  at  the  present  time.     See  Plate,t 

*Female  Statue.  Charnay  thinks  that  the  same  idol  personifies  several  divinities— the 
dragon's  jaw,  Quetzatlcoatl;  the  woman's  face,  Centeotl,  or  the  Mexican  Ceres;  the  face  on 
the  back.  Tlaloc.        fSee  Plate  of  the  Buried  Statue. 


CULTURE  HEROES  AND  DEIFIED  KINGS.  419 

Near  this  was  the  statue  we  call  the  "bearded  king."  It  will  be 
noticed  that  there  is  no  feather  head-dress  on  this  king,  but  the 
collar  is  made  of  a  mosaic  of  precious  stones.  The  breastplate 
and  shonlder-pieces  are  very  elaborate.  The  skirt  is  decorated 
with  a  double  fringe,  medallions  and  solid  ovals  ;  sashes  fall  over 
the  skirt,  one  of  them  terminating  in  a  peculiar  ornament  resem- 
bling serpents'  fangs.  For  garters,  there  are  two  rows  of  precious 
stones  and  medallions;  anklets  are  highly  ornamental,  a  rosette 
and  frill  between  the  ankles.  We  recognize  no  symbol  on  this 
statue  except  the  serpents'  fang  and  the  solid  ovals.  It  stands 
at  the  foot  of  a  wall  rising  in  steps  to  the  height  of  thirty  or 
forty  feet.  Its  height  is  eleven  feet  nine  inches.  See  plate. 
Before  it,  at  a  distance  of  twelve  feet,  is  a  colossal  altar.  It 
appears  to  represent  the  portrait  of  a  king  or  hero,  perhaps 
erected  into  a  deity.  It  is  judged  to  be  a  portrait,  and  its  sex  is 
ascertained  by  the  beard  and  mustache.  The  altar  is  seven  feet 
square  and  four  feet  high,  and  richly  sculptured  on  all  sides. 
The  front  represents  a  death's  head.  The  top  is  sculptured  and 
contains  grooves  for  the  passage  of  the  blood  of  the  victims. 

The  next  engraving  represents  the  "turbaned  king."  "It  ex- 
hibits the  front  of  a  monument  twelve  feet  high,  four  feet  wide, 
v/hich  stands  on  a  pedestal  seven  feet  square.  The  front  view 
seems  a  portrait,  probably  of  some  deified  king  or  hero.  The 
two  ornaments  at  the  top  appear  like  the  trunk  of  an  elephant. 
A  crocodile's  head  was  seven  feet  from  it,  but  appears  to  have 
no  connection  with  it."  The  back  presents  a  different  subject. 
The  decorations  of  royalty  on  this  statue  are  as  follows :  The 
turban  on  the  head,  which  is  covered  with  ornamented  drapery; 
this  turban  makes  the  face  resemble  that  of  a  Chinese  mandarin, 
and  reminds  us  of  the  Tartar  mode  of  covering  the  head.  Below 
this  is  the  chin-piece,  which  seems  to  be  attached  to  the  breast- 
plate, and  projects  as  high  as  the  cheek.  The  breastplate  and 
shoulder-pieces  on  this  statue  are  very  elaborate,  but  they  con- 
tain no  symbols.  The  skirt  is  covered  with  medallions  and  has 
a  fringe  made  up  of  solid  ovals,  a  heavy  sash  or  maxtli  falling 
over  the  skirt,  and  garters  which  seem  to  be  connected  with  the 
maxtli.  There  are  many  symbols  on  this  statue,  but  the  regalia 
is  more  striking  and  prominent  than  the  symbols.  The  symbols 
on  this  monument  are  as  follows .  (i.)  The  three  dots  or  spotted 
disks  at  the  top,  in  front,  and  at  the  sides  of  the  figure,  a  sym- 
bol which  is  repeated  four  or  five  times  on  the  back  of  the  mon- 
ument. (2.)  The  two  whorls  or  coils  situated  between  the 
elephant's  trunk,  so-called,  a  symbol  which  is  very  common  and 
is  often  repeated  in  the  other  monuments.  (3.)  The  medallions 
which  hang  suspended  from  the  arms  and  from  ornaments  on 
the  skirt,  the  medallions  facing  each  way.  (4.)  The  solid  ovals 
which  form  the  fringe  of  the  skirt  and  the  ornament  on  the  sash. 
(5.)  The  most  remarkable  symbol  is  the  one  which   is  seen  on 


420  NA IIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  back.  It  represents  the  face  of  the  sun  orod  with  open  mouth, 
protruding  tongue,  glaring  eye;  every  part  connected  with  or- 
naments and  symbols,  that  the  face  is  recognized  only  after  a 
close  study  of  the  different  parts  and  comparing  it  with  the  face 
on  the  altar. 

The  next  engraving  represents  a  monument  seventy-two  feet 
north  from  the  last.  The  front  is  toward  the  west.  It  is  twelve 
feet  high,  on  a  pedestal  six  feet  square.  Before  it,  at  a  distance 
of  eleven  feet,  is  an  altar  very  much  defaced.  The  front  view  is 
a  portrait.  The  back  is  made  up  of  hieroglyphics  arranged  in 
tablets.  Each  tablet  has  two  hieroglyphics  joined  together.  The 
tablets  probably  contain  the  history  of  the  king  or  hero  deline- 
ated. The  royal  regalia  on  this  statue  is  also  very  elaborate. 
On  the  head  is  a  peculiar  framework,  which  seems  to  be  com- 
posed of  four  bars;  decorated  and  elaborate.  On  the  shoulders 
are  many  highly  wrought  ornaments.  The  necklace  is  made 
from  precious  stones.  The  skirt  is  also  decorated  with  orna- 
ments, but  the  garters  and  anklets  are  the  most  elaborate  part  of 
the  dress.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  legs,  knees  and  feet  were 
loaded  with  jewels.  The  only  symbols  on  this  statue  are  as  fol- 
lows: At  the  top  of  the  ornament  is  the  head  of  Tlaloc,  with  the 
usual  eye,  open  mouth,  sunken  cheeks,  with  three  dots  on  either 
side  of  the  head  and  a  diadem  crowned  with  feathers,  the  ovals 
at  the  bottom  of  the  skirt.  The  back  is  made  up  entirely  of 
hieroglyphics.  It  is  a  very  striking  statue,  The  face  is  massive; 
the  thighs,  which  are  naked,  are  very  heavy ;  ankles  and  feet 
clumsy.  The  whole  figure  is  short,  but  the  ornamentation  on  it 
is  elaborate  and  highly  wrought.  We  have  dwelt  upon  these 
figures  in  order  to  show  that  the  statues  of  the  kings  were  entirely 
different  from  those  of  the  "Culture  Heros,"  and  to  prove  that 
they  were  not  idols  which  represented  divinities,  but  were  por- 
trait statues  of  kings.  This  shows  that  there  were  three  classes 
of  beings  worshiped  by  the  Mayas,  as  follows :  The  personified 
nature  powers.  Culture  Heroes  and  Deified  Kings,  the  shrines 
having  been  devoted  to  the  first  class,  the  isolated  pyramids  to 
the  second  and  the  palace  courts  to  the  last. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 

PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NATURE   POWERS  IN 
AMERICA. 

We  have  passed  in  review  the  different  aboriginal  religions 
of  America,  arid  come  at  last  to  the  one  that  seems  the  most 
important  of  all,  viz.:  the  worship  of  the  personal  divinities 
in  combination  with  the  nature  powers.  We  use  the  double 
title  because  some  have  doubted  whether  the  element  of  per- 
sonality was  strong  enough  to  be  used  alone,  and  because  the 
worship  of  the  Nature  powers  is  so  prominent,  and  especially 
be  cause  of  the  analogies  which  may  be  drawn  between  the 
personal  gods  of  this  continent  and  those  which  are  worshiped 
in  Oriental  lands.  We  claim,  however,  that  there  was  a  com- 
bination of  the  two  in  the  religious  cult  of  the  civilized  tribes, 
and  that  personal  gods  were  worshiped,  and  eclipsed  the  wor- 
ship of  the  Nature  pov\rers  so  as  to  be  distinguished  from  them, 
each  one  being  worshiped  by  religious  rites  which  were  dis- 
tinctive. The  objects  of  worship  arranged  according  to  their 
order  of  progress  are  as  follows:  i.  Animal  totems;  2,  the  Na 
ture  powers,  including  the  sun,  moon,  stars,  and  the  points  of 
the  compass,  and  the  elements,  such  as  fire,  water,  earth  and  air; 
3,  the  "Culture  heroes,"  these  were  partly  natural  and  partly 
supernatural,  but  were  worshiped  as  the  heroes  or  chief  divinities 
of  certain  tribes;  4,  the  Law-givers,  these  were  represented  as 
human  persons,  who  appeared  and  gave  laws  and  established 
governments,  but  disappeared;  5,  last  of  all  were  the  personal 
gods.  These  received  personal  names  and  were  worshiped  as 
personal  gods,  though  they  had  different  spheres  of  action. 
Chief  among  them  were  the  God  of  Peace,  the  God  of  War, 
the  God  of  Death,  also  the  goddesses  of  maternity  and  the 
gods  and  goddesses  that  represented  the  elements. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  gods  of  the  Greeks,  Romans, 
Babylonians,  and  Assyrians  were  primarily  the  representatives 
of  the  Nature  powers,  but  personal  attributes  were  ascribed  to 
them.  We  think  of  them  only  as  personal  gods  and  fail  to 
draw  the  analogy.  Such  is  the  case  with  the  older  gods  of 
the  Greeks,  for  Uranus  is  always  represented  as  dwelling 
above  in  the  skies  and  as  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  universe, 
and  in  him  we  recognize  the  natural  and  personal  attributes. 
The  same  is  the  case  with  the  Egyptian  divinities  of  which 
Isis  and  Osiris  were  the  chief.  Isis  was  called  the  mother 
goddess,  for  she  was  the  mother  of  Horus,  but  many  of  the 
Egyptian  divinities  wpre  only  personifications  of  the  Nature 
powers.  This  is  shown  by  the  story  of  Osiris.  He  was  slain  by 
Typho,  his  body  was  divided  into  twelve  parts  and  thrown  into 


422  NATIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

the  sea,  but  was  gathered  and  hidden  in  the  tree  at  Biblos. 
The  parts  symbolized  the  twelve  months  of  the  year,  and  the 
overflow  of  the  Nile,  and  the  hiding  in  the  tree  symbolized  the 
part  which  water  has  in  the  growth  of  the  tree.  The  most 
suggestive  feature  in  the  story  is  that  Isis  finally  discovers  the 
•eleven  parts  of  Osiris,  and  puts  them  together  and  restores 
them  to  life,  only  one  part  being  left  off;  thus  symbolizing  the 
resurrection  of  nature  in  the  spring  time.  In  like  manner  the 
gods  of  the  Babylonians  are  seen  to  represent  the  Nature 
powers,  though  they  are  so  personified  that  we  forget  this,  and 
are  interested  only  in  their  personal  character  and  career.  There 
were,  to  be  sure,  in  Babylonia,  three  periods  which  were  so 
near  together,  that  the  worship  of  the  Nature  powers  and  the 
personal  divinities  and  the  human  characters,  called  the  Law- 
Givers,  became  blended,  and  yet  if  we  study  them  more  care- 
fully we  find  they  represent  three  classes,  and  belong  to  three 
distinct  periods. 

In  America  \\&  find  the  distinctions  between  the  personal 
gods,  the  Law-givers,  and  the  Nature  powers  so  dim  that  we  fail 
to  separate  them,  and  either  regard  them  all  as  personifications 
of  nature,  or  consider  them  as  personal  divinities  ruling  over 
all,  and  at  times  think  of  them  only  as  human  teachers,  strange 
visitors  from  a  foreign  land,  though  the  moral  character  of  the 
divinities  fall  far  below  that  of  other  Law-givers -and  human 
founders  of  religion. 

In  the  Scriptures  the  case  is  different,  for  from  the  first 
chapter  to  the  last,  the  personality  of  God  is  brought  out  clearly, 
and  there  is  no  reference  whatever  to  the  Nature  powers,  nor 
even  the  blending  of  the  Law-giver  with  the  personal  divinity. 
This  constitutes  the  difference  between  the  Scriptures  and  all 
pagan  writings,  for  notwithstanding  that  there  are  many  sacred 
books  among  the  pagans,  we  do  not  fail  to  recognize  in 
them  the  operations  of  nature  as  the  basis  of  all.  There 
were  many  great  masters  who  came  in  and  established  systems 
which  became  the  standards  of  thought,  but  these  were  evi- 
dently human,  and  had  a  human  history,  though  some  of  them 
have  been  deified,  so  that  we  regard  them  as  the  divinities  of 
the  people,  and  yet  they  were  only  human  beings.  Some  have 
stumbled  over  these,  and  have  imagined  that  the  personal  gods 
of  America  were  actual  persons  who  came  to  America  from 
some  other  land,  and  they  point  out  the  fact  that  the  chief  god 
is  represented  as  white,  having  long  hair,  and  wearing  a  robe; 
assuming  that  he  was  some  unknown  visitor  from  Oriental 
countries. 

Now  the  resemblance  between  the  personal  gods  of  America 
and  those  of  the  Eastern  lands,  is  a  sufficient  explanation  of 
this.  These  gods  all  seem  to  be  supernatural  beings,  but  they 
were  always  connected  with  the  natural  objects  which  were 
known  to  the  members  of  the  particular  tribes,  and  the  worship 
of  them  was  purely  local.     Still  there  was  such  a  resemblance 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NATURE  POWERS,       423 


%m 


between  them  that  they  seem  to  have  been  not  merely  the 
heroes  of  one  tribe,  byt  of  entire  stocks,  and  so  they  help  us 
to  understand  aboriginal  history. 

It  is  true  that  their  personal  history  and  character  did 
bridge  the  distance  which  would  naturally  exist  between  a 
rude  untrained  mind  and  a  spiritual  unseen  being,  but  there 
was  an  unconscious  process  that  led  the  people  to  ascribe  to 
them  a  supernatural  character,  for  some  of  them  are  repre- 
sented as  having  a  high  moral  character  and  having  established 
the  religious  system  which  prevailed. 

We  are  to  notice  also  that  there  were  many  Culture  heroes 
in  America,  who  represented  the  powers  of  nature,  but  could 
not  have  been  human  beings  and  certainly  not  persons  known 

to  history.  These  Cul- 
ture heroes  were  wor- 
shiped by  the  wild 
tribes  and  they  were 
regarded  as  human, 
aiid  yet  they  always 
had  supernatural  pow- 
ers and  accomplished 
wonderful  things. 

There  is  one  re- 
markable fact  about 
the  Culture  heroes, 
viz.,  they  belonged  to 
different  stocks  of 
Indians;  the  Algon- 
quins  having  one,  the 
Iroquois  another,  the 
Dakotas  another,  the 
Pueblo  tribes,  the 
mountain  tribes  of  the 
far  West,  and  the  tribes 
situated  in  the  North- 
west, still  others. 
It  appears  that  the  Culture  heroes  had  become  so  scattered 
by  the  wanderings  of  certain  tribes,  that  we  find  them  far  apart 
from  one  another  and  in  scenes  and  surroundings  to  which  they 
gradually  became  accustomed;  thus  proving  that  they  be- 
longed to  stocks  as  well  as  tribes,  and  were  carried  by  the 
tribes  to  their  new  habitations.  This  is  an  important  point, 
for  it  throws  light  on  the  migrations  of  the  Indian  tribes,  and 
confirms  the  position  which  the  linguists  have  taken,  To 
illustrate:  the  Algonquins  were  scattered  from  the  coast  of 
Maine  to  the  south  shore  of  Hudson's  Bay,  and  from  there  to 
the  region  far  west  where  the  Blackfeet  are  found.    They  were 


DIFFERENT    CULTURE    HEROES.* 


•Th«  cut  represents  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  deities,  as  made  out  by  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton. 
The  first  line  Itzamna;  the  second,  the  North  Star;  the  third,  the  Moon  God;  the  fourth,  the 
Maize  God;  the  fifth,  the  War  God;  the  sixth,  the  Sun  God. 


424  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

also  scattered  along  the  Atlantic  coast  as  far  south  as  the 
Potomac;  their  habitat  being  mainly  on  both  sides  of  the  chain 
of  the  Great  Lakes  and  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  but  stretch- 
ing down  the  Atlantic  coast.  The  study  of  myths  and  sym- 
bols, as  well  as  the  language,  has  confirmed  this. 

The  Iroquois  are  supposed  to  have  belonged  to  the  same 
stock  as  the  Cherokees,  and  perhaps  with  the  same  stock  as  the 
Dakotas;  the  study  of  the  language  giving  rise  to  this  theory. 
The  study  of  the  myths  and  the  symbols  of  these  different 
tribes  rather  confirms  the  opinion  of  the  linguists,  though  the 
change  of  the  scenery  and  surioundings  have  modified  their 
mythology.  The  same  is  true  of  the  tribes  which  were  situa- 
ted on  the  Pacific  coast.  Some  of  the  linguists  think  that  the 
tribes  of  the  Southwest  came  down  from  the  Northwest  and 
settled  in  the  central  provinces,  but  developed  their  mythology 
from  the  same  sources,  and  claim  that  their  langua;Tes  have 
many  features  in  common.  We  find,  however,  that  the  tribes 
on  the  Northwest  coast  have  a  mythology  entirely  different 
from  that  of  the  Southwest,  as  the  divinities  which  they  wor- 
shipped were  the  raven,  bear,  whale,  and  other  animals  which 
abound  in  the  forests  of  the  North,  but  the  divinities  of  the 
civilized  tribes  were  personal  beings,  and  were  represented  by 
Idols   which   were   covered   with   a  great  variety  of  symbols. 

This  conformity  of  religion  to  the  surroundings  is  also  illus- 
trated in  the  case  of  the  tribes  of  the  deep  interior,  for  here 
the  mythology  is  drawn  from  the  mount  ins  and  rocks,  the 
Navajoes  having  one  set  of  divinities,  the  Pueblos  another  >et, 
the  wild  tribes  of  the  region  another  set,  thus  showing  that 
tribal  lines,  as  well  as  scenery,  had  effect  upon  the  native 
religions. 

We  have  given  this  general  review  of  the  s)'stems  which 
prevailed  throughout  the  continent,  in  order  to  bring  out  the 
fact  that  certain  tribes  worshipped  personal  divinities  and  at 
the  same  time  deified  the  Nature  powers,  and  made  their 
attributes  resemble  those  of  the  personal  gods.  We  may  say, 
that  the  several  classes  were  constantly  interthanged.  The  attri- 
butes of  the  one  were  ascribed  to  th  it  of  another,  the  attri- 
butes of  nature  and  those  of  the  personal  gods  being  so  closely 
associated  that  they  were  both  worshiped. 

Another  element  seems,  moreover,  to  have  been  introduced 
into  the  mythology  of  these  civilized  tribes  of  the  Southwest, 
viz.,  the  worship  of  kings  and  queens,  for  their  statues  are  every- 
where present.  These  statues  are  decorated  with  all  the  orna- 
ments and  jewels  and  garments  and  emblems  of  wealth  and 
power,  so  that  we  recognize  them  as  designed  to  represent 
kings  and  queens  and  persons  of  royalty,  as  well  as  priests  and 
officers  clothed  with  authority.  On  the  other  hand,  the  gods 
which  personified  the  Nature  powers  were  generally  plainer  in 
their  dress  and  appearance,  and  they  had  symbols  about  them 
which  were  suggestive  of  all  the  elements  and  show  plainly 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NATURE  POWERS.       425 

their  sphere  of  activity,  three  classes  of  symbols  being  mani- 
fest. It  will  be  acknowledged  that  there  were  different  periods 
and  different  nations  and  races  represented  by  these  personal 
gods,  the  earliest  period  having  been  ascribed  to  the  Mayas, 
but  the  later  to  the  Nahuas.  In  this  respect  they  also  resem- 
bled the  gods  of  the  Babylonians,  Accadians,  and  Assyrians, 
for  these  belonged:  some  to  an  early,  and  some  to  a  later  date. 
The  earliest  were  ascribed  to  the  Accadians.  We  also  recog- 
nize in  these  personal  gods  the  lines  of  ethnic  descent,  as  we 
do  in  the  gods  of  the  East,  especially  the  gods  of  the  Greeks 
and  the  Romans,  and  to  a  degree  the  early  Babylonians.  The 
main  difference  is  that  they  are  surrounded  by  scenery  and 
circumstances  which  are  peculiar  to  this  continent,  and  not 
found  in  the  Old  World.  The  belief  in  the  personal  divinities 
as  distinguished  from  the  animal,  was  the  result  of  progress, 
and  appeared  only  among  those  nations  which  had  reached  a 
certain  degrer*  of  civilization. 

We  have,  then,  in  these  regions  of  the  Southwest  a  picture  of 
the  rise  of  society,  the  development  of  religion,  and  the  growth 
of  mythology,  which  is  very  important.  The  worship  of  the 
personal  gods  along  with  the  Nature  powers  resembles  that 
which  prevailed  in  the  regions  of  the  East,  though  the  isolation 
of  the  continent  brought  about  a  different  order  of  symbols,  a 
different  class  of  myths,  and  different  divinities,  and  yet  very 
striking  resemblances  maybe  recognized  between  all  these  sys- 
tems and  those  found  in  the  Eastern  continent.  It  is  true  that 
the  ethnography  of  the  East  isolated  the  gods  of  Baby- 
lonians from  those  of  the  Greeks,  as  well  as  the  gods  of  the 
Greeks,  from  those  of  the  Egyptians,  as  the  desert  on  one  side 
and  the  sea  upon  the  other  presented  barriers  over  which 
religion  did  not  pass  until  late  in  history. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  physical  barriers  often  separate  religi- 
ous systems  as  much  as  they  do  language  or  tribal  history,  but 
with  the  so-called  civilized  tribes  langu2ge,  history  and  territorial 
proximity,  all  serve  to  give  similarity  to  their  divinities,  but 
serve  to  make  great  differences  between  them  and  the  divinities 
of  the  wild  tribes.  There  were,  to  be  sure,  time  periods 
which  separated  the  personal  gods  of  the  Mayas  from  those  of 
the  Nahuas,  but  there  came  in  between  the  two,  certain  other 
periods,  especially  the  Toltec  period,  which  so  bridged  the 
space  that  the  mythology  became  strangely  blended.  I'he  pre- 
Toltec  period  embraced  the  semi-mythic  traditions  of  the  early 
civilization  and  brings  before  us  one  class  of  divinities.  The 
Toltec  period  brings  before  us  another  class;  the  Chicimec  still 
another;  the  Aztec  period  another.  The  first  extends  to  the 
sixth  century,  the  second  to  the  eleventh  century,  the  third  to 
the  fifteenth  century,  and  the  fo"urth,  the  Aztec,  to  the  time  of 
the  Discovery. 

In  the  pre-Toltec  period,  vague  traditions  point  to  the 
cradle  of  American  civilization,  and  to  the  Votanic  empire.    In 


426  NA  TIVE  A  M ERIC  A  N  S  YMBOLISM. 

the  Toltec  period  the  personal  divinities  and  the  gods  re- 
sembled one  another  in  many  respects.  In  the  Toltec  period 
the  statues  of  divinities,  as  well  as  the  architecture  of  the 
temples  and  the  symbols  contained  in  the  palaces,  show  that 
the  worship  of  personal  gods  was  very  closely  associated  with 
that  of  the  Nature  powers,  as  the  religion  of  the  period  evi- 
dently gave  direction  to  art  and  architecture,  as  well  as  to  the 
literature  which  prevailed.  There  was  a  change  in  the  geo- 
graphical location  as  time  went  on,  for  the  mythology  and  the 
ritual  moved  northward.  This  appears  from  the  study  of  the 
statues  and  gljphs. 

Statues  are  tound  in  great  numbers  in  the  Umasintla  Valley. 
These  statues  are  covered  with  a  great  number  of  symbols, 
but  present  a  great  variety  of  drapery  and  show  that  the  kings 
and  priests  lived  amid  great  magnificence  and  the  gods  par- 
took of  their  power. 

In  the  Aztec  period  the  divinities  also  partook  of  the  mag- 
nificence which  prevailed,  but  their  personal  and  moral  char- 
acter were  very  much  changed,  for  the  warlike  traits  of  the  peo- 
ple had  been  developed  by  long  conflict,  and  the  war  gods 
came  to  the  front;  the  Fair  God,  Quetzatlcoatl,  having  been  sup- 
planted by  Tezcatlipoca,  the  War  God.  We  find  that  the  his- 
tory of  the  two  nations  has  been  so  well  preserved  in  the  cal- 
endar stones  and  in  the  codices,  as  well  as  in  the  sacred  books, 
that  we  may  compare  it  with  those  which  prevailed  in  the  far 
East.  We  are  sure  that  the  personal  divinities  were  designed 
to  represent  the  Nature  powers,  for  there  are  so  many  images 
which  are  covered  with  symbols  which  can  be  interpreted  in 
no  other  way.  Of  course  it  is  not  expected  that  the  same 
zodiacal  system  existed  in  America,  as  that  which  prevailed  in 
the  far  East.  Yet,  in  so  far  as  the  ordinary  Nature  powers  could 
be  represented,  they  served  as  the  drapery  and  ornament  of 
the  personal  gods  and  di\'inities  which  were  worshiped.  These 
ornaments  and  symbols  varied  according  to  the  period  to 
which  they  belong,  as  the  Aztec  period  was  marked  by  one 
class  of  symbols,  the  Toltec  by  another;  and  the  oldest  of  all 
belong  to  the  time  of  the  ancient  Maya  civilization.  The 
monuments  of  the  north  are  different  from  those  of  the  south, 
not  only  because  they  are  newer  and  belong  to  a  later  period, 
but  because  they  belong  to  a  different  system  and  have  a  dif- 
ferent class  of  symbols.  It  is  true  that  we  find  certain  symbols 
scattered  throughout  the  whole  region,  such  as  the  serpent,  the 
cross,  the  tree,  and  the  suastika;  but  there  are  other  symbols, 
such  as  the  manitou  face,  the  hook,  the  Toltec  eye,  and  the 
crouching  lion  or  tiger,  which  are  not  found  in  the  symbols  of 
the  Aztecs.  Still  the  Maya  system  was  quite  in  accord  with 
that  of  the  Nahuas,  as  we  find  symbols  resembling  those  of 
the  Mayas  in  Palenque,  Ococingo,  and  Copan,  for  these  cities 
were  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the  gods  during  the  Toltec 
period,  and  perhaps  before  that  time. 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NATURE  POWERS.       427 

It  was  through  the  position  of  the  kings  and  fear  of  the 
priests,  that  so  much  of  the  wealth  of  the  common  people  vyas 
concentrated  in  the  cities.  Yet  there  were  outside  the  cities, 
upon  the  summit  of  the  mountains,  images  of  coyotes  and  of  a 
colossal  figure  of  a  winged  beast,  which  watched  over  the 
fountains  from  which  the  water  flowed,  which  supplied  the  city. 
This  shows  that  there  was  still  remaining  something  of  the 
old  animal  worship  which  prevailed  among  the  wild  tribes. 
These  were  artificial,  but  there  were  natural  objects  which  sym- 
bolized the  same  thought.  The  tradition,  however,  which  most 
impressed  the  people  was  about  Ouezatlcoatl,  who  came  from 
the  East  wearing  a  cross  upon  his  robe.  This,  however,  is  only 
one  account,  for  another  tradition  represents  him  as  having  the 
character  and  appearance  of  a  monk  or  a  priest,  and  yet  his 
influence  became  very  great  over  the  people. 

There  is  a  tradition,  also,  of  three  white  men  having  ap- 
peared in  the  midst  of  the  civilization  which  had  prevailed, 
and  who  introduced  systems  of  religion  resembling  those  of 
the  East,  but  so  far  as  the  evidence  of  the  monuments  go,  it 
would  seem  that  the  priests  had  great  power  and  that  the  kings 
lived  in  great  magnificence.  There  is  a  discrepancy  between 
these  two  accounts,  for  the  priests  generally  wore  different 
garments  from  the  kings,  and  were  devoted  to  their  office,  and 
their  style  of  dress  was  quite  in  contrast  with  that  which  pre- 
vailed among  the  kings;  but  judging  from  the  statues  which 
have  been  discovered  in  the  midst  of  the  forest  of  the  Umasin- 
tla  Valley,  we  may  conclude  that  the  story  had  come  down  from 
previous  generations,  and  had  been  one  means  of  perpetuating 
the  priestly  power.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  priests  and  the 
kings  could  have  continued  to  rule  the  people  so  long,  and  that 
the  magnificence  should  have  been  perpetuated  during  so  many 
changes  and  so  many  wars. 

It  would  seem,  however,  that  the  personal  divinities  which 
represented  the  Nature  powers  were  worshiped  to  the  very 
close  of  the  chapter,  although  their  moral  character  changed 
greatly  with  the  change  of  events.  The  ancient  divinities  of 
the  Toltecs  and  Mayas  apparently  had  been  peaceful  and 
delighting  in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  the  people,  but  the 
modern  divinities,  especially  those  of  the  Aztecs,  became  very 
war-like  and  seemed  to  delight  in  the  war-like  pursuits  of  the 
people.  Many  wars  began  late  in  history  and  the  human  sacri- 
fices increased  as  the  wars  continued. 

In  1512  there  were  great  acivities  and  many  sacrifices,  and 
a  new  sacrificial  stone  was  dedicated.  During  the  next  few 
years  Montezuma  seems  to  have  determined  by  brilliant  ex- 
ploits to  defy  the  predictions  of  magicians  and  shake  off  his 
own  superstitious  fears,  but  his  people  had  grown  tired  of  war, 
and  the  tribes  around  were  hostile  and  notwithstanding  his 
prosperity  and  power  he  had  reason  to  fear  the  overthrow  of  his 
followers;  though  the  common  people  had  been  so  long  subject 


4  28  NA  TI VE  A  M ERICA  N  S  YMB  OLISM. 

to  the  power  of  the  king  that  they  had  no  expectation  or  desire 
for  deliverance. 

The  practice  of  human  sacrifice  served  to  perpetuate  this 
abject  condition.  There  was  another  cause  at  work,  viz..  the 
combination  of  the  priests  and  rulers  in  the  different  cities. 
There  is  a  record  of  a  compact  between  the  Mexicans  and 
the  surrounding  tribes  in  the  Valley  of  Mexico,  that  battles 
should  take  place  at  regular  intervals  on  battle  ground  set 
apart,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  obtaining  victims  for  sacrifice. 

There  was  a  fortress  built,  and  a  garrison  known  as  Monte 
Alban  built  by  the  Aztecs.  The  object  was  to  secure  cap- 
tives for  the  grand  dedication  of  Huitzilopochtli,  which  took 
place  in  1546.  Montezuma  up  to  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  had  led  his  army  against  nearly  all  the  tribes  sur- 
rounding the  city,  in  order  that  he  might  gain  captives  to  be 
sacrificed  to  his  divinities;  thousands  of  them  were  brought 
in  and  one  after  another  led  to  the  summit  of  tlie  pyramids 
where  the  priests  threw  them  upon  the  sacrificial  stone,  tore 
their  hearts  out  and  threw  them  into  the  face  of  the  sun,  and 
their  bodies  down  the  sides  of  the  pyramids  where  they  were 
seized  upon  by  the  people  and  devoured,  as  if  in  a  religious 
ceremony.  These  were  the  offerings  presented  to  Huitzilo- 
pochtli, the  god  of  war,  and  to  Tezcatlipoca,  the  god  of  death, 
whose  statue  or  idol  was  placed  over  the  entrance  to  the  court, 
which  surrounded  the  pyramid,  There  were  also  shrines 
within  the  court  in  the  shape  of  serpents'  heads,  filled  with 
fire,  and  other  symbols.  These  show  how  strangely  the  system 
of  religion  had  been  affected  by  the  long  wars  which  dis- 
tinguished the  reign  of  Montezuma.  It  is  probable  that  this, 
practice  of  offering  human  sacrifice  had  greatly  increased  and 
was  one  result  of  the  wars.  Montezuma  had  ascended  the 
throne  amid  great  disturbances  and  had  gained  power  over  the 
tribes  surrounding,  who  arose  in  revolt  because  of  his  cruelties, 
and  yet  the  power  of  the  priests  seemed  to  keep  up  the  prac- 
tice and  increase  the  superstition  of  the  monarch.  The  sacri- 
fices which  he  offced  did  not  satisfy  the  conscience  of  Monte- 
zuma. His  mind  was  full  of  fear,  and  so  he  readil)"  submitted 
to  Cortez.  imagining  that  he  was  the  Fair  God,  who  had  re- 
turned and  who  might  deliver  him  from  his  enemies.  This 
mingling  of  rage  and  fear  was  the  natural  con-^equence  of  the 
wars  and  the  sacrifices  which  were  offered.  The  evidence  is 
that  the  system  which  had  prevailed  under  the  Toltecs  was  far 
more  peaceful,  and  that  the  gods  which  were  worshiped  were 
more  kindly  in  their  spirit  and  represented  the  more  kindly 
operations  of  nature. 

There  were  thirteen  principal  gods,  the  most  notable  being 
the  God  of  Providence,  the  God  of  War,  the  God  of  Winds, 
and  the  God  of  Water.  The  God  of  Providence  had  a  seat  in 
the  sky  and  had  under  hi-;  care  all  human  affairs;  the  God  of 
Water  was  considered  as  the  fertilizing  power,  and  his  dwelling 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NA  TURE  POWERS.       429 


was  in  the  hifjhest  of  the  mountains,  where  he  arranges  the 
clouds;  the  God  of  War  was  the  principal  protector  ol  the 
Aztecs,  and  their  guide  in  their  wanderings.  These  gods  were 
supernatural  beings  and  had  great  power,  Ouetzatlcoatl  had 
all  riches  of  gold  and  silver  and  of  green  stones,  and  a  great 
abundance  of  ornaments. 

The  city  of  Cholula  was  the  place  in  which  this  god  was 
best  known.  Cholula  was  given  to  commerce  and  handicraft, 
and  worshiped  Quetzatlcoatl,  who  was  the  God  of  merchand- 
ise, lie  came  from  the  parts 
of  Yucatan  to  the  city  of 
Cholula.  He  was  a  white 
man.  a  portly  person,  with 
a  broad  brow,  great  eyes, 
and  la  ge  beard;  chaste  and 
quiet  and  distinguished  by 
moderation  in  all  things. 
The  people  had  good  rea- 
sons for  the  reverence  and 
devotion  with  which  they 
regarded  him.  He  taught 
the  silversmiths  their  art; 
he  desired  ho  sacrifice  of 
theblood  of  manor  animals; 
he  prohibited  or  forbade 
all  war  and  violence.  The 
name  "Quetzatlcoatl" 
means  "snake  plumage,"  or 
"  snake  that  has  plumage  "; 
this  was  his  symbol  of 
power.  He  was,  according 
to  historians,  high  priest  in 
the  city  of  Tulan;  from  that 
place  he  went  to  Cholula. 
Though  in  temporal  things 
he  was  ruler  of  Tulan,  in 
all  spiritual  and  ecclesias- 
tical matters,  he  was  chief 


CUCULAN,  CHIEF  GOD  OF  THE  MAYAS.* 


pontiff  in  Cholula.  A  superior  character  was  ascribed  to  him, 
and  was  brought  out  bv  his  personal  histor)',  a  history  which  in 
some  respects  resembles  that  of  Christ  himself. 

Ouezatlcoatl's  repugnance  to  the  shedding  of  human  blood 
was  such  that  he  voluntarily  abandoned  his  throne  and  disap- 
peared. The  story  is  that  he  embarked  in  a  canoe  made  of 
snake  skins  and  returned  to  the  east,  the  quarter  from  which 
he  had  come,  though  this  comes  from  the  tendency  to  ptr- 
sonify.  The  personal  character  of  this  divinity  is  very  attrac- 
tive to  modern  minds,  for  he  lost  everything  from  the  machi- 


•This  cut  represents  Cuoulcan,  one  of  the  personal  gods  of  ihe  Mayas,  in  various  activities, 
watching  over  the  growing  grain  and  drawing  stores  from  the  vase,  &t. 


430  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

nations  of  his  enemy  Tezcatlipoca,  but  he  endured  his  changes 
and  calamities  with  patience,  and  entered  with  calmness  into 
his  new  life  and  finally  disappeared. 

There  were  four  gods  who  were  created  and  bore  the  human 
image;  their  great  clear  eyes  swept  rapidly  over  all;  they  saw 
the  woods  and  rocks,  the  lakes  and  the  sea,  the  mountains  and 
valleys;  they  complimented  all  and  admired  all.  They  returned 
thanks,  and  said  we  have  received  light,  we  speak,  we  walk,  we 
taste,  we  hear  and  understand,  we  know  both  that  which  is 
near  and  that  which  is  far  off,  we  see  all  things,  both  great  and 
small,  in  all  heaven  and  earth.  Thanks,  then,  to  the  creator, 
we  have  been  created  and,  therefore,  we  are. 

But  the  gods  were  not  wholly  pleased  with  their  work;  they 
said  these  men  are  too  perfect,  they  know  and  understand  too 
much.  Then  the  four  men  slept,  and  there  was  a  council  in 
Heaven,  and  four  women  were  made.  Next  after  them  were 
other  men  created,  ancestors  of  other  people.  The  language 
of  all  the  families  was  confused,  and  no  one  of  the  four  men 
could  understand  the  speech  of  another.  Next  the  three  tribal 
gods  were  turned  into  stone,  and  they  worshiped  the  gods  that 
became  stone,— offered  them  the  blood  of  beasts  and  birds. 
Toward  the  end  of  their  long  life  these  beings  were  impelled 
to  lay  before  their  gods  a  more  awful  offering  than  the  life  of 
senseless  beasts.  They  began  to  wet  their  altars  with_  the 
heart's  blood  of  human  victims.  Man  was  made  four  times 
and  four  times  destroyed,  and  so  there  were  four  ages.  This 
is  not  a  modern  tradition,  for  it  is  perpetuated  by  the  symbols 
contained  in  the  calendar  stone.  The  first  age  was  the  age  of 
the  sun,  and  was  called  the  sun  of  the  water  by  which  every 
living  thing  was  destroyed.  The  second  age  was  that  of  the 
earth;  it  was  closed  by  a  great  earthquake.  The  third  a^e 
was  that  of  the  aii ;  it  was  ended  by  a  tempest.  The  fourth 
age  is  fire,  and  is  to  be  ended  by  complete  conflagration. 

Now  this  record  of  Creation  and  the  symbols  which  are 
given  to  each,  show  that  the  Nature  powers  were  all  worshiped 
and  that  there  were  divinities  representing  each.  The  trans- 
formation of  the  divinities  occurred:  Nanahuatszin  was  changed 
into  the  sun.  and  Tezcatecazl  into  the  moon. 

This  indicates  that  even  the  four  quarters  of  the  sky  and 
the  earth  were  presided  over  by  the  different  divinities,  ex- 
actly as  with  the  wild  tribes.  The  elements  were  symbolized: 
the  water  by  reed,  the  fire  by  flint,  the  air  a  tempest  which 
overthrew  a  house.  All  of  them  are  portrayed  on  the  calender 
stone. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  among  the  wild  tribes,  the  four  quar- 
ters of  the  sky  were  ascribed  to  the  personal  divinities,  and 
that  these  were  called  upon  in  all  their  religious  ceremonies. 
Through  their  aid  disease  was  banished.  In  this  respect  the 
system  resembled  that  of  the  East,  for  Ormuzd  was  the  God 
of  Light;  Indra,  the  God  of   Earth;   Kali,  the  God  of  Fire; 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NATURE  POWERS.       431 

Ahriman,  the  God  of  Death,  Bancroft  says:  "The  Quiches 
had  a  multitude  of  other  gods  who  presided  over  the  destinies 
of  men.  The  places  where  they  most  loved  to  linger  were 
dark  deep  spots  in  the  undisturbed  silence  of  the  grotto,  at 
the  foot  of  some  steep  precipice,  beneath  the  shade  of  mighty 
trees,  especially  where  the  water  trickled  forth  from  the  roots 
and  from  the  mountain. 

"  The  Quiches  had  a  divinity  called  Gucumatz  and  Hurakan. 
He  represented  thunder  and  lightning  and  the  thunder  bolt, 
three  phases — the  flash,  the  streak  ot  lightning,  and  the  thun- 
der bolt,  giving  the  conception  of  the  trinity.  There  was  a 
family  of  gods  who  had  special  temples  in  the  habitations  of 
the  princes." 

The  Yucatecs  believed  that  there  were  four  brothers,  who 
were  called  the  Bacabs;  they  supported  the  four  corners  of  the 
earth  and  were  regarded  as  air  gods.  The  cross  was  the  sym- 
bol of  rain;  the  four  winds  bearers  of  rain.  Chalchiutlicue 
was  a  sister  of  the  rain  gods.  She  bore  in  her  hands  a  cross- 
shaped  vessel.  The  Mexican  name  of  the  cross  was  the  "tree 
of  our  life  or  flesh."  It  was  an  astronomical  sign,  but  conveyed 
the  idea  of  fertility.  The  Bacabs  are  pictured  out  in  the  codices 
as  drawing  stores  from  deep  vases  for  the  supply  of  the  peo- 
ple. These  Bacabs  were  the  gods  of  the  four  points  of  the 
compass,  but  symbolized  the  kindly  forces  of  nature.  This 
system,  which  was  so  near  to  nature's  heart,  became  trans- 
formed and  greatly  changed  as  time  went  on.  At  first  the  sys- 
tem was  peaceful  and  the  people  were  prosperous.  Cities  grew 
up  in  great  numbers,  but  rival  kings  appeared,  priests  came 
into  great  power,  and  the  Nature  divinities  were  eclipsed  by 
personal  gods. 

There  came  a  time  when  the  palaces  and  temples  were  cov- 
ered with  symbols  which  were  calculated  io  awaken  super- 
stitious fear, — the  symbols  of  the  serpent,  the  manitou  face, 
the  dragon  and  other  monsters.  Altars  were  placed  before  the 
statues  of  the  kings;  pyramids  were  erected  and  occupied  by 
the  kings;  shrines  of  the  divinities  were  placed  upon  the  sum- 
mit of  the  pyramids,  but  were  guarded  by  serpent  effigies  which 
symbolized  the  rain  clouds.  The  personal  element  was  hid- 
den under  the  mass  of  symbols  of  the  Nature  powers. 

This  worship  of  nature  alone  did  not  improve  the  morals  of 
the  people,  nor  advance  their  social  condition,  though  wealth 
increased  and  industries  were  prosperous.  Tezcaltipoca  took 
the  place  of  Quetzatlcoatl.  He  represented  the  treachery, 
deceit,  and  cruelty  which  had  remained  in  the  heartsof  the  peo- 
ple, even  while  they  had  increased  in  wealth  and  become  pros- 
perous. The  priests  became  more  numerous;  ihey  became 
educators  of  the  youth.  Temples  became  the  place  where 
virgins,  resembling  the  Vestal  Virgins  of  Rome  resided.  Such 
was  the  case  in  Peru,  and  to  a  certain  extent  in  Mexico. 
Luxury  increased,  art  advanced,  elegance  appeared  in  the  halls 


432  -  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM, 

and  palaces;  magnificent  temples  were  erected,  long  roads  led 
to  the  cities.  A  barbaric  magnificence  prevailed,  and  )et 
Tezcatlipoca,  treacherous,  selfish,  wicked  and  designing,  as  he 
was,  became  the  chief  divinity,  though  the  memory  of  Quet- 
zatlcoatl,  the  Fair  God,  still  continued.  It  was  a  strange  his- 
tory, but  real,  for  the  monuments  testify  to  its  reality,  and 
tradition  and  records  confirm  the  monuments.  The  god  of  war 
came  into  power. 

The  manitou  face  seen  sculptured  upon  the  fagades  of  some 
of  the  palaces  illustrates  this  condition.  This  has  the  nose  of 
the  serpent  god,  the  eyes  of  the  god  of  water  and  other  strange 
symbols,  but  it  gave  place  to  the  horridjidol  which  appeared  over 
the  gateway  of  the  temple  court  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  which 
embodied  in  itself  the  God  of  War,  Huitzilopochtli;  the  God  of 
Death,  Tezcatlipoca,  and  the  God  of  Hell,  Mictlantecutli. 
Even  the  female  goddesses,  such  as  generally  represent  the 
fertility  of  the  earth  and  maternity  and  other  gracious  traits, 
were  finally  covered  with  symbols  of  cruelty, — the  head  of  a 
serpent  and  the  skirt  of  serpents,  and  faces  sadly  distorted. 

Tlaloc,  the  God  of  Water,  and  the  fertilizer  of  the  earth, 
wis  seated  in  the  great  temple  beside  Huitzilopochtli,  who  was 
the  God  of  War.  Tlaloc  had  in  his  hand  a  shield  ornamented 
with  feathers.  In  his  right  hand  there  were  three  wavy  sheets 
of  gold,  representing  his  thunder  bolts,  sometimes  a  golden 
serpent.  On  his  feet  were  sandals,  with  bells  of  gold  hanging 
to  them.  The  body  was  naked  from  the  thigh  down.  His  face 
had  only  one  eye,  and  there  was  an  external  circle  of  blue 
around  it;  around  the  mouth  was  a  double  band  of  blue;  in 
his  open  mouth  were  seen  only  three  grinders;  his  teeth  were 
painted.  In  the  time  of  drought  men  were  sacrificed  to 
Tlaloc,  Two  festivals  were-devoted  to  Tlaloc  at  which  were 
human  sacrifices.  It  is  supposed  that  the  victims  thrown  into 
the  sacred  lake  at  Chichen-Itza  were  sacrifices  to  Tlaloc. 

Centeotl  was  the  Goddess  of  Maize,  and  from  the  import- 
ance in  America  of  this  grain,  she  became  the  Goddess  of 
Agriculture  and  of  the  the  earth  generally.  She  corresponded 
to  the  Greek  goddess  Artemis,  the  Goddess  of  Maternity.  She 
was  represented  with  an  infant  in  her  arms,  and  had  the  ofifice 
of  bringing  children  to  life.  Centeotl  was  the  great  producer 
and  the  most  ancient  goddess  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  same  was  true,  both  of  the  Toltecs  and  the  Aztecs. 
Other  gods  representing  agriculture  and  fertility  had 
symbols  that  repiesented  their  character.  The  four  Eacabs 
stood  beside  the  vases  and  drew  from  them  seeds  that  pro- 
duced abundant  crops  and  other  supplies  for  the  people.  The 
gods  of  the  four  element — earth,  sky,  and  water — all  seemed 
to  be  kindly  and  peaceful,  but  the  reign  of  Huitzilopochtli.  the 
God  of  War,  and  Tezcatlipoca,  the  embodiment  of  treachery, 
were  in  the  ascendency. 

Civilization  advanced;    in  Greece  there  was    no  improve- 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NA  TURE  POWERS.       433 

ment  in  morals.  Aphrodite  was  worshiped  by  the  Greek; 
Dionysus,  the  God  of  Wine;  Apollo,  the  God  of  Letters; 
also  Vulcan,  the  God  of  Industry,  and  Venus,  the  Goddess  of 
Love. 

We  see  in  this  the  difference  between  the  religion  of  the 
Aztecs  and  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  All  the  gods  may  have  re-^ 
presented  the  Nature  powers,  both  in  this  continent  and  among 
the  Eastern  nations,  but  we  find  far  more  cruelty  among  the 
gods  of  the  Aztecs  than  among  those  of  the  Greeks.  In  Greece 
Atlas  bore  up  the  four  pillars  of  the  earth;  Uranus  reigned 
supremely  in  the  skies;  Neptune  ruled  over  the  sea;  Vulcan  or 
Hephaestus  ruled  over  the  subterranean,  fires;  Zeus  was  the  god 
of  the  mountains  and  the  chief  gods  of  the  Greeks  were:  Ceres, 
the   Goddesses  of  Corn;   Minen-a,  the  Goddess  of  Maternity. 


VSS^ 


THE   CLOUD   BOAT   OF   THE   MAYAS.* 

The  elements  were  personified  in  these  gods  of  the  Greeks, 
for  Zeus  was  the  cloud  divinity,  Pluto  was  the  God  of  the 
Under  World,  Neptune  was  the  God  of  Water.  The  elements, 
the  points  of  the  compass,  the  different  Nature  powers  were 
all  represented,  but  the  gods  were  mild  and  peaceful.  The 
character  of  the  Greeks  was  full  of  the  love  of  nature  and 
the  society  of  their  fellow  men,  and  religion  gave  character 
to  their  divinities.  The  divinities  of  the  Aztecs  also  repre- 
sented their  character.  Tlaloc,  the  God  of  Water,  was  repre- 
sented with  a  glaring  eye.  He  is  sometimes  seated  upon  the 
suastika,  or  whirling  cross,  which  symbolized  the  points  of  the 
compass  and  motion  of  the  sky.     Huitzilopochtli,  the  God  of 

*Thvs  cut  represents  the  Cloud  Boat,  with  the  four  seasons  and  four  points  of  the  compass 
indicated  upon  it.  The  staff  has  four  nodes  upon  it.  The  chief  figure  may  represent  the 
giant  Bacab,  or  Cha9,  though  th«  animal  head  it  not  usually  given  to  the  Bacabs. 


434  NA  TIVE  AMERICAN  SYMBOLISM. 

War,  was  represented  as  having  teeth  and  fangs  of  the  serpent 
with  the  eye  blazing  in  his  head.  His  drapery  fringed  with 
the  rattles  or  tails  of  the  serpent;  a  death's  head  in  the  center 
of  his  body  between  his  arms;  its  ghastly  face  looking  out  from 
the  center  of  the  body,  the  drapery  which  covered  the  arms 
and  limbs  seeming  like  a  mockery  by  way  of  contrast. 

In  one  respect  they  resemble  the  gods  of  the  Greeks, 
Romans,  Egyptians.  Ass)'rians,  Babylonians,  and  Hindoos,  for 
all  these  are  represented  as  being  both  male  and  female,  and 
having  children.  To  illustrate :  Jupiter,  or  Zeus,  and  Juno 
constituted  the  pair  which  dwelt  on  Mt.  Olympus  and  ruled 
over  all  the  other  gods,  though  Uranus,  or  Saturn,  is  supposed 
to  have  dwelt  alone  in  the  skies  and  was  the  supreme  ruler  of 
the  entire  universe.  The  Egyptian  divinities  were  represented 
in  pairs,  of  which  Isis  and  Osiris  were  the  chief. 

The  character  of  the  personal  divinities  partook  of  the 
character  of  the  people  worshiping  them,  though  they  were  all 
of  them  regarded  as  the  personfications  of  the  Nature  powers, 
as  well  as  supernatural  beings.  Their  chief  characteristic  was 
that  they  represented  the  real  culture  of  the  people,  and  so 
were  called  Culture  heroes.  They  bear  names  which  vary 
according  to  their  locality  and  the  people  who  worship  them. 
Itzamna  was  one  of  these  Culture  heroes.  He  was  said  to 
have  invented  letters;  the  two  sets  of  hieroglyphics  which 
were  designed  to  keep  the  records  of  the  time  ot  the  days, 
months,  and  years,  which  are  so  abundant  in  the  codices,  were 
ascribed  to  him;  though  the  sculptured  pictographs  found  on 
the  calendar  stone  in  Mexico  were  of  more  recent  origin. 

We  shall  find  the  same  true  of  the  personal  divinities  of  the 
Mayas  and  the  people  who  inhabited  Peru,  including  those  of 
the  Quichuas.  It  should  be  said  that  these  people  were  more 
peaceful  than  the  Aztecs,  but  were  more  advanced  in  their  cul- 
ture and  in  their  religious  ideas.  The  divinities  of  the  Mayas 
have  been  described  by  the  Spanish  historians, — Sahagun, 
Acosta,  Clavigero,  and  ethers, — but  long  quotations  have  been 
made  from  their  writings  by  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft.  The  hiero- 
glyphics and  pictographs  have  been  reproduced  by  Lord 
Kingsborough  in  his  famous  work;  besides  these,  copies  of  the 
codices  have  been  recently  reproduced  by  Due  de  Loubat. 
These  codices  have  been  studied  by  a  number  of  German 
scholars, — Seler,  Schellhas, — and  a  few  American  scholars, 
chief  of  whom  are  Dr.  Cyrus  Thomas  and  Dr.  D.  G.  Brinton. 
The  best  books  for  the  general  reader  and  the  most  compre- 
hensive are  those  prepared  by  Dr.  Brinton,  entitled,  "The 
Primer  of  Mayan   Hieroglyphics  and  American  Hero  Myths." 

The  Maya  priests,  as  well  as  those  of  Peru,  were  connected 
with  the  government  as  an  order  of  nobility;  they  were  the 
religious  teachers;  the  leaders  of  ceremonies,  sacrifices,  and 
confessors;  the  oracles  of  the  gods  were  committed  to  their 
care.     Votan,  Zamna,  Cuculcan,  and  all  the  other  semi-mythi- 


PERSONAL  DIVINITIES  AND  NA  TURE  POWERS.       425 

cal  founders  of  the  Maya  civilization,  united  in  their  persons, 
the  qualities  of  high  priest  and  king.  The  Mayas  intrusted 
the  education  of  their  youth  to  the  priesthood,  and  the  youths 
assisted  the  priests  in  their  duties.  Girls  were  placed  in  con- 
vents, and  thousands  of  children  were  educated  at  the  expense 
of  the  royal  treasury.  Religious  feasts  were  held  on  certain 
fixed  days  of  the  calendar.  The  priests  were  occupied  in 
teaching  their  sciences  and  writing  books.  Landa  says,  '  We 
have  found  a  great  number  of  books  among  them."  There 
•were  occasions  when  sacrifices  lasted  for  many  days,  and  when 
thousands  of  victims  were  offered.  Dancing  in  the  courts  of 
the  temple  continued  as  long  as  the  sacrifices  lasted.  The 
methods  of  sacrifice  were  peculiar:  a  priest  adorned  with 
feathers  and  loaded  with  little  bells,  and  having  a  knife  in 
hand,  opened  the  breast  of  the  victim,  tore  out  the  heart, 
brandished  it  toward  the  cardinal  points,  and  finally  threw  it 
into  the  face  of  the  sun. 

There  were  eighteen  festivals  at  which  human  sacrifices 
were  offered,  at  such  times  the  people  ate  the  flesh  of  the  vic- 
tims sacrificed.  There  were  days  in  which  young  virgins  were 
the  victims.  The  naming  of  a  child  was  a  religious  ceremonv, 
generally  the  child  was  named  after  the  god  on  whose  day  it 
was  born.  There  was  a  practise  among  the  priests  of  predict- 
ing the  destiny  of  the  child,  by  finding  on  the  calendar  the 
position  of  the  stars  on  the  day  on  which  the  child  was  born. 
Auguries  were  learned  from  the  North  Star,  which  was  personi- 
fied and  represented  in  the  codices.  The  god  of  growth  and 
the  god  of  death  were  both  personified.  A  sacrifice  at  the 
close  of  the  year  was  offered,  and  a  picture  of  it  is  found  in 
the  Dresden  codex.  Another  picture,  from  the  same  codex, 
has  been  interpreted  by  Dr.  Brinton  as  representing  the  God 
of  Time  bringing  in  the  dead  year. 

The  effort  has  been  made  to  identify  the  deities  from  the 
pictographs  and  glyphs,  but  it  is  largely  guesswork,  and  can 
not  be  relied  upon.  This,  however,  may  be  said:  that  there 
were  personal  gods,  both  in  Central  America  and  Peru,  which 
were  worshiped  as  supernatural  beings,  but  there  was  no  such 
conception  of  a  supreme  god  as  we  have,  nor  even  a  con- 
ception which  was  equal  to  that  of  the  Greeks.  The  gods 
were  identified  with  the  cardinal  points,  the  operations  of 
nature,  the  course  of  the  seasons,  and,  perhaps,  with  the 
astronomical  movements,  though  there  is  a  doubt  about  this 
last  supposition.  The  gods  are  supposed  to  have  consorts  and 
to  have  children,  the  children  performing  offices  which  were 
peculiar  to  themselves.  To  illustrate:  Cuculcan  is  supposed 
to  be  a  god  of  the  west;  his  consort  was  the  rainbow;  their 
children  were  the  Bacabs  or  giants,  called  "Chacs."  They 
^were  also  gods  of  the  cardinal  points  and  of  the  crops.  They 
are  represented  in  the  codices  as  drawing  stores  from  the 
■cloud  vases.     Each  of  the  gods  had  his  own  mission  and  his 


436  NA  TIVE  A  M ERIC  A  N  SYMBOLISM. 

own  personality,  so  that  many  have  imagined  that  they  could 
recognize  them  by  the  pictographs.  The  god  with  a  single 
tooth,  is  said  to  be  the  Moon  god;  the  god  with  the  serpent 
issuing  [,from  his  mouth,  is  said  to  represent  the  chief  god, 
Itzamna;  the  god  with  the  shaded  face,  is  supposed  to  be 
Cuculcan,  who  watched  over  the  crops. 

We  are  also  to  notice  that  the  chief  gods  of  the  Peruvians 
resembled  those  of  the  Mayas,  but  were  nearer  to  our  own  con- 
ception of  the  divinity.  The  prayers  addressed  to  them  breathe 
a  pure  spirit  of  devotion.  The  chief  god  was  the  embodiment 
of  the  light  of  day,  and  was  represented  by  the  sun,  whose  face 
was  wrought  of  gold  and  placed  upon  the  walls  of  the  temple. 
There  were  Culiure  heroes  who  were  the  personification  of 
light.  The  office  and  character  of  the  supreme  gods  were  very 
similar  to  those  of  the  May. is.  Bochica  was  the  supreme 
male  divinity,  his  consort  was  the  Rainbow;  Cuchaviva  was  the 
goddess  of  rains  and  waters,  fields,  medicine,  and  child-bear- 
ing; Votan  was  the  chief  god,  he  assigned  the  different  races 
of  men  the  places  where  they  were  to  dwell,  he  instituted  civil 
laws,  and  was  the  Culture  hero  of  the  Mayas,  so  Viracocha 
was  the  chief  god  and  Culture  hero  of  the  Quichuas.  He 
corresponded  to  Quezatlcoatl  and  Itzamna.  The  worship  of 
Pachacamac  appeared  in  ancient  Peru,  his  name  means  giving 
life  to  the  world.  All  of  these  divinities  were  worshiped  with 
the  idea  that  they  had  once  lived  upon  the  earth  in  human 
form,  were  white  and  bearded,  but  had  withdrawn,  and  yet  the 
expectation  was  that  they  would  return.  In  this  respect,  the 
pagan  idea  was  not  unlike  that  which  is  held  by  Christians, 
though  the  character  of  Christ  is  infinitely  superior  to  any  of 
these  Nature  gods.  The  chief  difference  between  them  was 
that  they  represented  the  Nature  powers,  rather  than  the  per- 
sonality of  God.  To  illustrate  :  we  find  in  Peru  the  story  of 
the  four  brothers.  They  appeared  on  earth  after  it  had  been 
rescued  from  the  primeval  waters,  and  the  face  of  the  land  was 
divided  between  them.  Manco  Capac  took  the  north;  CoUa, 
the  south;  Pinahua,  the  west,  and  the  east,  the  region  whence 
come  the  sun  and  the  light,  was  given  to  Viracocha,  under  his 
name  of  the  Finisher,  he  who  completes  and  perfects. 


IfilST  OF  DIVINITIES. 


A 

DIVINITIBS.  TRIBES. 

Acatl,  God  of  the  Sky Mayas. 

M^'/i'^^'u™       !  Divine  Twins Zunis. 

Me-tsaw-ls-ma     ) 

Aishish,  Moon  God Klamath. 

Akekenet,  Evil  Spirit Araucanians. 

Antelope  Priest Navajoes. 

Apocatequitl,  God  of  Evil Peruvians. 

Ashonutli,  Sky  God Navajoes. 

Atotarho,  Thunder  Bird Iroquois. 

Attaensic,  Mother  God Iroquois. 

Atius,  Earth  God Pawnees. 

Atosis,  The  Snake Abenaki. 

B 

Bacabs.  Gods  of  the  Four  Points Nahuas. 

Bochica,  Hero  Gods Muyscas. 

C 

Camaxtli,  Thunder  God Chicemecs. 

Centeotl,  God  of  Maize Aztecs. 

Chakhihitlicue,  Sister  of  Rain  God Aztecs. 

Chantu,  Destroyer Aztecs. 

Checatl,  Man 

Chichen-Itza,  Temple Nahuas. 

Chicomecoatl,  Goddess  of  Provisions Aztecs. 

Chitseh,  Fish Tinnehs . 

Coatlicue,  Virgin  Goddess Aztecs. 

Cotokinimwa,  Lightning  God Zunis. 

Coxcox,  Noah Mexican. 

Cuculcan,  Chief  God Mayas. 

D 

Dzhe-Manido,  Shadow  Spirit Ojibways. 

E 

Ehtcatl,  God  of  the  Air Tezcucans. 

Emisee,  Master  of  Breath Creeks. 

Estas,  Mythic  Bird Carriers. 

Etsanatlehi,  Goddess  of  the  West Navajoes. 

G 

Glooskap,  Chief  God Abenaki. 

Gucumatz,  God  of  the  Air Nahuai. 

Gumango,  God  of  the  North Californians. 

H 

Hasjelti,  Mountain  God Navajoes. 

Hathlingzo,  Sunshine Navajoes. 

Hawanee,  Great  God Iroquois. 

Hephaestus.  Vulcan Greek. 

Heno,  Thunderer Navajoes. 

Heyoka,  Chief  Thunder  God Dakotas. 

Hiawatha,  Culture  Hero Iroquois. 


488  LIST  OF  DIVINITIES. 

DIVINITIES.  TRIBES. 

Hoorts,  The  Bear Thlinkeets. 

Hooyeh,  The  Raven Ojibways. 

Hostjobokon,  Rain  God N  avajoes. 

Hostjoghon,  Mountain  Divinity Navajoes. 

Huitzilopochtli,  God  of  Deatli Aztecs. 

Huehueleotl,  Oldest  of  the  Gods Aztecs. 

Huemac,  God  of  Earthquakes Zapotecs. 

Hurakan,  Storm  God Quiches. 

Hushtoli,  Storm  Wind Sioux . 

1 

Icni,  Lightning  God Navajoes. 

Ictasanda,  Reptile  People Dakotas, 

Ictiniki,  Creator  and  Sun  God Omahas. 

Ictinike,  Loki,  or  Evil  One  Omahas. 

Igdrasil,  Tree  of  Life Scandinavian. 

Ikto,  Wise  Man Sioux. 

Indacinga,  Supernatural  Being Ponkas. 

Ingsan,  Thunder  Being Omahas. 

In-gul-itung,  Lightning  God Eskimos. 

loskeha,  Chief  God  (The  White  One) Iroquois. 

Ids  ke-ha,  Holder  of  the  Heavens Iroquois. 

Itzamna,  Hero  God Nahuas. 

Ixmucanl,  Burying  Goddess Mayas. 

K 

Kagsuk,  Fabulous  Creature Eskimos. 

Kaila,  Spirits Klamath . 

Kee-zegbeset,  Hobgoblin Passamaquoddies. 

Kiliopak,  Fabulous  Beast Eskimos. 

Kitche  Manitou,  Creator Ojibways. 

Klictso,  Great  Serpent Navajoes. 

Kmukamtch,  Old  Man  of  the  Ancients Klamath. 

Koki,  Ancestral  Gods Zunis . 

Koko,  Intercessor  for  Rain Zunis. 

Koloowitze,  Sky  God Zunis. 

Koye-me-shi,  God  of  the  Wind? Zunis. 

Kuetiqui,  War  God.. Iroquois. 

L 

Lalawakobtito,  Dark  Island Pawnees. 

Lelangub,  Fluteman Zunis. 

M 

Macana,  God  of  the  Earth Moquis. 

Mahadeo,  Hindoo  Symbol Hindoos. 

Mama  Cochu,  God  of  Water ...  Botocudas. 

Mana,  Virgin  Goddess Moquis. 

Manabush,  Great  Mystery Menominees. 

Mancingaxe,  Wolf  People Kansas. 

Manitou,  Chief  God Dakotas. 

Manibozho,  Chief  God Algonkins. 

Ma-nu-na,  Earth  Maker Winncbagos. 

Marduk.  God Babylonians. 

Mechemanitou,  Wicked  Spirit Menomini . 

Mectinzo,  Giant  Rabbit Osages. 

Michabo,  Giant  Rabbit Algonkins. 

Midi  Wigan,  Sacred  Songs Ojibways. 

Mistlantecutli,  Goddess  of  Health Aztec. 

Mixcoatl,  Cloud  Serpent Ghicemecs. 

Munatallcani,  Ghosts Klamath. 

Mustangho,  Creator Mojaves, 


LIS!  OF  DIVINITIES,  489 

N 

DIVINITIES.  TRIBES. 

Na  hur-ac,  Animal  Divinity Pawnees. 

Napioa,  Double-jointed  God Blackfeet. 

Naaskidi,  Humpbacks  (Cloud  Divinities) Navajoes. 

Natsingh,  Animal  God Aleuts. 

Natzonlit,        )    The  Twelve  Gods Apacbei. 

Nudagonyet    S 

Nay-un-u-wi,  Stone  Shield  Monster Cherokee. 

Nekilstlus,  Raven Thlinkeet. 

Ne-kons-kau,  Moving  God Dakotas. 

Niaba,  The  Moon Omahas. 

Niltci,  Wind Navajoes. 

Nipika,  Mountain  Spirit Kootenays. 

Nokomis,  Mother  Goddess Menominees. 

Nokoilpi,  Gambling  God Navajoes. 

Nonihecatl,  Lord  of  the  Four  Winds Aztecs. 

Nu-let-shi,  Underground  God Dakotas. 

Numock-mucenah,  Chief  God ..Mandans. 

O 

Cannes,  God  of  the  Ocean Hindoo. 

Oki,  Evil  Spirit Powhattans. 

Omowuh.  Rain  God Tusayans. 

Oneout,  Great  Serpent Hurons. 

Oonktaghe,  God  of  Waters Dakotas. 

Orka,  Whale-Killer Thlinkeets. 

P 

Pachacamac,  Chief  God Peruvians. 

Palulukin.  Great  Plumed  Snake Tusayans. 

Paupukeewis,  Mischievous  Spirit Iroquois. 

Pihokong,  War  God Moquis. 

Q 
Quetzalcoatl,  Fair  God ...Nahuas. 

R 
Rimac,  Chief  God Peruvians. 

S 

Salamabiya,  God  of  the  Cardinal  Points Zunis. 

Sawa  ni-kia,  Magic  Medicine  of  War Zunis. 

Sedna,  Sea  Woman Eskimos. 

Sentlae,  The  Sun Haidas. 

Siepuh.  War  God Papagoes. 

Sip-a-pu,  Place  of  Emergence Navajoes, 

Shaman,  Priest Eskimos. 

Sootiki,  Sky  God Zunis. 

Sone-yah-tis-sa-ye,  The  One  that  made  Us Iroquois. 

T 

Tadodaho,  Snake-Headed  Chief Onandagas. 

Tah-anah-deh,  Dig  Chief  Above Dakotas. 

Ta-kin-yan,  Thunder  Being Dakotas. 

Ta-eh-wea-wah-ka.  Holder  of  the  Heavens Onandagas. 

Ta-en  yah-wah-ki,  Holder  of  the  Heavens Iroquois. 

Ta-oun  ya-wat-ha,  God  of  Rivers Onandagas. 

Ta-wis-a-ka-rong.  Flint  Monster Iroquois. 

Taingesah-tsah,  Bird  Gods Aleuts. 

Taiwa.  Sun  God Zunis. 


440  LIST  OF  DIVINITIES. 

DIVINITIES.  TRIBES. 

Tamahnous,  Prayer  God Chinooks. 

Tamu,  Old  Man  of  the  Sky Caribs. 

Talanipikeh,  Lightning  God Hopis. 

Taras,  Cloud  Serpent Tarascos. 

Tecpatl,  Air  God Mayas. 

Teoyaomiqui,  Chief  God Aztecs. 

Tezcatlipoca,  God  of  Death Nahuas. 

Teotihuacan,  Chief  God Mexicans. 

Theronhaiwagoni,  Holder  of  the  Heavtn^ Iroquois. 

Tirawa,  Great  Creator Iroquois. 

Tlaloc,  God  of  Water Aztecs. 

Tonocateotl,  God  of  Our  Fiesh Nahuas. 

U 

Udlugitung,  Thunder  God Eskimos. 

Ugahanadaze,  Darkness Omahas. 

Unktehi,  Water  God Dakotas. 

Usrme,  Smoking  Weed Eskimos. 

V 

Vira  Cocha.  Chief  God Peruvians. 

Votan,  Hero  God Peruvians. 

W 

Waktcegi,  Water  Monster Winnebagos. 

Wakanda,  Wonder  God Dakotas. 

Wanaki.  Traditions Algonkins. 

Wan-ki-na-ga,  Father  God Shoshones. 

Wapahoe,  Pumpkin Eskinws. 

Waukan,  God  of  Waters Dakotas. 

Waukeon,  Thunder  Bird Dakotas. 

Woo-chow-sene,  Windblower Abenaki. 

X 

Xibalba,  Hero  God Aztecs. 

Y 

Yabetsi,  Talking  God Navajoes. 

Yehl,  Raven Haidas. 


NDEX. 


Abenaki,  36Q,  378. 

Adams  County,  Illinois.  6g. 

ALiska,  365. 

Aleuts,  149,  300. 

Algonkins,  22q,  369,  385. 

Alligator,  211. 

Altars,  204,  213. 

Alton,  111.,   188. 

Ancestor  Worship,  297,  310. 

Antelope  Gens,  93. 

Anthropormorphism,  315. 

Apaches,  59,  22g. 

Arapahoes,  251. 

Arbor  Lowe,  152. 

Arched  Heavens,  149. 

Athapascans,  22q,  242, 

Atotarho,  260,  324. 

Avebury,  151,  237. 

Aztecs,  100,  120,  171,  222,  390, 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  58,  164,  178,  244,  434. 

Bandelier,  Ad.  F.,  178. 

Bartram,  Dr.,  145,  164. 

Bears,  303. 

Bicani,  31. 

Birds.  189,  200,  267,  271,  286.  300. 

Bottocudos,  232. 

Boulder  Mosaics,  85. 

Brinton,  Dr.  D.  G.,  8,  60,  62,  231,  232, 

267,  386,  396,  406. 
Buddhist  Temples,  112. 
Buffaloes,  34,  83. 
Rutler  County.  65. 
Butterfly,  286. 

Caddos,  232. 
Cadmus,  223. 
Cahokia.  161,  170,  173. 
Calendar,  105. 
Californians,  247,  261. 
CalH,  loi,  278, 
Calumet,  36 
Canadian.  264.  376. 
Canon  de  Chelly,  291. 
Cardinal   Pomts,  201,  293,  322,  329, 
Caribs  232.  305. 
Carthage,  Ala  ,  73. 
Carved  Images   306. 
Castalian  Springs,  254. 
Cathlins,  351.  , 

Catlin,  33,  III.  230,  243,  263,  266. 
Cayugas,  20. 
Centeotl,  432. 

Central  America.  3,  15.  37,  54,  128. 
148,  159,  174.  181,  278,  390,  425 


Chaldea,  167,  181,  225,  228,  273. 

Charlotte  Island.  353. 

Charnay,  208,  280,  402,  404,  406,  413. 

Cheops,  174.  179. 

Cherokee,  36, 62,63, 143,  147,231,232, 

268,  384,  429. 
Chicasaw,  62,  168,  232. 
Chichen-Itza,  76,  102. 
Chicimecs,  278,  425. 
Chilkat,  355. 
Chillicoth'e,  Ohio,  76. 
Chimalpopoca,  245. 
Chinese,  41,  167,  181,  332. 
Chinooks,  230. 
Chippewas,  56,  360,  365. 
Chitsah,  300. 
Choctaws,  62,  168. 
Cholula,  168,  174,  232,  311,  390,404. 
Cibola,  156. 
Circles,  187,  236.  3ii.c- 
Cliff-Dwellers,  148,  235. 
Cloud  Symbols,  289,  292,  325, 
Cockatrice,  224,  283. 
Codex.  201,  203.  232. 
Codices,  37,  201,  232.  254.  277. 
Coiled  Serpent,  79,  148. 
Colorado,  12. 
Comanches,  241. 

Copan,  124,  177,404, 408.  4>6,  426,  428. 
Copper  Plates,  77.255- 
Copper  Eagle,  218. 
Cornstalk,  171. 
Cortesian,  277. 
Cosmic  Serpent,  loi. 
Cosmic  Symbols,  301,  313. 
Cosumalhuapa,  137,272, 
Coyote,  246. 
Creation  Myth,  157. 
Creeks,  27,  62,  200,  268. 
Cremation,  213. 
Crocodiles,  42. 

Cro"ss,  185,  195.  204,  275,  311,  417- 
Cuculkan,  405,  425- 
Culture  Heroes,  55, 369, 379.  389.  399. 

405.  423,  425- 
Cup  Stone,  209,  218. 
Gushing,  Frank,  154- 
Cuzco.  168,  184. 

Dakotas,  8,  22,  40,  68,  85, 86,  229,  263, 

273,  380. 
Dance  Kilt,  295. 
Deer,  120. 

Delewares,  30,  60,  371. 
Deluge,  142,  227,  229,  242,  245. 


442 


INDEX, 


Demon,  7,  145. 
Demonism,  7. 
Detroit  River,  264. 
Diodorus  Siculus,  115. 
Disks,  135. 
Dorman,  R.  M.,  58. 
Dorsey,  Rev.  J.  O  ,  40. 
Dragon,  228,  285. 
Dragon  Fly,  286. 
Druids,  g4,  151,  215,  234. 
Dzhe  Manido,  318. 

Eagle,  31,  40,  121,  250.  268. 
Earth,  319. 

Easter  Islands,  301,  367. 
Eells,  M.,  41,  269. 
Effigies,  69,  72,  85.  88. 
,  Egypt,  123,  129,  136,  159,174,179,180 

190,  '223,  225,  336. 
Egyptian,  94. 
Eleusinian,  94. 

Eskimos,  2,  6,  58,   145,  302,  336,  364. 
Etowah,  31,  249. 
Etruscan,  98,  174. 

Fair  God,  231. 

Feathered  Monster,  50. 

Fejervary  Codex,  202. 

Fetish,  291. 

Fewkes,  J.  Walter,  19.  253,  282. 

Fightmg  Figures,  268. 

Fire  Generator,  216,  225. 

Fire-Worship,  217,  225,  312. 

Fletcher,  Alice,  251. 

Flint  Knife,  51. 

Flint  Ridge,  213. 

Flute  People,  291. 

France,  210,  335. 

Georgia,  78,  304. 

Germ  God,  253. 

Ghizeh,  161, 

Gila  Valley,  1515,  247. 

Glooskap,  260. 

Goraara,  232. 

Gorget,  73,  127,  147,  199. 

Great  Spirit,  300,  320. 

Greeks,  166. 

Guatemala,  149,  216,  308,  309. 

Gucumatz,  3^0. 

Gulf  States,  145,  147, 

Habel,  Mons.,  121,  137,  148,  272. 
Haidas,  31,  60,  339,  340,  346,  358,  365. 
Haida  Woman,  Figures  of,  25,  26. 
Hamilton  County,  65. 
Hasjelti,  324,  327,  331. 
Hamy,  Dr.,  281,  406. 
Herrera,  22, 
Hawk,  114. 
Henshaw,  H.  M.,  46. 
Hieroglyphics,  37. 


Hindoos,  94,  140,  IJ7,  199. 

Holden,  E.  S.,  109. 

Holmes.  W.  H.,  78,  88,  116,  193.  296. 

Honduras,  399. 

Hooked  Cross,  219, 

Hopewell  Mounds,  218. 

Horseshoe,  153. 

Human  Face,  258. 

Human  Figures,  279,  345. 

Human  Images,  271,  305,  345. 

Humboldt,  162. 

Huron?,  386. 

Hyperboreans,  5. 

Ictasanda,  35. 

Idols,  16,  107,  206,  273,  274,  303,  307. 

Igdrasil,  273. 

Images,  271,  306,  345. 

Indian  Medicine  Man,  45. 

Ingcejide.  35. 

Inscribed  Rock,  18,  46,  96,  188. 

Iroquois,  20,  25,  58,  75,229,  261,  424. 

Itzamna,  394. 

Kabah,  404,  416. 

Kalevala,  56. 

Kennebec,  59. 

Kentucky,  66,  78,  238. 

Kitchi  Manido,  316,  318.  '' 

Kiva,  287. 

Klamath,  269,  270. 

Klictso,  329. 

Koko,  287. 

Koloowitse,  287. 

Koyemeshi,  288. 

Knife-Feathered  Monster,  50. 

Knisteneaux,  381. 

Lafitau,  III, 

Lagunas,  21,  22. 

Landa,  202. 

Legendary  Rock,  242. 

Lelanguh,  291. 

Leland,  Chas.,  56. 

Lenape,  50,  60,  165,  245, 

Le  Normand,  54,  179,  225. 

Lewis,  A.  L.,  71,  152,  234, 

Lightning  God,  321,  332,  384,  386. 

Lizard,  120, 

Loch  Nell,  71. 

Loki,  225,  231. 

Lockyer,  172,  182. 

Lorillard,  208,  405. 

Loskiel,  n  i . 

Mackinaw,  242. 
Mahadeo,  210. 
Maiais  Cross, '273. 
Mallery,  Col  ,  9,  264. 
Managua,  307. 
Mandans,  230,  251,  384. 
Manibozho,  56,  229,  375. 


INDEX. 


44« 


Manitou,  59. 
Masks,  128. 

Mason,  Prof.  O.  T.,  305. 
"Mastabah,  175. 
Maurice,  W.  F.,  151. 
Mayas,  15,  22.  178,  277,  313,  393- 
McLean,  J.  P.,  90.  s         ^^_ 
Medicine  Man,  47.  |        t.i-.7J 
Menominees,  371. 
Mexico,  97,  107,  120,  148,  181. 
Mexicans,  109,  170,  192,  203. 
Miamis,  22. 
Miami  River,  61;,  76. 
Michabo,  229. 
Mide  Wigan,  320. 
Missouri,  127. 
Missasagas,  376. 
Mitla,  179. 
Miztecs,  246. 
Mohawks,  20. 
Monkey,  120. 
Montezuma,  95,  243- 
Moqu:s,  27,  31,  67,  93,  154,  186,  243, 

260.  307,  321. 
Morgan,  L.  H.,  178. 
Mound  Builders,  61, 147.  171.235,305. 
Mound  City,  74,  214. 
Mount  Meru,  167,  322. 
Mount  Shasta,  247. 
Mountain  Chant,  327. 
Mountain  Gods,  312,  321,  326. 
Mountain  Lion,  51. 
Muscogees,  36.  62. 
Muskoki,  62. 
Muskrat,  230. 

Naaskidi,  325. 

Nahuas,  15, 178,  220,  253,  277,300,  395. 

Nahurac,  68. 

Nanticoke,  60. 

Nature  Powers,  422,  425. 

Navajoes,  12,  30,  219,  221,  321,  325. 

Newark,  Ohio,  72. 

New  York,  83, 

New  Zealand,  356. 

Niblack.  340. 

Nokomis,  371. 

Norsemen,  370. 

Cannes,  228. 

Ohio,  61.  69,  151. 

Ojibways,   7,  24,   145,   187,  230.  318, 

378. 
Omaha.  33.35.  321. 
Oneidas,  20, 
Onondagas,  20,  75. 
Oonktaghe,  384, 
Orizaba,  210. 
Osages,  31. 
Osiris,  129,  225. 
Ostyaks,  41. 
Ottawas,  33.  379- 


Paint  Creek,  64,  214. 

Packard,  J.  S.,  211. 

Palenque,  137,  163,  178. 

Panther.  313. 

Pawnees,  20,  35,  68. 

Pekin,  181. 

Peruvians,  159. 

Phallic,  209,  2(5,  233. 

Phene,  70. 

Phoenix,  114. 

Picote,  136. 

Pimas,  321, 

Piutes.  59. 

Portraits,  310. 

Portsmouth,  Ohio,  66.  92,  21 1. 

Ponkas,  33,  321. 

Powell,  Major,  4. 

Plumed  Prayer  Stick,  294. 

Prayer  Meal,  284. 

Pu(-blos,  13,  29,  187,  307. 

Putnam,  F.  W.,  70. 

Pytho,  223. 

Pyramid,  159.  184. 

Quackligui,  31. 
Quetzatlcoatl,  245,  311. 
Quichuas,  232. 
Quincy,  213. 
Quirigua,  401. 
Quonagani,  31. 

Rabbit,  120. 
Rainbow,  221,  321,  329. 
Rain  God,  282,  292,  311. 
Rain  Symbol,  282. 
Raven,  313. 
Rock  Inscriptions,  188. 

SabEeanism,  307. 
Sacs,  218. 
Salamobiya.  287. 
Sand  Painting,  221,  332. 
Schoolcraft,  375. 
Scioto,  66,  237. 
Sedna,  302,  364. 
Senecas,  20. 
Serpent  Effigies,  90. 
Serpent  Mounds,  57,  88. 
Serpent  Ornament,  loi. 
Serpent  Ring,  102. 
Serpent  Symbol,  56. 
Shamanism,  129,  290,  300. 
Shawnees,  60,  95. 
Shells,  289. 
Shell  Gorget,  197. 
Shoshones,  95,  241. 
Silver  Bracelets,  344- 
Sioux,  381. 
Sipapu,  294. 

Skidegat,  349-  ^     ^         .     . 

Sky  Divinity,  143,  156.  262,  276.  283, 

307,  314- 
Sky  Symbol.  187,  283. 


444 


INDEX. 


Sky  Worship,  154,  307. 
Snake  Dance,  293. 
Snake  God.  229,  265,  289. 
Solstitial,  288. 
Sootikee,  157. 
Spider,  127,  193. 
Spider  Gorget,  194,  252. 
Squier,  E.  G.,  77.  91,  82. 
Staircases,  177. 
Standing  Stones,  335. 
Statues,  259. 
Stephens,  J.  L.,  400. 
Stepped  Figure.  313. 
Stevenson,  Mrs.  M.  C,  290. 
Stonehenge,  153. 
Suastika,  198,  223,  309. 
Sun  Circles,  238. 
Sun  Worship,  113,  I44- 
Sun  Symbol,  186. 

Tablets,  183. 

Tawiskara,  279. 

Tecpatl,  378. 

Tehuantepec,  179. 

Temples,  182. 

Tennessee,  1 16. 

Teotihuacan,  204. 

Tezcatlipoca,  120. 

Thebes,  122. 

Thlinkeets,  37,  118,  134.  261,  354. 

Thruston,  G.  P.,  73. 

Thunder  Bird,  118. 

Tiger,  120. 

Tiki,  357. 

Tinnehs,  269,  300. 

Tirawa,  270. 

T'kul,  365. 

Tlaloc,  120,  124,  280. 

Tochtli,  278. 

Toltec,  56,  120,  171,  232,  244. 

Tongas,  352. 

Toohkan,  383. 

Tortoise.  11 1: 

Totemism,  26.  37,  134.  302. 


Totem  Posts,  340. 

Transformation,  249  to  280. 

Tree,  254,  275. 

Tulan,  403. 

Tungus,  41. 

Twanas.  269. 

Tylor,  Dr.  E.  B.,  244. 

Uxmal,  174,  178. 

Vira  Cocha,  396. 
Votan,  393. 

Wake,  C.  Staniland.  387. 

Walum  Olum,  186.  245. 

Water  Cult,  227. 

Waubesha,  260. 

Waukau,  263. 

Whirlwind,  284. 

Whittlesey,  Charles.  212,  267. 

Wilson,  Thomas.  209. 

Wind  God,  140. 

Winged  Circle,  138. 

Winged  Figure,  271. 

Winged  Globe.  132,  135,  136,  280. 

Winged  Serpent,  13. 

Wolf,  119. 

World  Makers,  363. 

World  Quarters,  284,  294. 

Xochicalco,  99,  159. 

Yehl,  347- 
Yucatan,  309. 
Yucatecs,  430. 

Zapotecs,  382. 

Zeus,  165,  167. 

Zendavesta,  374. 

Zodiac,  III.  132. 

Zunis,  48.  156,  187,  193.  284,  321. 

Zuni  Prayer  Bowl,  284. 


r 


BL2500  .P37 

Myths  and  symbols;  or,  Aboriginal 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00034  5274 


Date  Due 


1539LJ.   G9BI 

)«-«2-«7  321B0     MC    S 


